N.X 


^      orpgnw       * 

/ 


CALIFOPxNIA 


PASTORAL 


CALIFORNIA 


PASTORAL 


KHOOL 


BY 

HUBERT   HOWE    BANCROFT. 


1769-1848. 


SAN    FRANCISCO: 
THE   HISTORY   COMPANY,    PUBLISHERS. 

1888 


Entered  according  to  Act  of  Congress  in  the  year  1888,  by 

HUBERT  H.  BANCROFT, 
In  the  Office  of  the  Librarian  of  Congress,  at  Washington. 


All  Riijkts  Reserved 


CONTENTS  OF  THIS  VOLUME. 


CHAPTER  I. 

INTRODrCTION — COMPARATIVE   CIVILIZATION    AND   SAVAGISMS, 1 

CHAPTER   II. 

COLONIAL  POLICY  OF  SPAIN, , 57 

CHAPTER   III. 

MEXICO   AS   SEEN   THROUGH     THE     EYES   OF   SCIENCE   AT    THE    OPENING   OF 

THE   NINETEENTH   CENTURY, .  , 97 

CHAPTER   IV. 

LOTOS-LAND, 135 

CHAPTER   V. 

OPPOSING     FORCES, 151 

CHAPTER   VI. 

GOLDEN    AGE   OF    CALIFORNIA, 179 

CHAPTER   VII. 

COLONIZATION     PUEBLO   SYSTEM,    AND  LAND   GRANTS, 248 

CHAPTER   VIII. 

LOTOS-LAND   SOCIETY, 260 

CHAPTER   IX. 
MILITARY  SYSTEM, 294 

CHAPTER  X. 


(v) 


vi  CONTENTS. 

PAGE 

CHAPTER  XL 

PASTURES   AND    FIELDS, 335 

CHAPTER  XII. 

FOOD,  DRESS,    DWELLINGS,  AND  DOMESTIC   ROUTINE, 360 

CHAPTER   XIII. 

AMUSEMENTS, 406 

CHAPTER  XIV. 

OCCUPATIONS   AND   INDUSTRIES, 437 

CHAPTER  XV. 

INLAND   TRADE   AND   COAST   TRAFFIC, 459 

CHAPTER  XVI. 

A   FUTILE   FIGHT   WITH   IGNORANCE, 493 

CHAPTER  XVII. 

CALIFORNIANISMS, 526 

CHAPTER  XVIII. 

LAW,    GOVERNMENT,    AND    RELIGION, 537 

CHAPTER   XIX. 

CRIMES   AND  COURTS, 571 

CHAPTER   XX. 

A  VERY  HEALTHY   COUNTRY, 611 

CHAPTER  XXI. 

BANDITTI, 641 

CHAPTER  XXII. 

BIBLIOGRAPHY  OF  PASTORAL    CALIFORNIA, 751 


GLOSSARY, „ 793 


CALIFORNIA   PASTORAL. 


CHAPTER   I. 

INTRODUCTION. 
COMPARATIVE  CIVILIZATIONS  AND  SAVAGISMS. 

That  which  constitutes  history,  properly  so  called,  is  in  great  part  omitted 
from  works  on  the  subject. — Herbert  Spencer. 

BEFORE  penetrating  into  the  mysteries  of  our  mod 
ern  lotos-land,  or  entering  upon  a  description  of  the 
golden  age  of  California,  if  indeed  any  age  character 
ized  by  ignorance  and  laziness  can  be  called  golden, 
let  us  glance  at  life  and  society  elsewhere  on  this 
planet,  particularly  as  it  existed  in  Spain  and  Mexico, 
and  within  the  charmed  circles  of  the  highest  earthly 
intelligences,  these  places  and  conditions  being  more 
intimately  than  any  others  connected  with  the  spirit 
ual  conquest  and  occupation  of  Alta  California  in  the 
eighteenth  century. 

Great  as  is  the  difference  between  men  and  races  on 
the  globe,  we  are  apt  sometimes  to  make  it  more  than 
it  is.  Especially  is  this  the  case  with  regard  to  mental 
culture,  and  the  progress  of  peoples  in  arts  and  indus 
tries.  It  is  an  interesting  study  to  place,  side  by  side, 
at  the  same  points  of  time,  widely  separated  societies, 
and  note  their  outworking  of  the  problem  of  progress, 
each  independent  of  and  without  any  knowledge  of 
the  existence  of  the  other,  and  yet  both  apparently 
driven  forward  by  the  same  forces,  and  building,  like 
bees  their  cells,  upon  one  model.  And  nowhere  is 
there  a  more  befitting  field  for  such  investigation 

CAL.  PAST.  VOL.  I.    1  ( 1 ) 


2  COMPARATIVE  CIVILIZATIONS  AND  SAVAGISMS. 

than  in  comparing  the  civilizations  and  savagisins  of 
Europe  and  America,  more  particularly  of  the  Span 
iards  and  the  Aztecs,  as  matters  stood  just  before  the 
discovery  by  Columbus,  and  while  there  was  yet  no 
knowledge  whatever  one  of  the  other. 

Glance  first  at  the  beginning  of  the  dark  age  in 
Europe,  which  was  the  end  of  the  first  epoch  of  civ 
ilization  in  that  quarter.  One  mighty  wave  of  pro 
gress  had  swollen  up,  rolled  along  the  centuries,  and 
subsided,  and  for  a  time  all  was  calm.  From  old  age 
and  luxury  Roman  civilization  died,  and  Germanic 
barbarism  and  Christianity  assisted  at  its  burial. 

Social  systems,  like  creeds  and  polities,  evolve  from 
conditions  apparently  fortuitous.  Before  the  occupa 
tion  of  western  Europe  by  the  Romans,  society  con 
sisted  of  small-town  agricultural  communities,  every 
family  providing  its  own  necessities,  living  in  a  state 
of  independence,  paying  no  taxes,  supporting  no  gov 
ernment,  the  revenue  of  states  being  for  the  most  part 
obtained  from  the  working  of  state  lands  by  state 
slaves.  Sometimes  a  number  of  these  towns  would 
confederate,  and  the  confederations  divide  their  time 
between  cultivating  the  ground  and  warring  on  each 
other.  Every  citizen  was  a  soldier  and  a  land-owner, 
and  much  of  his  time  was  spent  in  attempting  to  de 
fend  or  increase  his  domain.  For  every  one  of  these 
conditions  we  may  find  a  parallel  in  the  earlier  periods 
of  the  history  of  more  than  one  of  the  American  ab 
original  nations. 

The  foundation  of  our  present  social  structure  was 
laid  in  Europe  by  the  Romans  in  the  days  of  repub 
lican  grandeur.  Sending  out  their  armies  north  and 
west,  they  laid  under  contribution  fair  provinces  and 
fastened  upon  the  people  their  laws.  In  their  social 
structure  there  was  no  intelligent  middle  class;  a 
profligate  aristocracy  and  a  cruel  populace  comprised 
the  republic.  All  the  world  besides  themselves  were 
barbarians,  and  if  caught  were  made  slaves.  In  their 
colonies  were  but  two  classes,  conqueror  and  con- 


FEUDALISM.  3 

qnered.  Under  their  systematic  devastations  and 
crushing  rule,  depopulation  and  desolation  followed 
them.  But  with  the  empire  arose  a  protective  spirit 
which  spread  tranquillity  and  fostered  a  species  of 
base  culture.  The  intellect  was  forced  into  a  hot 
house  development,  and  codes  of  manners  were  estab 
lished,  but  under  a  condition  of  bondage  so  servile  as 
to  fetter  mind  and  degrade  morals.  Into  this  mass  of 
tutored  ignorance  a  martial  spirit  was  infused  by  the 
fierce  tribes  from  Germany,  and  a  spirit  of  supersti 
tion  and  bigotry  by  the  churchmen  of  Rome.  Then 
glowed  a  redder  immorality  than  ever  republic  had 
seen.  The  Romanized  natives  of  Spain  who  had 
more  readily  adopted,  and  more  rapidly  developed, 
the  arts  and  industries  of  their  masters  than  the  other 
colonies,  at  first  attempted  to  raise  the  barbarous 
Visigoths  to  their  level.  But  it  is  easier  to  pull  down 
than  to  build  up.  Their  own  social  structure  was  none 
of  the  strongest;  the  preponderance  of  power  was 
with  the  barbarians;  the  loutish  north  men  bore  heavily 
upon  them,  and  Spain  in  common  with  all  Eurooe 
lapsed  into  the  age  of  darkness. 

Ancient  barriers  were  broken  down,  and  ancient 
laws  obliterated  as  by  one  general  act  of  oblivion. 
Society,  molten,  was  recast.  The  lands  of  Europe  were 
parcelled  anew.  Conquered  provinces  were  broken 
into  fragments,  and  distributed  among  the  military 
chieftains  who  had  taken  part  in  the  conquest.  A 
multitude  of  independent  states  were  formed,  differing 
in  language  and  traditions,  but  all  falling  into  a  system 
of  military  tenures  with  singular  uniformity.  From 
the  ninth  to  the  fourteenth  centuries,  essentially  the 
same  species  of  feudality,  though  in  modified  forms, 
existed  throughout  Europe.  This  uniformity  is  to  be 
attributed,  not  to  any  connivance  of  the  conquerors, 
who  were  of  widely  different  stocks  and  training,  but 
to  social  necessities,  which  under  like  conditions  worked 
out  similar  results.  Phases  of  European  feudalism 
were  scattered  all  over  America,  from  Alaska  to  Pat- 


COMPARATIVE  CIVILIZATIONS  AND  SAVAGISMS. 


agonia,  and  were  formed  to  some  extent  ever 
the  so-called  savage  nations.  The  first  great  Jaw, 
common  to  all,  both  in  Europe  and  America,  was 
that  of  self-  protection.  The  possession  of  lands  which 
were  won  by  the  sword  must  be  held  by  the 
sword.  Every  land-holder  was  a  soldier,  and  a  feudal 
kingdom  partook  more  of  the  character  of  a  military 
than  a  civil  government.  These  military  sovereign 
ties  in  the  various  dismembered  provinces  were  with 
out  political  system,  separate  and  independent. 

In  the  Old  World,  the  conqueror  assuming  dominion 
over  the  territory  allotted  him  divided  it  among  his 
chiefs  or  barons,  who  in  return  stood  ready  with  men 
and  arms  according  to  their  ability,  and  at  their  own 
cost,  to  obey  the  call  of  their  king  in  order  to  make 
or  repel  an  invasion.  The  nobles,  accepting  the  con- 
ditionS)  built  for  themselves  castles  and  fortifications, 
and  partitioned  their  lands  among  their  vassals,  who 
in  like  manner  were  bound  to  do  military  service  ac 
cording  to  the  pleasure  of  their  lord.  The  title  to 
lands  thus  held  by  feudal  tenure  was  vested  in  the 
sovereign,  and  few  other  obligations  rested  upon  the 
occupant  than  that  of  attending  him  in  his  wars.  Cap 
tives  taken  in  battle,  and  freemen  who  were  unable  to 
secure  land,  sunk  into  a  state  of  serfdom  or  villanage. 
They  were  employed  in  tending  flocks  and  cultivating 
the  ground.  Their  condition  was  but  little  better  than 
that  of  absolute  slavery.  They  were  bound  to  the  soil 
and  made  to  pass  with  it,  but  could  not  be  removed 
from  it  ;  nor  did  they  possess  any  of  the  rights  pertain 
ing  to  liberty  or  property.  Thus  society  during  the 
feudal  ages,  was  but  a  state  of  vassalage,  of  greater  or 
less  degree1;  £, 

This  system,  however  well  adapted  to  purposes  of 
offence  and  defence,  was  but  little  calculated  to  pro 
mote  internal  tranquillity,  or  lay  the  foundations  of 
powerful  states.  Every  feudal  baron  within  his  own 
domain  was  absolute  master.  Even  'the  king  could 
not  interfere  to  regulate  his  internal  affairs.  He 


FEUDALISM.  5 

could  make  war  upon  his  own  account  at  pleasure, 
inflict  the  death  penalty  upon  his  vassals,  seAze  and 
hold  the  lands  of  his  neighbor,  if  he  possessed  the 
power,  with  none  to  question  him.  All  the  world 
lived  in  barracks.  The  master  of  a  household  was 
but  chief  of  a  band  of  robbers.  To  overrun  adjacent 
lands,  murder  the  inhabitants,  burn  the  houses  and 
drive  off  the  cattle,  was  the  ordinary  and  honorable 
occupation  of  life.  Following  the  promptings  of  am 
bition  or  revenge,  neighboring  barons  would  for  a 
moment  lay  aside  their  hereditary  feud,  and  join 
against  some  distant  or  more  powerful  foe;  after 
which  each  returned  to  his  ancient  quarrel  with  the 
other  with  new  vigor.  By  their  bloody  contentions 
the  nobles  thus  kept  the  country  in  a  state  of  perpet 
ual  fermentation.  Husbandmen,  in  the  pursuit  of 
their  vocation,  tremblingly  ventured  beyond  the  pre 
cincts  of  the  castle  during  the  day,  and  at  night  hud 
dled  iu  small  villages  beneath  its  walls.  They  were 
moreover  obliged  to  hold  themselves  in  readiness  to 
attend  their  master  in  his  raids  at  any  moment. 
Marriage' among  them  was  discouraged.  Soldiers  to 
fight,  rather  than  women  and  children  to  feed,  was 
the  necessity  of  the  feudal  lord.  Redress  for  injuries 
rested  upon  the  arm  of  the  injured,  and  when  forms 
of  justice  were  established,  matters  were  but  little 
changed;  for  decisions  were  governed  '  by  passion 
rather  than  principle,  and  too  often  the  judge  was  the 
criminal,  and  the  accuser  his  victim. 

Social  intercourse  was  prevented ;  commerce  be 
tween  foreign  nations  ceased;  seas  were  infested  by 
pirates;  every  foreigner  was  an  enemy.  Mediaeval 
regulations  made  the  stranger  a  vassal  of  the  lord 
within  whose  domain  he  rested  more  than  a  year  and 
a  day;  shipwrecked  mariners  were  made  slaves.  The 
property  of  strangers  was  at  their  death  confiscated  to 
the  ruler.  Highways  were  filled  with  banditti,  so 
that  travellers  could  journey  only  in  companies.  Laws 
were  made  and  customs  established  which  almost  pro- 


6  COMPARATIVE  CIVILIZATIONS  AND  SAVAGISMS. 

hibited  distant  journeys,  so  that  all  knowledge  of 
remote  nations  was  .lost.  Under  these  baneful  in 
fluences  population  increased  but  slowly,  and  increase 
of  such  a  character  obviously  tended  to  strengthen 
the  baron,  make  powerless  the  sovereign,  and  rivet 
still  tighter  the  chains  of  the  vassal.  Humanity  thus 
restrained  became  dwarfed.  Budding  civilization  with 
ered  in  such  uncongenial  climes,  and  Europe  plunged 
into  profound  ignorance.  But  for  the  Ottoman  on  the 
east  and  the  barbarian  on  the  north,  the  feudal  system 
would  not  have  existed  so  long  in  western  Europe. 
Finally  it  collapsed  in  a  struggle  between  sovereigns 
and  nobles.  And  all  this  while,  and  later,  the  people 
were  nothing  but  the  plaything  of  the  rulers,  the  tools 
alternately  of  kings,  barons,  and  priests. 

In  Spain  the  feudal  system  was  greatly  modified 
by  the  eight  centuries  of  Christian  warfare,  which  not 
only  developed  Spanish  valor  and  Spanish  chivalry  to 
the  greatest  advantage,  but  knit  the  several  king 
doms  of  the  peninsula  in  one  common  cause.  The 
condition  of  the  Spanish  peasantry  was  improved, 
rather  than  otherwise,  by  a  war  in  which  personal 
prowess  rose  above  social  distinctions;  yet  the  atti 
tude  of  classes  was  essentially  the  same  as  in  France 
and  Germany.  Yillanage  was  less  known  in  Castile 
and  Leon  than  in  Aragon,  whose  institutions  and  geo 
graphical  position  gave  to  that  kingdom  a  peculiar 
physiognomy. 

Thus  was  the  humanity  of  our  own  civilization  caged 
like  wild  beasts  in  a  menagerie;  penned  up  in  petty 
principalities,  duchies,  and  baronial  provinces;  a  state 
of  universal  antipathies  but  one  remove  from  savagism. 
Obviously  out  of  these  grim  shadows  not  a  step  could 
be  made  till  the  partition  walls  were  battered  down. 
Whence  was  deliverance  to  come?  What  mighty 
power  should  arise  and  breathe  peace  upon  the  na 
tions,  heal  innumerable  hatreds,  and  cause  thousands 
of  hereditary  foes,  as  one  man,  to  sheathe  their  bloody 


THE  CRUSADES.  7 

swords  and  clasp  hands  like  brothers?  It  was  not 
by  the  will  of  man,  nor  through  man's  invention,  that 
these  feudalistic  fetters  were  to  be  broken;  but  as  ever 
in  human  affairs,  it  was  that  mysterious  power  of 
progress  ever  working  in  arid  round  societies.  On 
this  occasion  that  power  was  Christianity,  the  religion 
of  all  others  with  which  European  civilization  seemed 
most  inclined  to  fraternize.  An  aid  in  itself  to  pro 
gress,  it  has  been  aided  and  purified  thereby.  When 
Aryan  paganism  gave  way  to  the  purer  Semitic  faith, 
Christianity  became  a  power  mightier  than  Rome  her 
self — a  power  destined,  in  the  hands  of  Roman  pontiffs, 
to  rule  Christendom  long  after  Rome  the  mighty  had 
fallen.  Caesar  and  Christ,  the  sword  of  Rome  and 
the  faith  of  Rome,  were  for  a  time  one  in  purpose  and 
in  power;  but  faith,  rising  superior  to  brute  force, 
seized  the  sword  and  for  a  time  wielded  it  in  her  own 
interests. 

It  was  the  very  irony  of  religion,  that  frenzied  zeal 
which,  during  the  crusades,  gave  Christianity  the 
form  of  chivalry.  The  martial  spirit  now  became 
inflamed  by  fanaticism,  and  society  was  profoundly 
moved. 

From  the  earliest  ages  of  the  church,  it  had  been 
deemed  an  act  of  piety  for  believers  in  Christ  to  make 
a  pilgrimage  to  his  tomb,  and  gaze  upon  the  scenes  by 
which  he  was  surrounded  when  working  out  the  re 
demption  of  man.  The  right  of  these  pious  persons 
to  visit  the  holy  sepulchre  was  never  questioned  by 
the  Mohammedans  until  near  the  close  of  the  eleventh 
century,  when  a  series  of  atrocities  were  committed  by 
a  horde  of  Turkish  invaders  which  roused  all  Christen 
dom.  The  nations  of  Europe  paused  in  their  inter 
necine  bickerings,  and  turned  their  eyes  with  one  accord 
toward  the  east.  During  the  two  succeeding  centuries 

O  O 

millions  of  volunteers,  came  forward  and  enlisted  in 
holy  crusades  against  the  profane  infidels.  Although 
extremely  disastrous  to  the  crusaders  themselves,  the 
effect  of  this  movement  on  civilization  was  most  bene- 


8  COMPARATIVE   CIVILIZATIONS  AND  SAVAGISMS. 

ficial.  To  join  as  believers  and  brethren  in  a  common 
cause,  to  turn  the  arms  which  for  centuries  had  been 
drawn  only  against  each  other  upon  a  foe  of  their  faith, 
was  to  dissolve  the  insane  crystallizations  of  ages. 
Chieftains  of  proud  families,  who  for  generations  had 
nourished  an  inveterate  hate  one  for  the  other,  threw 
aside  their  animosities,  and  joining  hands  in  Christian 
union  if  not  in  Christian  love,  hurled  their  united 
strength  against  the  enemy,  vying  with  each  other  in 
acts  of  magnanimity.  The  enlightening  benefits  of 
travel  and  intercourse  with  the  more  refined  cities  of 
Italy  and  the  east,  the  awakening  of  a  new  faith  between 
man  and  man,  the  necessity  of  acknowledging  human 
rights  and  duties  other  than  those  of  power  and  place, 
roused  the  intellect  from  its  long  lethargy.  A  people, 
who  for  ten  generations  had  hardly  lost  sight  of  the 
banner  which  waved  from  their  castle  tower,  were  led 
forth  as  from  a  dungeon  to  behold  scenes  hitherto  be 
yond  their  conceptions.  Side  by  side  they  marched 
through  new  and  wondrous  regions,  where,  in  place  of 
imps  and  ogres,  creatures  of  their  clouded  imaginations, 
they  found  a  people  like  themselves,  ready  to  join  in 
promoting  a  cause  in  which  their  whole  soul  was  en 
gaged.  The  doctrine  of  universal  enmity  became  less 
defined,  and  vague  conceptions  of  human  relationships 
arose. 

The  immediate  effect  of  the  crusades  was  to  asso 
ciate  and  intermix  mankind.  Europe  became  more 
intimately  acquainted  with  the  luxuries  and  refine 
ment  of  Asia.  The  power  of  the  maritime  cities 
Genoa,  Pisa,  and  Venice,  whose  vessels  carried  the 
crusaders  eastward,  was  increased.  The  absence  of 
feudal  lords  on  their  pious  wars  delivered  the  land 
somewhat  from  contentions;  households  were  split 
into  fragments  and  scattered,  and  their  independence 
inspired  them  to  labor.  A  consciousness  of  manhood 
arose  in  their  breasts,  and  with  it  came  self-respect, 
wealth,  domestic  comfort,  and  social  advancement. 
Population  increased,  towns  wrere  built;  manufactories 


CHIVALRY.  9 

established;  and  a  class  between  the  nobleman  and 
the  churl  appeared.  Serfs  who  had  enlisted  in  the 
holy  cause  on  their  return  were  free  men.  A  [any  of 
the  barons,  in  setting  out  on  their  crusade,  had  been 
obliged  to  part  with  their  landed  possessions  in  order 
to  procure  a  becoming  outfit;  many  never  returned, 
and  of  their  estates  some  were  bought  by  the  sover 
eign  at  a  nominal  price,  others  reverted  to  the  cro\vn 
in  default  of  heirs.  Thus,  as  the  feudal  aristocracy 
declined,  government  centralized,  and  regal  authority 
gained  strength. 

Spain,  meanwhile,  had  infidels  enough  at  home;  the 
whole  Mohammedan  war  was  but  one  grand  crusade, 
and  petty  feudalistic  fights  were  swallowed  up  in  one 
large  fight ;  so  that  neither  the  feudal  system  which 
bound  men,  nor  the  holy  adventures  which  liberated 
them,  obtained  in  Spain  as  elsewhere  throughout 
Europe.  Another  phenomenon,  however,  which  grew 
out  of  all  this,  imported  into  Spain  at  an  early  day, 
finding  there  a  rich  soil,  took  root,  and  flourished 
extravagantly,  deeply  tinging  the  character  of  the 
nation. 

Chivalry,  from  chevalier,  knight,  or  horseman — we 
might  call  it  mounted  monarchism;  now  the  cham 
pion  was  for  Christ,  and  now  for  a  fair  lady — at  once 
defender  of  the  faith,  and  defender  of  all  things  else; 
protector  of  the  innocent;  righter  of  the  wronged; 
under  the  banner  of  the  cross,  crusader ;  wandering 
over  the  world  in  quest  of  adventure,  knight-errant. 

A  strange  blending  of  religion  and  gallantry,  of 
joustings  and  justice;  a  fantastic  sentiment  fortunate 
for  humanity  at  this  juncture,  most  fortunate  for 
woman,  lifting  her  up  from  her  low  estate,  arraying 
her  in  brightness,  and  placing  her  among  the  stars , 
meanwhile  toning  down  man's  cragginess,  polishing 
manners,  calling  up  finer  instincts,  ornamenting,  adorn 
ing  strength  with  sympathy  and  valor  with  constancy, 
arraying  virtue  in  robes  of  loveliness,  stripping  some- 


10  COMPARATIVE  CIVILIZATIONS  AND  SAVAGISMS. 

what  from  war  its  ferocity,  from  vice  its  hideousness; 
truly,  a  nobler  fanaticism  than  that  which  adds  tor 
ture  to  ignorance,  and  better  at  all  events  than  the 
beastly  customs  of  feudalism.  Acting  in  conjunction 
with  the  holy  adventures,  and  before  the  creation  of 
standing  armies,  chivalry  played  its  part  in  the  great 
work  of  civilizing  man. 

But  whence  more  directly  came  chivalry?  About 
the  middle  of  the  tenth  century  humane  men  of 
the  nobler  sort,  fired  by  self-sacrificing  devotion  to 
an  unselfish  cause,  ingrafted  upon  certain  orders  of 
knighthood  the  sentiments  of  protection  to  the  weak, 
and  vindication  of  the  rights  of  humanity.  This 
chivalrous  spirit  was  fostered  by  the  crusades,  and  in 
the  eleventh  century,  tournaments,  regulated  by  fixed 
laws,  were  established  throughout  Christendom.  To 
eradicate  the  grosser  evils  of  feudalism,  to  redress 
wrongs,  to  vindicate  the  right,  to  merit  divine  favor 
by  meting  out  fair  justice  to  man,  were  among  the  ex 
alted  purposes  of  this  romantic  sentiment.  Hence 
woman,  as  the  ensemble  of  all  that  is  lovely  and  depend 
ent,  became  the  prime  object  of  chivalrous  devotion. 
Here  it  was  that  she  was  first  raised  from  a  servile 
state,  and  placed  beside  that  divine  love  of  which  she 
is  the  incarnated  essence.  Thus  we  see  in  the  chival- 
ric  ideal  a  blending  of  things  temporal  and  spiritual; 
a  materialization  of  Christianity.  It  was  an  outward 
manifestation  of  the  inner  and  hidden  life  of  the  mon 
astery.  For  a  time  this  spirit  well  accorded  with  the 
genius  of  the  age;  chivalry  became  the  great  religious 
and  social  inspiration,  and  all  creeds  and  customs  were 
made  to  conform  to  it.  Neither  is  it  strange  that  in 
this  new  glow  of  manhood  the  sentiment  swelled  to 
excess,  nor  that  this  excess,  like  all  excesses,  brought 
about  reaction  and  decline.  As  in  the  church,  that 
inordinate  zeal,  which,  amidst  filthy  poverty  and  self- 
torture,  wrought  out  joys  ecstatic,  thus  elevating  the 
mind  by  debasing  the  body;  as  the  age  of  asceticism 
was  followed  by  an  age  of  clerical  gluttony — so  this 


KNIGHT-ERRANTRY.  1 1 

excessive  devotion  to  holy  saints  and  lovely  woman 
wrought  out  its  own  destruction,  and  ended  in  licen 
tiousness. 

The  sentiment  became  chronic;  a  sort  of  chivalric 
slang  crept  into  language ;  crusaders  were  dubbed  vas 
sals  of  Christ;  the  soldier  who  at  the  crucifixion 
pierced  the  Saviour's  side  was  pronounced  a  dastardly 
knight  who  thereby  disgraced  his  order;  the  virgin 
mother  of  God  was  a  fair  lady,  worthy  the  exalted 
devotion  of  every  true  knight.  Even  the  most  bene 
ficial  part  of  the  chivalric  ideal,  the  worship  of  woman, 
was  carried  to  such  an  extreme  as  in  the  end  to  result 
in  a  lovelier  immorality,  and  into  wickedness  rendered 
all  the  more  seductive  from  being  veiled.  Neverthe 
less,  the  temporary  union  of  chivalry  and  Christianity 
against  wickedness  in  high  places  could  not  be  other 
than  a  great  step  toward  refinement. 

The  special  political  and  social  state  of  Spain  dur 
ing  the  Arab  invasion,  no  less  than  something  in  the 
Spanish  character  itself,  contributed  to  develop  a 
chivalric  ideal  of  more  than  ordinary  vividness. 
'•'Spain  gives  us,"  says  Hegel,  "the  fairest  picture  of 
knighthood  in  the  middle  ages,  and  its  hero  is  the 
Cid;"  and,  adds  Schlegel,  "the  spirit  of  chivalry  has 
nowhere  outlived  its  political  existence  so  long  as  in 
Spain."  For  this  lofty  and  more  than  fanciful  species 
of  chivalry,  Spain  is  indebted  to  the  Saracens.  It 
has  even  been  held  that  they  originated  the  system 
and  taught  it  to  Europe.  Sisrnondi  affirms  that  those 
"notions  on  the  point  of  honor,  which  not  only  pos 
sessed  a  great  influence  over  the  system  of  chivalry, 
but  even  over  our  modern  manners,  rather  belonged 
to  the  Arabians  than  to  the  German  tribes." 

Upon  the  ruins  of  the  knights  templar  and  hospital 
ler,  who  obtained  large  possession  in  Spain  after  their 
return  from  the  crusades,  arose  three  new  chivalric 
orders;  Santiago  or  St  James,  Calatrava,  and  Alcan 
tara.  The  first  of  these  orders  was  approved  by 
papal  bull  in  1175.  The  story  of  its  origin  is  briefly 


12  COMPARATIVE   CIVILIZATIONS   AND   SAVAGISMS. 

as  follows:  During  their  struggles  with  the  infidels, 
the  apostle  St  James  had  vouchsafed  on  many  occa 
sions  to  appear  in  aid  and  encouragement  of  the 
Christians.  His  body,  which  had  been  miraculously 
discovered,  was  interred  at  Compostela,  a  small  town 
in  Galicia.  Thither  resorted  many  pilgrims  who,  in 
the  performance  of  their  pious  duty,  suffered  greatly 
from  the  constant  annoyances  of  the  Arabs.  For  the 
protection  of  these  devout  itinerants,  several  knights 
and  cavaliers  united  and  formed  the  order  of  Santi 
ago.  The  members  of  this  order  were  distinguished 
by  a  white  mantle,  upon  which  was  embroidered  a 
red  cross,  shaped  as  a  sword,  under  which  was  an 
escalop  shell,  this  being  the  device  upon  the  banner 
of  their  saint  when  he  appeared  to  them  upon  the 
eve  of  battle.  And  many  a  death-shriek  has  gone 
up  from  the  wilderness  of  America  in  answer  to 
the  terrible  battle-cry  of  the  steel-clad  Christians: 
"Santiago  y  a  ellos!"  Saint  James  and  at  them! 
The  fraternity  of  Santiago  were  sworn  to  obedience, 
chastity,  and  community  of  property.  The  orders  of 
Calatrava  and  Alcantara  imposed  upon  their  members 
greater  austerity.  The  obligation  of  perpetual  celi 
bacy  was  assumed;  they  were  obliged  to  sit  at  table 
in  unbroken  silence;  to  eat  the  plainest  food,  with 
but  one  dish  of  meat  three  times  a  week,  and  to  sleep 
armed  and  ready  for  battle.  During  the  conquest 
of  Granada  these  chivalric  orders  vied  with  each 
other  in  presenting  an  imposing  appearance  in  the 
field.  There  always  existed  between  them  a  generous 
rivalry;  at  the  first  in  the  loftiness  and  severity  of 
their  vows,  and  at  the  last  in  the  skill  with  which 
they  evaded  them. 

Chivalry  at  length  met  its  death  at  the  hand  of  mili 
tary  art.  As  early  as  the  fourteenth  century  knights 
began  to  desert  their  round-table  principles,  and  fight 
for  those  who  would  pay  them  best.  But  in  Spain 
the  spirit  lingered  long  after  the  form  had  departed. 
Not  until  Cervantes  had  published  his  caustic  carica- 


WALLED  TOWNS.  13 

ture,  a  hundred  years  and  more  after  America's  dis 
covery,  was  the  passion  for  knight-errantry  wholly 
eradicated  from  the  popular  mind.  The  ridiculous 
antics  of  the  valorous  knight  of  La  Mancha  were  too 
much  for  even  the  sedate  Spaniard  to  swallow,  with 
all  his  reverence  for  the  past. 

With  the  building  of  walled  towns  there  is  a  new 
shuffle  and  a  new  deal  in  the  game  of  statecraft.  The 
mail-clad  barons  and  their  restless  retainers  find  their 
match  in  the  stout  burghers  of  the  cities.  This  new 
order,  the  French  tiers-etat,  the  English  commonalty, 
is  played  by  the  kings  against  the  nobles,  and  the  re 
sult  is  a  decline  in  lawless  oppression,  and  a  rise  in 
lawful  tyranny.  Hitherto  every  link  in  the  chain 
which  bound  men  together  was  forged  by  injustice. 
The  weak  and  the  wretched,  unable  to  defend  them 
selves,  were  forced  to  take  refuge  within  castle  walls; 
and  thus  the  power  of  the  nobles  was  increased  as  that 
of  the  people  diminished.  The  forming  of  indepen 
dent  municipal  communities,  therefore,  with  a  republi 
can  form  of  government,  is  a  long  stride  forward. 
Banding  and  walling  themselves  in,  the  commoners 
are  able  to  bid  defiance  to  their  old  masters.  The 
sovereign,  who  is  king  in  name  only,  regards  the  rise 
of  this  new  power  with  favor;  or  if  not,  he  is  power 
less  to  oppose  it. 

The  towns  become  cradles  of  liberty,  a  refuge  for 
the  oppressed.  Slaves  and  serfs  resorting  thither, 
and  there  remaining  unmolested  for  one  year,  are  free 

O  t7 

men.  Wealth,  the  precursor  of  refinement,  begins  to 
accumulate;  laws  are  made  and  the  machinery  of 
courts  adapted  to  requirements.  To  enlarge  their  in 
fluence,  municipalities  join  the  sovereign  against  his 
barons,  or  forming  leagues  among  themselves,  become 
independent  of  both  king  and  nobles. 

Kingcraft  now  becomes  an  art.  Baronial  castles 
are  thrown  down,  burying  dead  feudalism  beneath  the 
ruins.  A  check  is  placed  upon  the  growing  power  of 


14  COMPARATIVE  CIVILIZATIONS  AND  SAVAGISMS. 

the  cities,  and  surging  to  the  opposite  extreme  mon 
archy  rises  into  despotism.  A  divine  power,  if  not  a 
celestial  origin,  is  ascribed  to  rulers.  The  king  can  do 
no  evil;  his  word  is  not  only  law,  but  righteous  law. 
The  doctrine  of  balancing  power  arises — first,  domes 
tic,  the  feudal  principle  balanced  by  the  municipal, 
with  the  ecclesiastical  held  in  reserve  to  be  thrown 
into  either  side  of  the  scale  as  the  interests  of  the 
church  dictate;  and  finally,  as  petty  principalities 
coalesce,  the  states  thus  formed  hold  each  other  in 
check.  That  brilliant  trio,  Charles  V.,  Francis  I., 
and  Henry  VIII. ,  divide  between  them  Europe  and 
America,  then  fight  each  other  for  the  supremacy. 
These  mighty  potentates  in  their  lust  of  pomp  and 
power,  actuated  by  no  principle  save  that  of  personal 
aggrandizement,  crimson  the  soil  of  Europe  with  the 
blood  of  their  subjects,  and  then  themselves  return  to 
dust. 

With  artful  kingcraft,  killing  becomes  an  art. 
Hitherto  men  had  roamed  for  prey  singly  or  in  small 
bands ;  now  they  unite  and  establish  rules  under  which 
their  murderous  propensities  may  be  more  fully  grati 
fied.  Time  was  employed  not  unequally  in  pursuing 
those  arts  which  led  to  taking  and  to  sustaining  life. 
The  undrilled  artisan,  however,  made  but  a  poor  sol 
dier,  while  raids  and  fightings  were  not  the  schools  of 
prosperous  husbandry,  nor  were  the  higher  functions 
of  the  government  less  paralyzed  by  the  heterogeneous 
fragments  into  which  the  military  force  of  the  nation 
was  split.  Grand  results  can  be  achieved  only  by 
united  strength  and  concerted  action.  It  is  only  when 
the  resources  of  the  state  are  firmly  grasped  and  ab 
solutely  wielded  by  one  sole  sovereign,  that  tranquillity 
at  home  and  respect  abroad  can  be  maintained.  Be 
fore  armies  were  established,  disputatious  cavaliers 
vacillated,  almost  at  will,  between  the  court  and  their 
feudal  domains;  but  however  fascinating  such  a  life 
might  be  to  themselves,  it  was  one  little  calculated  to 


STANDING  ARMIES.  15 

elevate  the  people,  or  strengthen  the  arm  of  the  gov 
ernment.  In  order  to  mitigate  this  evil,  the  sov 
ereigns  of  Europe,  about  the  middle  of  the  fifteenth 
century,  introduced  the  system  of  standing  armies. 
During  the  turbulence  and  anarchy  of  feudalism,  ex 
cept  in  Spain  where  the  several  states  were  obliged 
to  unite  against  the  encroachments  of  the  Arabs, 
knowledge  of  military  tactics  and  the  manoeuvring  of 
large  bodies  of  troops  were  in  a  measure  lost.  In 
1445  Charles  VII.  of  France  withdrew  from  the  in 
fluence  of  the  barons  fifteen  hundred  men-at-arms, 
and  placed  them  under  pay  of  the  government.  His 
example  was  followed  by  other  nations,  to  whom  the 
advantages  of  the  system  soon  became  apparent.  The 
employment  of  mercenary  troops,  who  adopted  arms 
as  a  profession,  and  who  were  kept  in  constant  train 
ing,  and  under  the  immediate  eye  of  their  king,  greatly 
strengthened  the  government;  while  the  mass  of  the 
people,  relieved  from  sudden  and  constant  calls  to  do 
military  service,  were  enabled  to  prosecute  their  sev 
eral  vocations  with  greater  advantage  to  themselves 
and  to  the  state. 

Up  to  this  time  the  rules  of  chivalry  had  prevented 
gentlemen  from  appearing  upon  the  field  of  battle  ex 
cept  in  full  armor  and  mounted,  with  all  the  gaudy 
paraphernalia  of  the  tournament.  And  by  them  the 
fate  of  battle  was  determined;  but  little  dependence 
was  to  be  placed  on  undisciplined  churls  drawn  from 
the  baronial  estates.  All  this  was  now  changed  by 
the  appearance  of  a  new  element  in  military  practice, 
destined  by  intensifying  war  to  promote  the  interests 
of  peace.  Gunpowder,  an  invention  of  the  Chinese, 
was  carried  by  the  Arabs  into  Spain,  whence  it  spread 
throughout  Europe. 

With  the  use  of  fire-arms  the  machinery  of  war 
became  more  complicated,  the  necessity  for  disci 
pline  was  increased;  the  mounted  cavalier,  encased  in 
breastplate,  helmet,  and  shield,  lost  his  advantage,  and 
the  cavalry  became  less  formidable.  But  the  adop- 


16  COMPARATIVE  CIVILIZATIONS  AND  SAVAGISMS. 

tion  of  any  new  invention  at  that  time  took  place  but 
slowly,  and  not  until  long  after  the  conquest  of  Amer 
ica  were  their  ancient  implements  of  warfare  laid  aside 
by  the  Spaniards.  A  curious  medley  of  death-deal 
ing  instruments  was  displayed  upon  the  battle-fields 
of  the  sixteenth  century.  Cross-bows,  battle-axes, 
pikes,  and  arquebuses,  short-swords,  bucklers,  daggers, 
and  pistols  were  placed  into  the  hands  of  the  infantry; 
while  the  stately  knight,  glittering  in  full  armor  with 
lance  and  sword,  sought  out  some  duel  better  suited 
to  his  arm  and  humor.  Besides  a  clumsy  artillery, 
hurling  from  various  machines  balls  of  stone  or  iron, 
there  were  mounted  archers  who  did  good  service. 
The  long-bow  was  a  formidable  weapon,  projecting  an 
arrow  two  hundred  yards  through  a  breastplate  or 
an  inch  plank.  The  Saracen  knight  fought  with  lance 
and  buckler,  mounted  on  a  richly  caparisoned  horse ; 
the  Saracen  footmen  with  cross-bow,  cimeter,  spear, 
and  arquebuse. 

Fortress  walls  were  scaled  by  the  escalations,  under 
cover  of  mantelets,  or  movable  parapets;  and  for  ef 
fecting  an  entrance  into  walled  towns,  large  wooden 
towers,  provided  with  ladders,  drawbridges,  and  all 
the  requisite  apparatus,  were  rolled  up  to  the  ram 
parts,  whence  the  attacking  party  emerged  upon  the 
wall-top  and  descended  into  the  city. 

During  the  wars  of  Granada,  artillery  being  the 
arm  most  necessary  for  the  carrying  of  fortified  places, 
their  catholic  majesties  gave  every  attention  to  the 
perfection  of  this  weapon.  From  Valencia,  from  Bar 
celona,  from  Portugal,  from  Flanders,  and  from  Sicily 
powder  was  brought,  and  with  that  belonging  to  the 
kingdom,  deposited  in  underground  magazines.  Ar 
tillery  officers  were  procured  from  Italy,  France,  and 
Germany;  guns  were  multiplied;  their  construction 
was  improved,  and  more  convenient  proportions  given 
to  their  caliber.  The  batteries  increased  the  rapidity 
and  force  of  their  fire ;  burning  mixtures  were  brought 


GUNPOWDER.  17 

into  requisition,  and  the  mobility  of  the  guns  likewise 
augmented. 

Perhaps  no  period  in  the  history  of  human  warfare 
unites  so  many  elements  of  awful  splendor  as  during 
this  transition,  when  upon  the  same  battle-field  was 
seen  the  parting  flourish  of  ancient  chivalry,  mingling 
with  the  sulphurous  smoke  of  scientific  warfare.  There 
the  gallant  knight,  glittering  in  burnished  steel, 
mounted  on  decorated  steed,  singled  out  his  foe  and 
rushed  proudly  to  the  charge,  amid  the  flash  of  fire 
lock,  the  twang  of  long-bow,  and  the  clatter  of  pike 
and  battle-axe.  The  camp  was  brilliant  with  brave 
ostentation  and  rich  display.  There  were  gay  pavil 
ions,  decorated  with  flaunting  pennons  and  silken 
hangings;  gold-embroidered  furnishings,  luxurious 
couches,  generous  wines,  and  rich  food,  served  from 
plate  of  gold  and  silver.  Upon  the  battle-fields  of 
Spain  there  was  the  stately  Spanish  knight,  little 
less  than  king,  who  brought  into  the  field  a  thousand 
vassals,  all  his  own  serving-men,  and  all  at  his  own 
expense.  There  were  gallant  chevaliers  from  France, 
with  pages  and  esquires,  and  English  yeomen,  armed 
cap-a-pie,  who  fought  with  long-bow,  pike,  arid  battle- 
axe. 

After  the  siege  of  Constantinople,  in  1453,  in 
which  cannon  played  an  important  part,  the  applica 
tion  of  gunpowder  to  purposes  of  war  rapidly  extended, 
and  hastened  the  decline  of  chivalry.  The  Spaniards, 
who  at  the  first  had  suffered  severely  from  the  artil 
lery  of  the  Moors,  at  length  seized  and  turned  against 
the  invaders  their  own  weapons,  and  with  them  finally 
battered  down  the  walls  of  Mdlaga  and  Granada,  and 
drove  their  instructors  from  Spain. 

So  all  things  worked  together;  and  as  the  opposi 
tion  of  negative  electricity  accumulates  and  intensifies 
the  positive,  so  the  presence,  through  succeeding  ages, 
of  hereditary  enemy  and  infidel,  produced  that  itifatu- 

CAL.  PAST.,  VOL.  I.    2 


18  COMPARATIVE  CIVILIZATIONS  AND  SAVAGISMS. 

ation  of  loyalty  and  superstition  which  Buckle  reviles 
as  the  two  predominant  elements  of  Spanish  character. 

With  standing  armies  and  gunpowder,  the  right  of 
individuals  to  wage  private  war  was  discountenanced. 
Disputes  were  referred  to  courts  of  justice,  and  heavy 
penalties  inflicted  upon  those  who  sought  redress  for 
injuries  at  the  head  of  their  retainers.  It  was  a  strange 
bias  of  intellect,  the  deciding  of  judicial  causes  by  mor 
tal  combat,  the  invoking  of  God's  justice  by  armed 
champions,  and  the  settling  of  disputes  by  the  endur 
ance  of  pain. 

Points  of  law  were  determined  by  skill  in  sword 
exercises.  Even  religious  disputants  referred  their 
controversy  to  trial  by  combat.  To  be  vanquished  in 
battle  was  clear  evidence  that  the  cause  was  unjust. 
In  England,  as  late  as  1571,  a  trial  by  combat  was 
permitted  by  the  court  of  common  pleas;  and  the  cus 
tom  prevailed,  in  cases  where  the  evidence  was  not 
dear,  of  permitting  criminals  to  obtain  an  acquittal 
upon  purging  themselves  by  oath. 

Many  absurd  practices,  humiliating  to  reason,  were 
resorted  to  in  the  decisions  of  justice.  Endurance  in 
handling  red-hot  iron,  walking  upon  heated  plough 
shares,  holding  the  arm  in  boiling  water,  standing  with 
arms  extended  before  a  crucifix,  were  among  the 
whimsical  methods  employed  to  determine  the  guilt 
or  innocence  of  the  accused.  A  direct  appeal  to  the 
court  of  heaven  was  the  most  infallible  means  of  ob 
taining  justice,  and  numberless  are  the  instances  among 
the  records  of  the  church  in  which  the  almighty  mi 
raculously  interposed  his  arm  in  vindication  of  the 
right.  To  such  an  absurdity  was  this  system  of  mili 
tary  jurisprudence  carried,  that  in  some  instances  the 
judge  upon  his  bench,  when  about  to  deliver  his  sen 
tence,  might  be  impeached  by  the  culprit,  and  defied 
to  mortal  combat.  Finally,  here  as  elsewhere,  the 
king  interposes  between  heaven  and  mankind,  and 
appeal  is  made  from  the  decisions  of  feudal  barons  to 
him  instead  of  to  God  direct.  The  accidental  discov- 


LITERATURE.  19 

ery  in  Italy,  about  the  middle  of  the  twelfth  century, 
of  a  copy  of  the  Pandects  of  Justinian,  tended  greatly 
to  promote  the  study  of  law  and  the  influence  of 
courts. 

Again,  in  the  mysterious  workings  of  mind  do  we 
see  knowledge  begotten  of  intensified  ignorance.  That 

o  o  o 

curiosity  which  led  to  learning  from  mediaeval  torpid 
ity  was  aroused  by  a  spirit  of  theological  controversy. 
Disputations  between  Arian  and  Pelagian,  Peripa 
tetic  and  Platonist,  however  absurd  in  themselves, 
excited  inquiry;  and  metaphysical  wranglings  over 
nonsensical  shadows  of  doctrine  was  perhaps  as  good 
a  mental  exercise  as  any  other. 

While  Greece  was  the  empire  of  letters,  Rome  be 
came  the  empire  of  political  power.  The  arts  arid 
culture  of  Greece  were  carried  by  her  captors  to  the 
world's  ends.  Greek  was  the  language  of  letters  and 
refinement,  Latin  of  legislation  and  religion. 

Spanish  intellect  during  the  sixteenth  century  dis 
played  a  freshness  and  versatility  unsurpassed  by  any 
nation  of  modern  times.      The  illiterate  adventurer, 
thrown  suddenly  from  the  beaten  paths  of  his  ances 
tors  into  untried  fields,  exhibited  a  marvellous  fertility 
of  talent  for   seizing  occasion;    while   in   the   higher 
orders  of  society,  literature  attained  its  greatest  excel 
lence  among  those  whose  lives  were  most  active.      The 
system  of  paid  historiographers  instituted  by  Alfonso 
the  Wise  continued;  but  at  this  time  there  had  arisen 
other  writers,  fresh,  active   minds,  sprung   from   the 
ranks  of  a  progressive   people,  who,  for  the  love  of 
truth  or  fame,  or  from  an  overflowing  redundancy  of 
thought,  turned  from  the  more  practical  employments 
in  which  many  of  them  had  already  acquired  fame, 
and  devoted  their  lives  to  the  ennobling  occupation  of 
literature.     The   most  eminent   poets  were   also  the 
most   famous   soldiers;    the   greatest  statesmen  were 
ecclesiastics.     Juan  Boscan,  who  introduced   Italian 
versification  into  Spain,  acquired  a  name  for  oratory 
and  statecraft  before  the  poet's  wreath  was  awarded 


20  COMPARATIVE  CIVILIZATIONS  AND  SAVAGISMS. 

him.  Garcilaso  de  la  Vega  crowded  into  a  short  life 
of  thirty-three  years  a  series  of  military  achievements 
which  shed  upon  his  name  scarcely  less  lustre  than 
his  poetical  genius,  to  which  the  Castilian  language  is 
indebted  for  its  sweetest  and  most  glowing  pastoral 
poem.  Hurtado  de  Mendoza  served  Charles  V.  as 
ambassador  and  military  governor.  Cervantes,  after 
losing  his  left  hand  fighting  the  Turks  at  Lepanto, 
and  spending  five  years  in  captivity  among  the  Alge- 
rines,  upon  his  return  to  Spain  was  thrown  into  prison, 
and  there  wrote  the  first  part  of  his  inimitable  satire. 
While  following  a  sailor's  life,  Columbus  no£  only 
applied  himself  to  geography  and  astronomy,  but 
attained  proficiency  in  polite  literature,  and  wrote 
Latin  verses  for  amusement.  Lope  de  Vega  and  many 
other  eminent  writers  were  also  soldiers  of  no  mean 
reputation. 

The  pursuit  of  letters  flourishes  with  the  prosperity 
of  states.  Intellectual  culture  rises,  culminates,  and 
declines  with  the  wealth  arid  happiness  of  the  people. 
The  same  elements  are  congenial  to  both;  both  are 
nurtured  in  the  same  school  of  discipline,  ripen  in  the 
same  sunshine  of  success,  and  decay  alike  with  luxury 
and  inaction.  The  functions  of  the  mind  are  wrought 
into  activity  by  the  stirring  events  which  make  great 
the  nation.  The  heart  swells  with  enthusiasm  in  bat 
tling  for  God,  for  country,  for  the  approbation  of  the 
fair,  and  bursts  forth  in  religious  and  romantic  song. 
In  the  calmer  moods  which  follow  long  periods  of  suc 
cessful  warfare,  science  unfolds  her  mysteries,  art  blos 
soms,  and  the  comforts  and  luxuries  of  leisure  multiply. 
The  repose  which  followed  the  expulsion  of  the  Moors, 
the  newly  acquired  wealth  of  the  Indies,  and  the 
grandeur  attained  by  Spain  under  the  brilliant  reigns 
of  Ferdinand,  Charles,  and  Philip  were  alike  favorable 
to  the  pursuit  of  literature. 

A  history  of  literature  is  but  a  history  of  the  nation; 
for  not  only  what  is  expressed,  but  the  forms  of  ex 
pression,  denote  the  character  and  progress  of  the 


CULTURE  OF  LETTERS.  21 

people.  Hence  if  we  would  learn  the  correlative 
effect  of  letters  upon  Spain  and  Spain  upon  letters, 
we  must  sro  back  to  the  same  source  whence  other 

o 

phases  of  civilization  are  evolved. 

The  culture  of  letters,  first  carried  to  the  peninsula 
by  the  Romans,  after  sinking  beneath  Visigothic  bar 
barism,  revived  under  the  Arabs.  Excepting,  as  we 
well  may,  the  miserable  theologic  drivel  of  the  Gotho- 
Latin  fathers  of  the  Spanish  church,  science  and  learn 
ing  first  appeared  at  Cordova.  Schlegel,  with  the 
proverbial  zeal  of  a  neophyte,  and  newly  converted 
champion  of  the  church,  has  tried,  without  avail,  to 
underrate  the  Arabic  influence.  Humboldt,  verging 
to  the  other  extreme,  exalts  it  beyond  measure.  The 
Arabs,  he  says,  are  the  " actual  founders  of  physical 
science,"  the  authors  of  chemical  pharmacy.  They 
''scared  back  to  some  extent  the  barbarism  which  had 
shrouded  Europe  for  more  than  two  hundred  years." 
They  had  a  "far  extended  and  variously  developed 
literature,"  and  they  "lead  us  back  to  the  imperishable 
sources  of  Greek  philosophy."  "The  reigns  of  the 
two  Abderrahmans,"  says  Ticknor,  "  and  the  period 
of  the  glory  of  Cordova,  which  begun  about  750  and 
continued  almost  to  the  time  of  its  conquest  by  the 
Christians  in  1236,  were  more  intellectual  than  could 
be  found  elsewhere."  The  kingdom  of  Granada,  which 
succeeded,  was  scarcely  less  famed  for  its  learning  and 
refinement  than  for  its  opulence  and  ostentatious 
luxury. 

Scattered  over  the  plain  of  Granada  at  the  time  of 
its  conquest  were  no  less  than  fifty  colleges  and  seventy 
public  libraries  where  literature  was  pursued,  and  the 
sciences  of  astronomy,  mathematics,  and  chemistry 
cultivated. 

Jewish  literature  attained  eminence  under  the 
caliphs  of  Spain.  The  Moslem  schools  at  Granada, 
Cordova,  Barcelona,  and  Toledo  were  thrown  open  to 
Israelites,  who  became  proficient  in  medicine,  mathe 
matics,  and  astronomy. 


22  COMPARATIVE  CIVILIZATIONS   AND  SAVAGISMS. 

Then  it  was  in  the  southern  part  of  Spain  that  lit 
erature  first  took  root.  There  in  the  most  beautiful 
climate  of  Europe,  in  Barcelona  and  Valencia,  as  well 
ts  in  southern  France,  was  the  native  seat  of  that 
sweet  Provencal  poetry,  "the  joyous  science."  From 
Catalonia,  Valencia,  and  Aragon  it  passed  to  Castile. 
It  dates  back  to  the  eighth  century,  but  received  its 
great  stimulus  from  the  crusades.  "The  crusades," 
says  Buckle,  "  increased  the  stock  of  fables,  and  all  the 
fictions  of  the  east  were  suddenly  let  loose  upon 
Europe."  In  the  twelfth  century  nearly  every  coun 
try  of  Europe  had  heard  the  fame  of  the  gai  saber. 

In  Spain,  as  Lafuente  has  shown,  this  literary  move 
ment  did  nob  limit  itself  to  poetry  and  works  of  the 
imagination.  It  extended  also  to  theology,  ethics,  his 
tory,  politics,  and  jurisprudence.  Translations  of  the 
bible  and  commentaries  on  its  chronicles,  books  of  law, 
of  government,  and  of  theology  appeared.  So  great 
was  the  respect  paid  for  learning  at  the  close  of  the 
fourteenth  century,  that  on  the  accession  of  King  Don 
Martin  of  Aragon,  the  judicial  and  political  question 
of  succession  was  neither  fought  out  nor  settled  by 
the  nobles,  but  decided  by  a  committee  of  learned 
ecclesiastics  and  jurists. 

This  general  progress  of  public  feeling  toward  en 
lightenment  contributed  much  to  the  creation  of  the 
University  of  Barcelona  in  1430,  by  the  ancient  magis 
tracy  of  that  city.  It  was  endowed  with  thirty -two  pro 
fessorships,  including  chairs  of  theology,  jurisprudence, 
medicine,  philosophy,  grammar,  rhetoric,  anatomy, 
Hebrew,  and  Greek.  From  the  intimate  commu 
nication  between  the  Aragonese  and  the  Italians,  the 
Renaissance,  rising  in  Italy  since  the  fall  of  Con 
stantinople,  was  carried  to  the  peninsula.  Spain 
was  fortunate  in  securing  Florence  as  a  teacher. 
When  Cosmo  di  Medici  died  in  1464,  his  grandson 
Lorenzo  succeeded  to  the  rule  of  Florence,  and  to  the 
guiding  of  great  events.  The  crescent  had  eclipsed 
the  cross  at  the  golden  horn  of  the  Bosporus;  with 


SPANISH  LITERATURE.  23 

the  city  of  Constantino  bad  utterly  fallen  the  last  pil 
lar  of  the  eastern  empire.  The  learned  men  whom 
the  great  capital  had  nursed  were  scattered  abroad, 
fleeing  with  their  books  and  instruments,  wandering 
they  knew  not  whither.  Lorenzo  gathered  many  to 
his  Tuscan  city,  arid  spared  neither  gold  nor  care  that 
they  and  their  manuscripts  should  make  their  stay 
permanent.  It  is  well  known  what  such  a  policy  did 
for  Florence;  and  how  this  light  made  many  dark  ab 
surdities  untenable  for  Europe,  and  even  for  Spain. 
New  universities  sprang  up ;  Castile  took  her  place 
in  the  race,  and  everything  indicated  for  Spain  the  in 
auguration  of  new  and  great  things.  There  the  sci 
ences  were  more  backward  in  the  fifteenth  century  than 
letters.  Astronomy,  cosmography,  physics,  and  math 
ematics  had,  it  is  true,  their  professors  in  the  universi 
ties  of  Salamanca  and  Alcala.  But  the  information 
possessed  on  these  subjects  was  neither  equal  to  that 
in  Portugal  since  the  time  of  Prince  Henry,  nor  com 
mensurate  with  the  material  and  scientific  revolution 
that  the  discovery  of  the  New  World  had  produced. 
"Salamanca,"  says  Hare,  "once  possessed  twenty-five 
colleges,  twenty  convents,  twenty-five  professors,  and 
twenty-five  arches  of  its  bridge;  but  the  last  alone  re 
main  intact — colleges,  churches,  Convents,  and  pro 
fessorships  having  alike  fallen.  The  university,  which 
boasted  above  ten  thousand  students  in  the  fourteenth 
century,  has  now  little  more  than  one  thousand;  and 
the  splendid  collegiate  buildings,  palaces  worthy  of  the 
corso  of  Rome  or  the  grand  canal  of  Venice,  are  either 
in  ruins  or  let  out  to  poor  families." 

While  the  Mohammedan  contest  was  raging  the 
fiercest,  and  the  corrupted  Latin  of  the  Spaniards  was 
merging  into  the  Castilian  dialect,  Alfonso  X.  as 
cended  the  throne  of  Castile,  and  for  his  zeal  in  pro 
moting  the  intelligence  of  his  people,  was  surnamed 
The  Wise.  To  his  Arab  tastes  he  was  indebted  for 
this  title.  He  labored  to  introduce  into  Europe  the 
sciences,  arts,  and  manufactures  of  his  Arab  neighbors. 

'  '  O 


24  COMPARATIVE  CIVILIZATIONS  AND  SAVAGISMS. 

He  was  something  of  an  astronomer,  something  of  a 
chemist,  and  he  proposed  a  system  of  the  heavens 
based  upon  the  Ptolemaic  scheme.  He  patronized 
letters,  and  his  own  writings  contributed  not  a  little 
to  their  advance,  and  to  that  of  science.  He  invited 
many  eastern  philosophers  to  his  court,  and  he  had 
many  of  their  works  translated  into  Castilian.  Of 
the  more  material  advantages,  gunpowder,  our  min 
erals,  paper,  and  the  compass,  though  not  discovered 
by  the  Arabians,  were  introduced  by  them  to  Euro 
pean  use.  The  first  schools  and  libraries  in  the  penin 
sula,  in  mediaeval  times,  were  those  of  the  Mussulmans. 
"The  number  of  Arabic  authors  which  Spain  pro 
duced,"  says  Sismondi,  "was  so  prodigious,  that  many 
Arabian  bibliographers  wrote  learned  treatises  on  the 
authors  born  in  particular  towns."  Was  it  any  won 
der,  then,  with  all  this,  that  to  the  Arab  colleges, 
academies,  and  libraries  there  resorted  in  great  num 
bers,  not  only  the  sons  of  the  faithful,  but  also  Chris 
tians  from  different  parts  of  Europe?  So  much  for 
the  eastern,  for  a  long  time  not  only  the  principal 
but  the  only  source  of  learning  and  culture  in  Spain. 
Up  to  this  time,  which  was  the  middle  of  the  thir 
teenth  century,  the  literature  of  Spain  consisted  of 
romantic  poems  of  the  order  of  El  Romancero  del  Cid, 
and  a  multitude  of  chivalric  ballads  of  like  quality. 
As  manifestions  of  temperament,  these  effusions  are 
not  without  value.  For  hundreds  of  years  heroic 
romances  and  tales  of  knight-errantry  constituted 
the  popular  literature  of  Spain,  and  these  monstrous 
fictions  were  devoutly  accepted  as  true  history.  No 
absurdity  was  too  great  for  belief;  and  although  this 
folly  was  effectually  crushed  by  the  renowned  Don 
Quixote  toward  the  latter  part  of  the  sixteenth  cen 
tury,  shortly  before  which  time  the  passion  for  reading 
books  of  chivalry  was  never  more  absorbing  nor  the 
influence  more  baneful,  its  impress  remains  indelibly 
stamped  upon  the  Spanish  mind.  Their  dramatic 
writings  consisted  chiefly  of  religious  farces  and  alle- 


ALFONSO  THE  WISE.  25 

gorical  plays,  which  can  scarcely  be  ranked  as  literature, 
much  less  poetry.  Alfonso  digested  the  then  existing 
opinions  concerning  morals,  religion,  and  legislation, 
into  a  uniform  system  of  laws,  applicable  to  the 
various  conditions  of  his  people.  This  work  was 
called  Las  Siete  Partidas,  from  the  seven  parts  into 
which  it  was  divided.  The  learned  monarch  drew 
largely  from  the  code  of  Justinian,  as  well  as  from 
other  sources.  In  this  compilation  was  laid,  not  only 
the  foundation  of  Spanish  jurisprudence,  but  it  em 
bodied  such  sound  ethical  maxims  as  to  affect,  not  only 
the  polities  of  Spain,  but  of  the  colonies  of  Louisiana 
and  Florida,  and  through  them  to  exert  a  modifying 
influence  upon  the  government  of  the  United  States. 
But  unfortunately,  the  paths  of  literature  for  the 
two  succeeding  centuries  lay  not  through  fertile  fields 
nor  by  clear  running  streams.  In  place  of  a  natural 
growth,  advancing  step  by  step  from  barbaric  igno 
rance,  the  Spanish  intellect  plunged  at  once  from  the 
dreamy  languor  of  chivalric  ballads  into  the  depths  of 
mysticism  and  theological  speculation.  Imagination 
still  usurped  the  domain  of  reason;  the  battle  was  be 
tween  nominalism  and  realism;  men  fought,  not  for 
the  truth,  but  for  the  abstract  idea.  The  faith  for 
which  the  Spaniards  had  so  long  struggled  clouded 
their  understanding,  and  prevented  that  unprejudiced 
inquiry  into  causes  which  lies  at  the  foundation  of 
all  progress.  Only  the  theological  subtleties  of  the 
Greeks  had  been  absorbed  by  the  Latins,  while  the 
more  sensible  Arabians  seized  upon  Aristotelean 
philosophy,  and  applied  it  to  useful  arts.  The  church 
was  by  no  means  unwilling  that  her  secrets  should  be 
guarded  by  a  dead  language.  Cardinal  Bembo  seeing 
one  day  a  priest  engaged  in  translating  a  portion  of 
the  bible  exclaimed,  "Leave  off  this  child's  play; 
such  nonsense  does  not  become  a  man  of  gravity." 
Latin  therefore  continued  to  be  the  language  of  the 
church,  and  as  the  clergy  only  were  taught,  the 
church  monopolized  learning.  All  through  the  dark 


20  COMPARATIVE  CIVILIZATIONS  AND  SAVAGISMS. 

age  there  glimmered  beams  of  light  from  Constan 
tinople,  from  Bagdad,  and  from  Cordova.  The  Om- 
miades  kept  up  regular  communication  with  the 
Byzantine  emperors.  To  the  papacy  as  the  tem 
poral  and  ecclesiastical  power  of  the  church  of  Rome 
was  opposed  the  caliphate  as  the  temporal  and  ecclesi 
astical  power  of  Mohammedanism.  While  the  bishop 
of  Home  held  undisputed  temporal  and  spiritual  sway 
in  Italy,  in  Castile,  and  over  the  entire  north  of 
Europe,  the  caliph  of  Mohammed  held  undisputed 
temporal  and  spiritual  sway  at  Cordova,  as  well  as  at 
Samarcand.  The  bishop  of  Rome  was  pope  because 
he  was  emperor;  the  caliph  of  Mohammed  was  em 
peror  because  he  was  pope.  As  intercourse  with  the 
Greeks  and  Saracens  increased,  there  was  manifest 
throughout  Europe  an  awakened  interest  in  learning. 
In  Constantinople  Greek  was  a  living  language  until 
that  city  was  conquered  by  Mohammed  II.  in  1453. 
In  1458  it  was  first  taught  at  Paris,  in  1481  it  was 
printed  at  Milan,  and  taught  at  Oxford  in  1488. 
With  the  restoration  of  Greek  literature  in  Italy, 
about  the  beginning  of  the  fifteenth  century,  began  a 
new  era  in  the  extension  of  knowledge.  It  was  this 
light  breaking  in  from  the  east  that  dispelled  the 
long  darkness.  Latin,  which  as  the  language  of  the 
learned  had  hitherto  kept  wrapped  within  its  mystic 
folds  the  wisdom  of  the  ancients,  fell  into  disuse. 
From  vulgar  and  aboriginal  dialects  modern  lan 
guages  were  formed,  and  literature  was  taken  from 
church  control  and  spread  before  the  people.  Schools 
arose,  and  laymen  as  well  as  clergymen  were  taught. 
Inquiry  and  argument  left  the  unprofitable  fields  of 
windy  scholasticism,  and  entered  the  more  practical 
paths  of  science.  Penetrating  eyes  were  cast  upon 
human  affairs,  and  saw  therein  elements  not  reached 
by  the  meditations  of  the  cloister.  Men  dared  to  give 
license  to  thought,  to  give  rein  to  reason,  and  with  it 
to  invade  the  sacred  precincts  of  old  delusions,  and 
demand  of  bigots  the  why  and  wherefore  of  their  ab- 


PPvINTTN'Q.  27 

surdities.  Italy  again  becomes  the  seat  of  learning 
and  refinement.  The  Byzantine  school  of  art,  trans 
planted  with  Greek  literature,  breaks  forth  in  dazzling 
splendor.  The  divine  in  man  assumes  form.  A  new 
music  floating  through  the  chambers  of  the  soul  finds 
vent,  coagulates  upon  the  canvas,  and  concretes  in 
marble  statues  and  cathedral  domes.  Popular  litera 
ture  finds  expression  in  Ariosto,  Poloziano,  and  Pulci ; 
and  art  in  Michael  Angelo,  Tiziano,  and  Leonardo  da 
Vinci.  The  subtle  disputations  of  scholastics  fade  be 
fore  the  more  philosophic  reasonings  of  Machiavelli 
and  Lorenzo.  The  Ptolemaic  idea  of  astronomy, 
which  placed  the  earth  in  the  centre  of  the  universe 
and  sent  the  whole  heavens  whirling  around  it,  is 
exploded  by  the  theory  of  a  solar  system  promul 
gated  by  Copernicus. 

And  as  if  all  this  were  not  enough  for  the  enfran 
chisement  of  the  intellect,  another  and  still  mightier 
power  appears — the  art  of  printing.  Beside  this  arti 
fice,  simple  yet  wonderful,  all  the  inventions  of  man  sink 
to  insignificance.  Transfixing  thought,  giving  per 
petual  speech  to  the  wisdom  of  ages,  bringing  up  the. 
dead  past  and  surrounding  the  present  with  myriads  of 
tongues,  it  is  more  magical  than  magic,  more  cunning 
than  sorcery.  The  power  of  the  pulpit  was  thenceforth 
doomed  to  give  way  before  the  power  of  the  press. 
Although  printing  was  invented  in  Germany  about 
1440,  the  art  was  not  established  in  Spain  until  1474; 
and  while  destined  eventually  to  effect  the  complete 
emancipation  of  learning,  it  was  so  pampered  at  first  by 
the  jealousy  of  the  clergy  and  the  restrictions  of  govern 
ment,  that  its  influence  was  greatly  retarded.  Under 
the  pontificate  of  Alexander  VI.  a  censorship  of  the 
press  was  decreed,  and  no  book  was  suffered  to  be 
printed  without  special  permission  from  the  clergy, 
under  pain  of  fire  for  the  book  and  excommunication 
for  the  author.  Four  centuries  have  since  passed 
away,  and  these  fetters  are  scarcely  yet  entirely 
removed. 


28  COMPARATIVE  CIVILIZATIONS  AND  SAVAGISMS. 

By  a  singular  coincidence,  says  Lafuente,  printing 
was  introduced  into  Spain  in  the  year  Isabella  began 
to  occupy  the  throne  of  Castile.  She  received  and 
protected  the  art  with  ardor.  By  an  ordinance  made 
in  Seville  the  25th  of  December,  1477,  and  directed  to 
the  city  of  Murcia,  it  was  commanded  that  Teodorico 
Aleman,  "printer  of  books  in  these  kingdoms,  be  freed 
of  all  taxes  and  duties  whatever — he  being  one  of  the 
chief  inventors  and  practisers  of  the  art  of  printing, 
having  dared  the  many  perils  of  the  sea  to  bring  it  to 
Spain."  By  means  of  this  and  other  wise  measures 
emanating  from  the  lively  protection  of  Queen  Isabella, 
and  notwithstanding  it  was. so  completely  muzzled  by 
fanaticism,  the  marvellous  art  of  Gutenberg  spread 
itself  throughout  Spain.  And  from  the  printing  of 
the  Cantares  a  la  Virgen,  in  Valencia,  till  that  of  the 
polyglot  bible,  appeared  a  multitude  of  important 
books.  Before  the  end  of  the  fifteenth  century  there 
were  printing  establishments  in  all  the  principal  cities 
of  Spain,  in  Valencia,  Barcelona,  Saragossa,  Seville, 
Toledo,  Valladolid,  Burgos,  Salamanca,  Zamora,  Mur- 
•cia,  Alcala,  Madrid,  and  in  others  of  less  consideration. 

With  Granada  fallen  and  America  discovered,  Spain 
was  becoming  unified,  and  Castile,  indeed,  was  in  some 
sort  becoming  Spain.  All  literature  showed  life. 
Chronicle  writing  was  abundant,  and  began  to  crystal 
lize  into  history.  Isabella  then  turned  her  attention 
to  the  cultivation  of  letters  with  all  the  ardor  of  her 
nature.  She  summoned  to  her  court  the  learned  Mil 
anese,  Peter  Martyr,  and  directed  him  to  open  a  school 
for  the  reclamation  of  noble  youths  from  ignoble  pur 
suits,  by  inculcating  in  them  a  taste  for  literature. 
She  encouraged  the  most  eminent  Italian  scholars  to 
take  up  their  residence  at  her  court,  and  to  excite  emu- 
ulation  applied  herself  to  the  study  of  Latin,  w^hich  she 
had  first  began  after  heraccession  to  the  throne.  Under 
royal  auspices  a  spirit  of  intellectual  rivalry  sprang  up, 
and  for  the  first  time  in  Spain  the  profession  of  letters 
rose  to  an  equality  with  the  profession  of  arms.  Men 


PRIESTCRAFT.  29 

and  women  of  all  classes  were  stimulated  to  seek  dis 
tinction  in  letters.  But  even  this  generous  ambition 
must  rest  subservient  to  the  fierce  bigotry  of  the 
times.  While  Isabella  thus  fostered  the  advancement 
of  knowledge  among  her  people,  her  minister,  Xinienez, 
was  zealously  collecting  from  all  quarters  the  heretical 
manuscripts  of  the  Arabs,  to  which  Spanish  scholar 
ship  was  most  greatly  indebted,  and  burning  them 
in  huge  piles  in  the  public  square  of  Granada.  Two 
centuries  later  with  Velasquez  and  Murillo  the  glory 
of  Spanish  art  departed,  and  with  Solis  and  Calderon 
the  brilliant  reign  of  Spanish  letters  terminated. 

Throughout  all  this  extravaganza  of  expanding 
thought  the  ministers  of  superstition  were  not  idle. 
Raised  to  power  by  the  murky  moisture  of  intellectual 
night,  they  saw  arid  seized  their  opportunity.  Xor 
for  this  are  they  entitled  to  special  blame.  It  has 
long  been  the  fashion  to  heap  upon  rulers,  temporal 
and  spiritual,  the  odium  attaching  to  the  sins  of  the 
people;  as  if  kings  and  priests  made  man,  forged  his 
fetters,  and  whipped  him  into  servitude.  In  a  socio 
logical  sense,  even  in  despotic  and  superstitious  times, 
rulers  and  ecclesiastics  were  none  the  less  servants 
and  ministers  of  the  people  than  now.  They  were 
simply  the  incarnation  of  the  spirit  of  servility,  of 
intellectual  fear,  and  of  abasement  inherent  in  the 
masses.  Nor  were  they  more  cruel,  or  designing,  or 
hypocritical  than  other  men.  The  king  believed  him 
self  the  Lord's  annointed;  the  priest  believed  himself 
God's  vicegerent;  in  this  there  was  nothing  strange, 
so  long  as  their  subjects  held  faith  in  miracles,  witch 
craft,  apparitions,  and  monsters.  It  is  true  that 
priests,  by  surrounding  an  appearance  of  learning  with 
the  paraphernalia  of  imposing  forms,  may  by  persua 
sions,  and  threatenings  of  supernatural  visitations, 
long  hold  the  unthinking  mind  under  bondage  of  fear ; 
but  this  can  never  be  unless  the  people  first  bestow 
the  power.  The  religion  of  a  people,  like  their  gov- 


30  COMPARATIVE  CIVILIZATIONS  AND  SAVAGISMS. 

ernment,  is  of  their  own  making  or  of  their  own  en 
during.  It  is  never  much  above  or  below  the  moral 
ideal  of  the  masses.  But  for  the  people  to  forge  for 
themselves  fetters,  thrust  their  willing  hands  into 
them,  and  then  cry  that  they  are  held,  is  childish;  and 
it  is  scarcely  less  so  for  writers  of  history  to  inveigh 
against  one  of  a  nation,  or  one  class,  for  performing 
the  functions  of  an  office  in  which  they  are  sustained 
by  the  people.  When  we  hear  rattle  the  chains  of 
the  struggling  mind,  we  are  too  apt  to  forget  how 
they  came  there,  to  forget  that  bondage  is  an  inheri 
tance,  and  to  blame  human  holders  of  power  for  not 
behaving  more  than  godlike,  and  hasten  to  lay  it  down 
and  free  the  race.  These  teachers  are  not  the  crafty 
serpents  their  biographers  make  them;  they  are 
worms  like  their  fellows ;  not  possessed  of  any  super 
human  knowledge  more  than  are  our  teachers  of  to 
day.  There  is  no  Serbonian  bog  of  more  hopeless 
depth  than  the  teachings  of  ignorance. 

Nevertheless,  as  we  shall  see,  the  Spanish  ministers 
of  Christ  were  not  wholly  consistent  in  their  practice 
with  the  teachings  of  their  divine  master.  Their 
practice  was  not  wholly  consistent  with  their  profes 
sion;  they  taught  charity,  mercy,  peace;  and  for  the 
enforcement  of  these  mild  precepts  they  brought  car 
nage,  inquisitorial  tortures,  and  all  the  demoniacal 
passions  the  nature  human  is  heir  to.  It  will  not 
do  to  survey  ecclesiastical  morality  by  the  light  of 
ecclesiastical  history.  The  pathway  of  Christ's  fol 
lowers  is  red  not  alone  with  the  blood  of  the  saints; 
the  history  of  persecution  is  the  history  of  the  church ; 
for  every  martyr  to  Christ's  love  ten  have  been  mar 
tyred  for  the  love  of  Christ.  Not  that  the  Christians 
of  the  fifteenth  century  were  more  cruel  or  less  sincere 
than  the  Christians  of  the  first  century.  Both  were 
eaten  up  of  zeal;  but  in  the  authoritative  elaboration 
of  its  dogmas  latter-day  faith  grew  ferocious,  and  sub 
tle  disputations  over  forms  of  infinitesimal  importance 
were  followed  by  copious  blood-lettings.  The  schisms 


CHRISTIANITY.  31 

and  slaughterings  of  the  several  branches  of  Un 
church  during  the  second  and  third  five  centuries  of 
its  existence  were  more  foolish  than  the  quarrelling 
for  the  shadow  of  an  ass.  With  the  Bi^endians  of 

O 

Lilliput  it  was  a  matter  of  no  small  consequence,  and 
a  point  of  orthodoxy,  that  all  eggs  should  be  cracked 
at  the  big  end,  wherefore  the  Smallendians  denounced 
them  as  vile  and  heretical,  because  any  one  but  the 
most  bigoted  and  abandoned  of  God  could  see  that 
eggs  should  be  broken  at  the  small  end.  Profitless 
disputation  has  not  wholly  ceased  even  in  our  own 
day. 

The  moral  ideal  of  the  Greeks  and  Romans  was 
patriotism;  that  of  the  early  Christians,  fraternity; 
that  of  the  mediaeval  Christians,  asceticism  and  self- 
torture.  When  pagan  civilization  lapsed  into  the 
dark  age,  political  unity  was  destroyed,  and  reli 
gious  unity  usurped  its  place ;  just  as  in  the  national 
unfolding  from  savagism,  superstition  follows,  if  in 
deed  it  does  not  accompany,  despotism.  Creeping, 
trembling  humanity  must  have  something  to  cling 
to;  if  not  substance,  then  it  seeks  to  embrace  shadows. 
No  sooner,  however,  than  the  mind,  enlightened  by 
experience,  is  able  to  distinguish  between  idle  fancies 
or  personalities  placed  by  the  imagination  behind 
appearances,  and  the  concrete  fact  that  this  deadly 
fear,  mother  of  the  twin  cubs  superstition  and  igno 
rance,  begins  to  lose  its  power,  and  gradually  fetich 
worship,  dead-hero  worship,  king  worship,  image  wor 
ship,  and  the  like  disappear. 

Christianity  was  taught  in  Spain  as  early  as  the 
second  century — some  say  earlier — entering  the  coun 
try  probably  from  Africa.  By  the  end  of  the  third 
century  churches  were  established.  The  arrival  of 

the  Visigoths  made  no  change  in  religion,  they,  too, 

.  ...  * 

having  already  embraced  Christianity. 

Spain  was  early  noted  for  an  extreme  religious  zeal. 
Nowhere  in  Europe  did  the  clergy  acquire  such  un 
bounded  influence  over  the  minds  of  the  people. 


32  COMPARATIVE  CIVILIZATIONS  AND  SAVAGISMS. 

Sismondi,  it  is  true,  asserts  that  not  until  the  time  of 
Charles  V.  did  the  Spaniards  become  in  any  special 
degree  bigoted  or  slavishly  religious ;  but  maintained 
in  a  great  degree  their  independence  against  that 
church  of  Rome  of  which  they  subsequently  became 
the  most  timid  vassals.  This  view,  however,  is 
hardly  that  of  his  brother  historians.  Buckle,  for 
one,  not  only  affirms  the  early  superstition  of  Spain, 
but  sees  physical,  a  priori  reasons  why  it  should 
have  been  so.  Famines,  epidemics,  earthquakes,  and 
general  unhealthiness  of  climate,  he  says,  are  among 
the  most  important  physical  causes  of  ultra-religiosity; 
both  by  their  effect  in  inflaming  superstition  and  over 
awing  inquiry,  and  in  their  shortening  their  average 
duration  of  life,  thus  increasing  the  frequency  and 
earnestness  with  which  supernatural  aid  is  invoked. 
In  these  unfavorable  natural  features,  no  European 
country  has  been  so  unfortunately  situated  as  Spain. 

In  this  theory,  Mr  Froude  thinks  there  is  a  great 
deal  of  truth ;  though  at  the  same  time  he  instances, 
on  the  other  side  of  the  question,  "Japan,  the  spot  in 
all  the  world  where  earthquakes  are  most  frequent, 
and  where,  at  the  same  time,  there  is  the  most  serene 
disbelief  in  any  supernatural  agency  whatever."  It 
seems,  on  the  whole,  a  mere  question  of  the  compara 
tive  influence  of  certain  admitted  powers,  none  of 
which  were  likely  to  be  at  all  favorable  to  cool,  fear 
less  reasoning.  Look,  for  example,  at  the  fitful,  pre 
carious  life  of  the  Spaniard  himself,  through  so  many 
generations  of  his  early  national  existence,  while  the 
Toledo  kept  as  best  it  could  against  the  cimeter  the 
western  gates  of  Europe.  In  such  times  "thought 
and  inquiry  were  impossible ;  doubt  was  unknown ;  and 
the  way  was  prepared  for  those  superstitious  habits, 
and  for  that  deep-rooted  and  tenacious  belief,  which 
have  always  formed  a  principal  figure  in  the  history 
of  the  Spanish  nation." 

So  much  for  Buckle;  it  must  be  recognized,  how 
ever,  with  regard  to  the  effects  of  this  latter  cause, 


RELIGION  IN  SPAIN.  S3 

that  before  the  Saracens  had  at  all  set  foot  in  the 
peninsula,  "no  kingdom  was  so  thoroughly  under  the 
bondage  of  the  hierarchy  as  Spain."  This  is  what 
Hallam  thinks  of  it;  while  Lafuente,  treating  of  the 
Gotho-Spanish  kingdom  as  early  as  the  seventh  cen 
tury,  speaks  of  "the  influence  and  preponderance  of 
the  clergy,  not  then  only  in  ecclesiastical  matters,  but 
also  in  the  policy  of  the  state."  In  fact,  of  the  national 
councils  held  at  that  time,  it  is  not  easy  to  determine 
whether  they  are  to  be  considered  as  ecclesiastical  or 
temporal  assemblies.  Milinan  affirms  them  to  have 
been  both.  To  such  an  extent  had  the  clergy  insinu 
ated  themselves  in  the  affairs  of  state. 

Turn  again  to  the  results  of  the  Mohammedan 
invasion  as  set  forth  by  the  historian  of  English  civili 
zation  :  "  There  were  three  ways  in  which  the  Moham 
medan  invasion  strengthened  the  devotional  feeling  of 
the  Spanish  people.  The  first  was  by  promoting  a 
long  and  obstinate  religious  war;  the  second  was  by 
the  presence  of  constant  and  imminent  dangers;  and 
the  third  was  by  the  poverty,  and  therefore  the  igno 
rance,  which  it  produced  among  the  Christians." 

The  war  which  drove  the  infidels  from  Spain  was  a 
war  for  the  faith,  a  crusade  no  less  than  a  conquest. 
The  interests  of  the  church,  as  well  as  the  interests  of 
the  nation,  were  at  stake;  hence  in  martial  matters 
the  clergy  took  active  interest,  and  played  therein  no 
mean  part.  Not  only  did  they  animate  the  soldiers 
by  their  enthusiasm,  and  comfort  them  with  promises 
of  divine  approbation,  but  abbots  and  bishops  joined 
in  councils  of  war,  and  led  armies  to  battle.  While 
the  king  fought  for  the  church,  the  church  could  do 
no  less  than  to  inculcate  such  maxims  as  should  tend 
most  to  the  service  of  the  kino-.  Likewise  the  king 

O  O 

stood  by  the  church  and  dearly  regarded  its  interests. 
And  now  these  two  great  powers,  which  had  marched 
hand  in  hand  for  ten  centuries  and  more,  were  ap 
proaching  the  meridian  of  their  glory.  The  courts  of 
Isabella,  Ferdinand,  Charles,  and  Philip,  with  all  their 

PAST.,  VOL.  I.    3 


34  COMPARATIVE  CIVILIZATIONS  AND  SAVAGISMS. 

forms  and  august  pageantries,  might  well  have  passed 
for  models  of  celestial  mansions;  as  if  the  gods  had 
come  down  and  taken  up  their  abode  with  men.  And 
so,  indeed,  many  regarded  it.  "Whatever  the  king 
came  in  contact  with,"  says  Buckle,  "was  in  some  de 
gree  hallowed  by  his  touch.  No  one  might  mount  a 
horse  which  he  had  ridden;  no  one  might  marry  a 
mistress  whom  he  had  deserted.  Horse  and  mistress 
alike  were  sacred,  and  it  would  have  been  impious  for 
any  subject  to  meddle  with  what  had  been  honored  by 
the  Lord's  anointed." 

The  despotic  power  embodied  in  a  united  church  and 
state  brought  the  Spanish  people  into  a  state  of  servile 
homage  to  king  and  clergy,  and  imprinted  on  their 
character  its  deepest  color.  Fired  by  earthly  hopes 
on  the  one  side,  and  heavenly  hopes  on  the  other,  the 
mind  became  greatly  inflamed.  It  became  part  of 
their  religion  to  be  loyal,  and  part  of  their  loyalty  to 
be  religious.  Upon  the  eve  of  battle  the  priest,  to 
stimulate  their  zeal,  wrought  miracles,  declared  omens, 
and  conjured  to  their  aid  the  potent  elements  of 
heaven.  The  most  trivial  circumstances  were  seized 
as  tokens  of  success  or  failure. 

As  the  learning  of  past  ages  lay  hidden  in  the  lan 
guages  understood  only  by  the  clergy,  such  expositions 
and  interpretations  could  be  placed  upon  it  as  best 
suited  their  purpose.  Thereby,  in  the  eyes  of  the 
ignorant,  they  were  clothed  in  mysterious  powers; 
they  were  special  confidants  of  the  deity,  and  held 
the  disposal  of  earthly  and  heavenly  blessings  at 
their  command.  Hence  all  united  to  do  them  rever 
ence.  A  large  share  of  the  spoils  of  battle  fell  to 
them.  In  every  province  wrested  from  the  Moors, 
extensive  grants  were  made  for  ecclesiastical  institu 
tions,  and  any  attempt  to  curb  their  avarice,  or  dis 
pute  their  authority,  was  denounced  as  impious  and 
heretical.  Priests  were  kings,  ministers,  lawyers,  or 
soldiers  as  the  interests  of  the  church  demanded. 
They  engaged  in  trade,  and  owned  manufactories. 


POWER  OF  THE  CLERGY.  35 

A  monk  could  travel  from  one  end  of  Spain  to  the 
other  without  money,  his  blessing  being  more  than 
compensation  for  his  entertainment.  The  proudest 
grandees  servilely  attended  the  clergy  on  occasions  of 
great  display,  such  as  the  burning  of  a  heretic,  or  in 
celebrating  mass,  gladly  embracing  every  opportunity 
of  manifesting  their  zeal  for  the  church  by  humbling 
themselves  before  its  meanest  functionaries.  The 
abbess  of  Huelgas  ranked  above  all  the  ladies  of 
Spain  save  the  queen.  Few  throughout  Christendom 
were  higher  in  ecclesiastical  dignity  than  the  arch 
bishop  of  Toledo,  ex  officio  primate  of  Spain  and  grand 
chancellor  of  Castile.  His  was  the  metropolitan 
church  whose  canons  dwelt  in  stately  palaces,  and 
whose  revenues  were  princely  rather  than  priestly. 

In  1549  a  convent  was  founded  by  Ramon  Beren- 
guer  in  Catalonia,  on  the  spot  where  the  body  of 
Poblet,  a  holy  hermit,  had  been  revealed  by  mystic 
lights.  The  shrine  became  famous.  Monarchs  en 
riched  it  with  their  wealth  and  honored  it  with  their 
remains.  If  we  may  credit  Hare,  "five  hundred 
monks  of  St  Bernard  occupied  but  did  not  fill  the 
magnificent  buildings.  Their  domains  became  almost 
boundless,  their  jewelled  chalices  and  gorgeous  church 
furniture  could  not  be  reckoned.  The  library  of 
Poblet  became  the  most  famous  in  Spain,  so  that  it 
was  said  that  a  set  of  wagons  employed  for  a  whole 
year  could  not  carry  away  the  books.  Poblet  grew  to 
be  the  Westminster  abbey  of  Spain,  and  its  occupants 
became  more  exclusive.  Their  number  was  reduced 
to  sixty-six,  but  into  that  sacred  circle  no  novice  was 
introduced  in  whose  veins  ran  other  than  the  purest 
blood  of  a  Spanish  grandee.  He  who  became  a  monk 
of  Poblet  had  to  prove  his  pedigree,  and  the  chap 
ter  sate  in  solemn  deliberation  upon  his  quartering^." 
Every  monk  had  two  servants  to  attend  him,  and 
when  he  went  out  he  rode  upon  a  snow-white  mule. 
The  whole  peninsula  was  searched  for  these  mules, 
and  they  commanded  an  enormous  price. 


36  COMPARATIVE  CIVILIZATIONS  AND  SAVAGISMS. 

Nowhere  in  Christendom  did  religion  enter  into 
the  daily  life  of  the  people  as  in  Spain.  Every  house 
was  a  school  of  superstition.  Every  guild  had  its 
patron  saint.  Thousands  of  vulgar  conceits,  omens, 
prognostics,  tales  of  witchcraft,  magic,  and  diabolic 
holiness  were  current  among  the  masses.  Piety  was 
made  practical.  "God  and  St  Bridget  bless  you!" 
cries  the  milkmaid  to  the  cow,  and  there  were  no 
more  kickings.  She  who  would  know  the  Christian 
name  of  her  lover  had  but  to  stretch  a  thread  across 
the  doorway,  and  the  name  of  the  first  man  who 
stepped  over  it  was  the  name  of  him  whom  she 
should  marry.  The  distaff  must  not  remain  loaded 
over  Sunday,  or  the  linen  of  the  following  week 
would  be  of  bad  quality,  and  thousands  of  like  ab 
surdities.  In  French  falconry,  if  we  may  believe 
Paul  Lacroix,  before  hunting,  the  birds  were  sprinkled 
with  holy  water,  as  on  St  Hubert's  day  hounds  and 
accoutrements  of  the  chase  were  blessed  by  the 
priests.  The  enemies  of  the  falcon  were  then  sol 
emnly  addressed  in  the  manner  following :  "I  adjure 
you,  O  eagles !  by  the  true  God,  by  the  holy  God,  by 
the  most  blessed  Virgin  Mary,  by  the  nine  orders  of 
angels,  by  the  holy  prophets,  by  the  twelve  apostles, 
to  leave  the  field  clear  to  our  birds,  and  not  to  molest 
them :  in  the  name  of  the  Father,  and  of  the  Son,  and 
of  the  Holy  Ghost." 

Emblematic  of  all  industries  and  interests  was  the 
cross.  The  body  is  fashioned  like  a  cross;  churches 
were  built  in  the  form  of  a  cross;  seas  could  not  be 
safely  traversed  except  in  cross-masted  vessels,  nor 
the  earth  made  fertile  by  any  other  than  a  cruciform 
spade. 

To  impress  the  popular  mind,  mystery-plays  or  pas 
sion-plays  were  introduced,  in  which  scripture  inci 
dents  were  arrayed  in  the  gaudy  paraphernalia  of  the 
drama.  In  these  repulsive  exhibitions,  ecclesiastics 
appeared  upon  the  stage  in  the  characters  of  the 
patriarchs  and  apostles,  and  even  of  the  deity.  Adam 


INSANE  SUPERSTITION.  37 

and  Eve  paraded  before  the  chaste  audience  naked, 
and  Lucifer  stalked  the  boards  with  horns  and  cloven 
hoof  and  forked  tail.  There  the  Christ  was  crucified, 
the  creator  sat  in  judgment,  and  the  fires  of  hell  were 
brightly  burning.  Later,  when  taste  became  refined 
by  art,  these  spectacles  were  modified  or  abandoned 
for  the  more  impressive  grandeur  of  architectural 
piles,  vaulted  aisles  and  pictured  windows;  pointed 
spires  and  deep-toned  bells;  with  statues,  incense, 
tapers,  and  the  imposing  ceremonials  of  the  mass. 
In  Spain  more  than  elsewhere  art  was  subordinated 
to  religion;  image  worship  was  the  most  fertile  field 
of  the  sculptor  and  painter.  Science,  if  used  at  all, 
was  employed  only  to  elucidate  some  doctrine  of 
the  church.  In  every  way,  by  interpolation  of  scrip 
ture,  by  exalting  blind  faith,  by  nursing  besotted 
ignorance  and  trembling  credulity,  science  was  smoth 
ered  and  rationalistic  thought  crushed.  Innovation, 
deviation  from  time-honored  tenets,  was  heresy.  To 
think  was  a  crime;  to  study  nature,  magic;  to  attempt 
to  interpret  nature  by  a  natural,  or  any  other  than  a 
biblical,  standard  was  sorcery. 

In  every  village  was  a  sorcerer,  wise  man,  or  magi 
cian,  a  most  useful  member  of  society,  who,  being  in 
correspondence  with  agencies  infernal,  wrought  mira 
cles,  cured  the  sick,  and  brought  to  light  that  which 
was  lost.  Days  lucky  and  unlucky  in  which  to  buy  and 
to  sell  were  duly  noted  in  the  almanac.  Joan  d'Are 
not  only  heard  voices  in  the  air,  and  beheld  strange 
visions,  but  she  made  the  French  and  English  soldiery 
see  them.  Columbus,  on  first  sighting  San  Salvador, 
saw  the  western  coast  of  Asia,  and  he  commanded 
every  one  of  his  men  to  see  in  that  island  Asia,  and 
to  believe  and  know  that  it  was  the  veritable  Cipango, 
the  Japan  of  India,  that  they  saw  under  penalty  of 
having  the  tongue  of  every  doubter  cut  out-  What 
had  men  to  do  with  their  senses,  with  reason?  The 
sum  of  duty  in  those  days  was  very  simple — only  be 
lieve.  Whatever  could  not  be  understood  might  be 


38  COMPARATIVE  CIVILIZATIONS  AND  SAVAGISMS. 

attributed,  with  Don  Quixote,  to  enchantment,  or  the 
work  of  some  wicked  magician.  And  so  John  Faust, 
the  printer,  was  a  witch ; "  and  storms  and  deaths  and 
all  evils  were  attributed  to  witches ;  and  witches  were 
burned  by  thousands. 

Sorcery  and  witchcraft  were  for  centuries  defended 
by  the  ablest  scholastics.  Thomas  Aquinas,  St  Au 
gustine,  Gerson,  and  Bodin  fought  as  hard  against 
scepticism  in  witchcraft  as  in  worship.  Neither  abil 
ity,  purity  of  intention,  nor  a  self-sacrificing  search 
for  truth  were  proof  against  error;  instance  Martin 
Luther  blackening  the  wall  with  his  inkstand  hurled 
against  an  imaginary  devil,  and  the  puritan  fathers 
who  fled  persecution,  only  for  Christ's  sake  to  perse 
cute  each  other.  Whoever  attempted  to  question 
the  truth  of  witchcraft  was  hushed  by  passages  from 
scripture,  by  which  or  from  which  anything  or  nothing 
can  be  proved.  The  logic  of  superstition  was  a  meas 
uring  of  error  by  error,  by  which  method  the  truth 
has  never  yet  been  meted  out. 

Toledo  was  famous  for  its  witches.  At  Calahorra 
in  1507  thirty  women  were  burned  for  witchcraft. 
Hundreds  of  instances  might  be  cited  where  women 
and  men  were  thus  tortured  to  death  by  these  pro 
foundly  blind  and  pious  men.  The  unfortunates  who 
thus  suffered  were  deemed  criminally  depraved,  ac 
cursed  of  God,  children  of  Satan,  whom  to  send  by 
an  excruciating  death  to  eternal  torment  were  a 
righteous  duty.  So  clergymen  dealt  with  the  tainted 
of  their  flock,  so  magistrates  dealt  with  the  accused, 
so  dealt  friend  with  friend,  and  mothers  with  children. 

Any  man  having  aught  against  another  had  but  to 
twist  his  body  into  a  knot,  call  the  semblance  of  agony 
to  his  face,  cry  witch,  and  charge  the  evil  on  his  enemy 
to  be  forever  rid  of  him.  As  late  as  1484  Innocent 
VIII.  complains  by  papal  bull  "  that  numbers  of  both 
sexes  do  not  avoid  to  have  intercourse  with  the  infer 
nal  fiends,  and  that  by  their  sorceries  »they  afflict  both 
man  and  beast.  They  blight  the  marriage  bed,  de- 


PATRISTIC  ABSURDITIES.  39 

stroy  the  births  of  women  and  the  increase  of  cattle; 
they  blast  the  corn  on  the  ground,  the  grapes  in  the 
vineyard,  the  fruits  of  the  trees,  and  the  grass  and 
herbs  of  the  field."  Strange  that  the  creator  and  pre 
server  of  all  things  should  stand  still  and  see  the 
innocent  suffer  for  what  he  has  done,  and  open  not  his 
mouth ! 

Patristic  writings  are  full  of  their  jugglery.  Among 
the  long  catalogue  of  miracles  deemed  authentic  by 
St  Augustine  were  five  cases  of  bringing  the  dead  to 
life.  During  life  birds  brought  fruit  to  the  anchorite, 
and  at  death  lions  dug  his  grave  and  howled  his  requiem. 
Often  the  virgin  descended,  and  lifting  the  pious  sup 
plicant  from  his  knees,  comforted  him.  Images  every 
where  cured  the  sick  and  winked  and  blinked  upon 
the  worshippers  at  their  shrine.  Under  direction  of 
the  Virgin  of  the  Pillar  at  Saragossa  chronic  diseases 
were  cured  and  amputated  limbs  restored.  Every  vil 
lage  had  its  shrine ;  every  temple  its  miracle-working 
relic.  So  rapidly  grew  the  hair  of  a  Burgos  crucifix, 
that  it  required  cutting  once  a  month.  Even  fi>hes 
left  their  element  and  thronged  about  St  Anthony 
to  hear  him  preach.  By  the  angelic  host  were  scat 
tered  the  armies  of  princes  opposed  to  the  church. 
Missionaries,  led  by  duty  into  the  wilderness,  were 
there  either  supernaturally  protected  or  granted 
glorious  martyrdom.  All  this  smacks  somewhat  of 
pious  fraud,  but  yet  more  of  mental  aberration. 

To-day  Hare  affirms  that  fifty  thousand  pilgrims 
flock  to  Saragossa  on  the  12th  of  October,  that  day 
being  the  festival  of  the  Virgin  of  the  Pillar.  "  God 
alone/'  says  Pope  Innocent  III.,  "  can  count  the  mira 
cles  which  are  there  performed,"  and  Cardinal  Retz, 
who  was  at  the  place  in  1649,  solemnly  declares  that 
"he  saw  with  his  own  eyes  a  leg  which  had  been  cut 
off  grow  again  upon  being  rubbed  with  oil  from  one  of 
the  virgin's  lamps."  St  Vincent  Ferrer  of  Valencia 
made  those  who  were  born  blind  to  see ;  he  made  the 
lame  to  walk,  raised  the  dead,  converted  thirty-five 


40  COMPARATIVE  CIVILIZATIONS  AND  SAVAGISMS. 

thousand  Jews,  and  performed  many  other  minor 
feats.  Ponderous  volumes  are  filled  with  the  mirac 
ulous  doings  of  holy  men,  with  the  visions  they  had 
seen,  and  the  visitations  made  to  them.  Thus  were 
children  taught  by  their  parents,  pupils  by  their 
teachers,  soldiers  by  their  king;  thus  were  men  as 
sured  of  the  truth  by  those  whom  they  regarded  a>s 
the  ministers  and  representatives  of  God's  will  and 
power  on  earth.  Such  was  the  atmosphere  in  which 
the  belief  of  our  Newr  World  adventurers  was  formed. 

The  clergy  easily  obtained  permission  to  establish 
courts  for  the  decision  of  all  questions  relative  to 
their  creeds  and  to  their  property.  By  extending 
under  various  artifices  the  jurisdiction  of  these  spirit 
ual  courts,  they  were  made  to  include  the  greater  part 
of  all  cases  arising  for  litigation  Codes  of  laws  were 
formed,  and  rules  established  whereby  uniform  and 
consistent  decisions  were  made.  The  fulmination  of 
ecclesiastical  edicts  became  common,  and  were  more 
dreaded  than  bodily  punishment.  Their  system  of  j  uris- 
prudence  gradually  superseded  arbitration  by  combat, 
and  their  courts  were  regarded  as  more  strictly  tem 
ples  of  justice  than  those  of  the  feudal  magistrates. 
Finally  a  system  of  canon  law  was  framed  in  accord 
ance  with  their  pretensions,  and  thereafter  the  church 
refused  to  submit  her  affairs  to  the  decision  of  tem 
poral  tribunals. 

Joining  the  king  against  the  nobles,  the  clergy 
plunged  deep  into  political  intrigue,  directing  the 
affairs  of  government,  and  entering  largely  into  juris 
prudence.  Priestcraft,  an  essential  constituent  of  chiv 
alry  and  the  crusades,  became  the  dominant  power  of 
civilized  societies,  and  gave  coloring  to  all  religious 
wars.  Wealth  followed  as  a  natural  sequence.  One 
half  the  property  of  Spain  was  at  one  time  under  con 
trol  of  the  church,  and  all  of  it  exempt  from  taxation. 

The  court  of  Rome,  during  the  latter  part  of  the 
fifteenth  and  the  early  part  of  the  sixteenth  centuries, 
was  at  the  height  of  its  power,  and  the  depth  of  its 


IRONY   OF  HUMILITY.  41 

corruption.  The  popes,  after  the  council  of  Constance, 
added  to  their  spiritual  and  quasi-temporal  sovereignty 
over  Christendom  a  complete  civil  and  secular  author 
ity  in  the  papal  states.  The  primacy  of  St  Peter,  at 
first  a  state  of  simple  guardianship,  became  powerful 
through  the  power  of  the  Romans.  The  authority 
over  provincial  churches  which  the  city  of  Rome,  as 
mistress  of  the  world,  gave  to  the  early  pastors  of 
Rome,  upon  the  advent  of  Mohammed  and  the  fall  of 
the  sees  of  Antioch,  Alexandria,  and  Constantinople, 
was  left  supreme.  The  superiority,  at  first  conceded 
by  virtue  of  parental  protection,  was  then  claimed  as 
a  right.  As  the  empire  of  Rome  declined,  the  empire 
of  St  Peter  maintained  the  supremacy,  and  in  the 
eleventh  century  Hildebrand,  under  title  of  Gregory 
VII. ,  promulgated  the  bold  conceit  that  the  successor 
of  St  Peter  as  vicegerent  of  the  creator  is  sovereign 
of  the  world.  Thus  the  patriarch  of  Rome  became 
the  pope  of  Rome.  Although  subscribing  himself 
Servus  Servorum  Dei,  servant  of  the  servants  of  God, 
he  was  content  to  be  nothing  less  than  master  of  the 
masters  of  men.  Twelve  hundred  years  after  Christ, 
the  vicar  of  Christ  assumes  that  temporal  authority 
which  Christ  himself  declared  to  be  no  part  of  his 
mission.  The  exit  of  Colonna,  as  Martin  IV.,  from 
Constance,  was  more  glorious  than  Christ's  entry  into 
Jerusalem.  Arrayed  in  gorgeous  robes,  and  mounted 
on  a  richly  caparisoned  mule,  forty  thousand  horse 
men,  among  whom  were  kings,  princes,  and  prelates, 
knights,  arid  learned  doctors,  escorted  him'  beyond  the 
city  walls.  On  one  side  rode  the  emperor,  and  on  the 
other  the  elector  of  Brandenburg,  each  holding  a  rein. 
His  housings  were  supported  by  princes,  and  he  rode 
beneath  a  canopy  borne  by  four  counts. 

The  mighty  and  noble  being  thus  brought  under 
the  yoke,  such  fatherly  precepts  were  instilled  into 
their  minds  as  should  keep  them  zealous  and  trac 
table.  A  system  of  rewards  and  punishments  was 
invented.  Pet  names  were  given  in  return  for  enii- 


42  COMPARATIVE  CIVILIZATIONS  AND  SAVAGISMS. 

nent  services.  Ferdinand  of  Spain  for  expelling  the 
Moors  was  permitted  to  call  himself  Most  Catholic 
Majesty;  the  king  of  Portugal  was  dubbed  Most 
Faithful;  Louis  XL,  Most  Christian;  while  Henry 
VIII. ,  for  opposing  Luther,  was  styled  Defender  of 
the  Faith,  and  for  opposing  the  pope  was  anathema 
tized.  Christian  monarchs,  faithful  to  the  church, 
were  confirmed  and  strengthened  in  their  government, 
and  their  dominions  enlarged;  while  maledictions 
were  hurled  at  those  who  dared  to  disobey ;  crusades 
were  preached,  not  against  infidels  alone,  but  against 
Christian  nations  whose  rulers  refused  to  bow  before 
the  papal  power.  Multitudes  from  every  land  flocked 
to  Rome,  as  formerly  pilgrims  flocked  to  the  holy 
sepulchre. 

It  is  inconsistent  with  earthly  affairs  for  greatness 
like  this  to  last.  The  fruit  of  it  ripened  and  decayed. 
The  pope  who  made  himself  higher  than  man  lived 
lower  than  the  brute.  Sixtus  IV.  who  reigned  from 
1471  to  1484  was  led  by  his  nepotism  into  base  in 
trigues  .and  treacherous  conspiracies.  Innocent  VIII. , 
1484-1592,  is  accredited  by  his  mildest  historians 
with  seven  illegitimate  children,  offspring  of  various 
women.  The  very  name  of  Alexander  VI.,  1492- 
1503,  the  father  of  Caesar  and  Lucretia  Borgia,  is 
synonymous  with  cruelty  and  licentiousness.  "  The 
impure  groves  of  antiquity,"  says  Merle  D'Aubigne, 
"  probably  never  saw  the  like  of  the  wickedness  per 
petrated  under  his  roof."  He  secured  his  election 
by  buying  every  cardinal  at  a  fixed  price;  and  on  the 
day  of  his  coronation  he  made  his  son  Caesar  arch 
bishop  of  Valencia  and  bishop  of  Pampeluna.  This 
youth,  worthy  of  his  illustrious  father,  first  murdered 
his  brother  and  threw  the  body  into  the  Tiber,  then 
strangled  his  brother-in-law,  and  finally  becoming 
jealous  of  his  father's  favorite,  stabbed  him  to  the 
heart  in  the  very  presence  of  the  pontiff.  He  kept 
a  band  of  hired  assassins  constantly  at  hand  to  do  his 
bidding.  Lucretia  Borgia,  twice  married,  lived  in- 


IMMORAL  PONTIFFS.  43 

cestuously  at  the  same  time  with  her  father  and  two 
brothers.  The  Borgias,  father  and  children,  turned 
the  imperial  city  into  a  harem.  Falling  at  length  a 
victim  to  his  own  diabolical  cunning,  the  pope  died  of 
poison  which  he  had  prepared  for  others.  Yet  in 
justice  to  Alexander  VI.,  it  may  be  said  that  notwith 
standing  his  incestuous  debaucheries  he  was  one  of 
the  most  able  princes  of  his  age.  He  successfully 
quelled  the  refractory  spirit  of  his  barons,  although 
he  did  not  scruple  to  use  poison  and  poniard  in  effect 
ing  his  purpose.  He  was  devoted  to  the  welfare  of 
the  people,  and  kind  to  the  poor.  Julius  II.,  1  SOS- 
IS  13,  notwithstanding  his  love  of  war  and  his  en 
couragement  of  art — became  prematurely  old  from 
intemperance  and  sensual  excesses.  With  such  pas 
tors,  what  may  be  expected  of  the  people? 

The  wickedness  of  the  pontiffs  did  not  die  with 
them,  but  spread  like  a  pestilence  through  all  ranks 
of  the  priesthood,  and  infected  every  grade  of  society. 
Simony  and  licentiousness  were  of  the  most  common 
occurrence.  While  the  church  was  burning  heretics 
for  simple  differences  of  opinion,  one  half  of  her  priest 
hood  purchased  their  preferments,  and  lived  in  open 
concubinage. 

Yet  civilization  owes  Roman  Catholicism  some 
thing;  for  example,  the  unification  of  society  during 
the  dark  age;  restraining  the  passion  for  war  con 
sequent  on  the  subordination  of  political  power  to 
divinely  deputed  papal  power;  the  unification  of  the 
Christian  church,  growing  out  of  the  doctrine  of  papal 
infallibility;  the  abolition  of  slavery;  the  softening  and 
refining  of  manners,  and  multitudinous  social  cour 
tesies  and  benefits. 

Thus  we  have  seen  how  the  people  of  Spain  were 
educated  into  ignorance  and  fanaticism;  how  truth  was 
hidden  away,  and  falsehood  and  superstition  clothed 
in  the  semblance  of  truth;  how  devotion  to  the  king 
and  to  the  church  was  rewarded,  and  devotion  to 


44  COMPARATIVE  CIVILIZATIONS  AND  SAVAGISMS. 

country  and  conscience  punished.  Now  let  us  see 
how  proselytes  were  made  in  Spain  in  the  sixteenth 
century,  as  I  have  elsewhere  in  this  series  fully  de 
scribed  the  engines  of  conversion  in  America.  And 
I  ask  the  reader  to  compare  the  human  sacrifices  of 
Europe  with  the  human  sacrifices  of  America;  com 
pare  the  bloody  butcheries  of  the  Christians  with 
those  of  the  Aztecs;  compare  the  diabolical  savagism 
of  Spain  and  England  and  France,  about  the  time  of 
the  conquest,  with  the  worst  that  was  found  in  the 
New  World. 

So  dear  was  the  purity  of  the  faith  to  both  spiritual 
and  temporal  rulers,  that  in  the  twelfth  century  in 
quirers,  or  inquisitors,  were  appointed  throughout 
Europe  to  examine  persons  suspected  of  heresy.  If 
spiritual  chastisement  failed  to  make  plain  the  mys 
teries  of  religion,  the  unbeliever  was  turned  over  to 
the  secular  arm.  Made  fertile  by  the  copious  effu 
sions  of  Mohammedan  blood,  no  soil  in  Europe  was 
better  prepared  for  growing  these  rank  weeds  of  coer 
cion,  none  more  prolific,  than  that  of  Spain. 

Following  Lafuente  in  his  notice  of  this  institution, 
it  appears  that  as  early  as  1232  Gregory  IX.  directed 
the  archbishop  of  Tarragona,  as  to  the  establishment 
of  its  courts,  in  Catalonia,  Aragon,  Castile,  and  Na 
varre.  The  inquisitors  were  Dominicans  as  usual. 
The  king  of  Castile,  St  Ferdinand,  proved  his  re 
ligious  zeal  by  helping  with  his  own  shoulders  to 
carry  the  wood  for  the  burning  of  heretics.  The  king 
Don  Diego  of  Aragon  attended  with  his  sons  at  the 
torture  of  Pedro  Durango  de  Baldach,  burned  by  sen 
tence  of  the  Inquisitor-general  Burguete. 

In  Castile,  at  least,  this  tribunal  presently  fell  to 
pieces;  so  that  in  1464  in  that  kingdom  no  inquisition 
was  to  be  found,  but  many  desired  its  reestablishment. 
No  steps,  however,  were  taken  in  that  reign.  In 
1478,  at  the  request  of  Isabella,  who  was  acted  upon 
by  her  spiritual  advisers,  Sixtus  IV.  empowered  the 
catholic  kings  to  elect  three  prelates,  and  other  eccle- 


INQUISITION.  45 

siastical  doctors  and  licentiates,  of  good  life,  to  inquire 
after  and  proceed  against  the  heretics  and  apostates 
of  the  realm,  according  to  law  and  custom. 

The  modern  inquisition  was  established  in  the  con 
vent  of  San  Pablo  de  Sevilla,  whence  it  moved  in 
1481  into  the  fortress  of  Triana.  In  appearance,  this 
odious  institution  harmonized  with  the  orthodox  faith; 
in  reality,  the  Spanish  inquisition  was  less  an  ecclesi 
astical  than  a  political  tribunal.  It  placed  in  the  hand 
of  the  sovereigns  a  powerful  instrument  for  suppress 
ing  faction  and  strengthening  royal  despotism.  The 
mechanism  of  the  modern  inquisition  was  prepared 
more  especially  for  the  conversion  of  Jews  and  Mo 
hammedans.  As  the  order-loving  citizen  looks  compla 
cently  upon  the  gibbet  erected  for  the  punishment  of 
crime,  so  orthodox  Spaniards  at  first  regarded  this 
ominous  instrument,  which  was  to  punish  usurious 
unbelievers  and  turbaned  infidels,  with  favor  rather 
than  with  fear;  but  in  the  end  they  found,  to  their 
cost,  that  hidden  power  should  be  wielded  only  by  the 
hand  of  omniscience. 

Forty-five  inquisitors-general,  with  the  Dominican 
Torquemada  at  their  head,  were  appointed  by  their 
catholic  Majesties  and  the  pope  conjointly.  Thirteen 
courts  were  organized,  and  edicts  issued  calling  upon 
all  persons  to  give  information  against  any  suspected 
of  heresy.  Every  now  and  then  some  member  of  a 
society  mysteriously  disappeared  from  his  accustomed 
haunts,  never  again  to  be  seen.  When  arrested,  the 
prisoner  was  conducted  to  the  secret  dungeon  of  the 
inquisition,  and  all  intercourse  with  the  world  forbid 
den  him.  Evidence  was  given  in  writing,  but  the 
name  of  the  witness  was  known  only  to  the  judges. 
The  accuser  and  the  accused  were  never  brought  face 
to  face.  Often  the  prisoner  knew  not  for  what  crime 
he  was  accused.  Secret  and  presumptive  testimony 
was  allowed,  and  the  most  absurd  proof  admitted.  To 
convict  of  Judaism,  it  was  only  necessary  to  eat  with 
a  Jew,,  to  wear  better  clothes  than  usual  on  the  Jewish 


46  COMPARATIVE  CIVILIZATIONS  AND  SAVAGISMS. 

sabbath,  to  drink  Jewish  wine,  or  keep  a  Jewish  mis 
tress.  After  undergoing  a  mock  trial,  those  who  re 
fused  to  confess  the  crime  charged  upon  them,  whether 
guilty  or  not,  were  put  to  the  torture. 

Three  ordeals  were  practised  in  Spain  for  determin 
ing  the  guilt  or  innocence  of  the  prisoner:  the  cord, 
water,  and  fire.  Trial  by  the  cord  was  performed  by 
fastening  the  hands  of  the  victim  behind  his  back  with 
a  strong  cord,  one  end  of  which  was  passed  through  a 
pulley  attached  to  the  roof  of  the  chamber.  The  exe 
cutioner  then  raised  the  victim  to  the  ceiling,  and 
after  holding  him  suspended  for  a  time,  suddenly  loos 
ened  the  cord,  permitting  him  to  drop  within  a  foot  of 
the  floor,  when  his  fall  was  suddenly  checked.  By 
this  terrible  shock,  the  cord  was  made  to  cut  into  the 
flesh,  and  the  joints  were  dislocated.  The  shocks 
were  repeated  until  confession  was  made  or  life  endan 
gered.  The  ordeal  by  water  was  performed  by  bend 
ing  the  body  over  a  wooden  horse,  in  such  a  manner 
that  the  feet  were  higher  than  the  head,  and  respira 
tion  extremely  painful.  A  lever  and  cords  were  then 
employed  to  distort  the  body  and  cut  the  flesh.  While 
undergoing  the  most  excessive  agony  in  this  position, 
in  order  to  render  torture  yet  more  active,  the  mouth 
and  nostrils  were  covered  with  a  piece  of  fine  linen, 
wetted,  through  which  the  victim  with  the  utmost 
difficulty  respired.  Water  was  then  poured  upon  the 
face,  a  small  quantity  of  which  slowly  filtered  through 
the  linen.  In  the  frantic  efforts  of  the  sufferer  to 
swallow  and  to  breathe,  blood-vessels  were  ruptured, 
the  linen  was  saturated  with  blood,  and  the  body 
broken  and  lacerated  by  the  cords  in  a  horrible  man 
ner.  In  the  ordeal  by  fire,  the  feet  of  the  victim  were 
placed,  firmly  bound,  near  the  fire.  Oil  or  lard  was 
then  rubbed  over  them,  until  the  flesh  was  literally 
cooked,  and  the  bones  protruded.  Such  are  the  sick 
ening  details  by  which  alone  we  may  show  how  Chris 
tians  labored  for  the  salvation  of  souls  only  four 
hundred  years  ago ! 


AUTO-DE-Fti.  47 

The  demoniacal  solemnities  of  the  inquisition  cul 
minated  in  that  grandest  and  most  imposing  ceremonial 
of  the  church,  the  auto-de-fe,  or  act  of  faith,  upon 
which  occasion  punishment  was  inflicted  upon  the  con 
demned.  Once  more  I  would  ask  how  to  distinguish 
the  radical  difference  between  the  human  sacrifices  of 
the  Mexicans  and  Peruvians  and  the  malignant  enor 
mities  of  the  inquisitorial  tribunal,  except  that  the 
former  was  attended  by  far  less  passion  and  cruelty 
than  the  latter.  Punishments  of  persons  convicted 
by  the  court  of  the  inquisition  were  of  various  grades. 
Property  in  every  instance  was  confiscated;  and  as  a 
great  part  of  the  wealth  of  the  kingdom  was  in  the 
hands  of  heretical  Jews  and  Moors,  convictions  were 
rapid  and  easy.  Some  were  condemned  to  be  burned, 
others  who  could  not  be  found  were  burned  in  effigy. 
Some  were  condemned  to  be  reconciled — by  which 
term  is  meant  fines,  imprisonment,  or  disenfranchise- 
ment. 

On  the  morning  of  the  day  appointed  for  the  dhmal 
spectacle,  the  populace  were  awakened  by  the  muffled 
sound  of  the  cathedral  bell,  and  soon  a  cro\vd  of  eager 
spectators  thronged  the  streets  and  public  square. 
The  dungeon  doors  of  the  tribunal  were  then  thrown 
open  and  the  unfortunate  victims  were  brought  forth. 
First  in  the  procession  were  placed  the  penitents,  or 
those  condemned  to  do  penance  and  be  reconciled. 
Next,  barefooted,  clothed  in  san  benitos,  or  long  yel 
low  frocks,  decorated  with  scarlet  cross,  and  pictures 
of  imps  and  fires  of  hell  to  which  the  wearer's  soul  is 
doomed,  with  a  high  pointed-crowned  hat  upon  the 
head,  and  a  large  crucifix  borne  before  them,  were 
those  condemned  to  death.  Then  followed  effigies  of 
uncaught  heretics;  and  in  black  coffins  garnished  with 
infernal  symbols,  the  bones  of  those  who  had  died 
under  torture  or  during  confinement.  The  Dominicans 
of  the  holy  office,  arrayed  in  sable  robes,  with  the 
banner  of  the  inquisition  borne  aloft,  led  the  proces 
sion,  while  long  files  of  monks  in  sacerdotal  livery 


48  COMPARATIVE  CIVILIZATIONS  AND  SAVAGISMS. 

brought  up  the  rear.  Nobles  and  grandees  joined  in 
the  ceremony,  zealous  to  set  the  seal  of  their  approval 
upon  this  sanguinary  sacrifice  to  their  faith. 

The  dismal  cortege  then  inarched  through  the  prin 
cipal  streets  of  the  city  to  the  church.  Then  a  ser 
mon  was  preached,  and  the  sentences  pronounced;  at 
the  close  of  which  an  officer  of  the  holy  office  struck 
each  victim  upon  the  breast  with  his  hand,  signifying 
that  the  inquisition  thereby  abandoned  the  condemned 
to  the  civil  authorities,  chains  were  then  placed  upon 
the  prisoners,  and  they  were  led  forth  to  execution. 
Those  who  recanted  at  the  last  moment  were  kindly 
strangled  before  being  cast  into  the  fire;  otherwise, 
they  were  denied  that  favor,  and  burned  alive.  Thus 
were  punished  between  1481  and  1808  340,000  per 
sons,  of  whom  32,000  were  burned.  Such  were  the 
measures  adopted  to  turn  the  hearts  of  men  to  the 
mild  teachings  of  Him  whose  name  and  mission  was 
love.  Such  were  the  arguments  used  to  impress 
reason  with  the  truths  of  religion.  Who  can  wonder 
that  cruelty  and  fanatic  zeal  characterized  the  Spanish 
adventurers  to  the  New  World,  when  at  home  such 
foul  acts  for  the  stifling  of  human  thought  were  pom 
pously  performed  by  mighty  sovereigns  and  holy  eccle 
siastics  ? 

In  15G1  Ferdinand  was  succeeded  by  Charles,  a 
sincere,  honest,  and  by  no  means  bad-hearted  man. 
Yet  the  religious  current  into  which  he  was  cast 
swept  him  into  the  most  barbarous  and  bigoted  ex 
tremes.  A  terribly  fervent  light,  and  hid  under  no 
bushel,  was  his  to  the  heretic.  To  buy  a  heterodox 
book  was  death.  To  be  a  heretic  was  flames  and  fire, 
both  in  this  world  and  that  which  was  to  come.  In 
the  low  countries  the  deaths  for  this  cause  were  esti 
mated  at  one  hundred  thousand.  Almost  the  last 
deed  of  the  old  emperor  was  to  add  a  codicil  to  his 
will,  abjuring  his  son  to  show  no  mercy  to  the  accursed 
plant  of  Lutheranism. 

Right  well    did    Philip  keep    his  father's  precept. 


REVIVAL  OF  LETTERS.  49 

His  motto  was,  "  Better  not  to  reign  than  reign  over 
heretics."  A  life  guided  by  this  loadstar  left  such  a 
blood  track  as  may  be  imagined;  and  so  thoroughly 
did  he  his  work  that  heresy,  which  convulsed  all 
Europe,  was  in  Spain  practically  dead  by  the  year 
1570.  From  the  Pyrenees  to  Gibraltar  all  were 
loyal,  all  were  orthodox.  Then  further  aimed  the  be 
nignant  Philip,  even  at  the  empire  of  Europe,  that  he 
might  utterly  away  from  the  earth  with  those  rude 
doctrines  that  still  offended  his  nostrils  from  many  a 
quarter.  Thus  the  spirit  of  intolerance,  kindled  by 
the  Mohammedan  wars,  and  fanned  into  a  fierce  flame 
by  the  reformation,  was  kept  alive  by  the  mighty 
power  of  these  royal  bigots. 

The  revival  of  letters,  which  acted  as  a  powerful  stim 
ulant  in  mental  development,  produced  a  corresponding 
advance  in  morals.  As  laymen  were  enabled  to  read 
for  themselves,  they  were  no  longer  dependent  upon 
the  clergy  for  an  interpretation  of  sacred  and  secular 
writings.  Men  began  to  think  and  to  judge  for  them 
selves.  The  clouds  of  superstition  were  dispelled  by 
the  revelations  of  science.  The  dogmas  of  the  church 
and  the  lives  of  the  clergy  were  compared  with  the 
teachings  of  the  apostles.  The  foul  diseases  bred  by 
ecclesiastical  excesses  threatened  ruin  to  the  church. 
The  reformation  which  broke  out  about  1520  under 
Luther  in  Germany  and  Zwingli  in  Switzerland  di 
vided  Europe  anew.  The  unity  of  the  church  was 
forever  broken.  A  power  mightier  than  that  of 
armies  and  rituals  had  arisen — the  power  of  thought, 
the  right  to  judge,  moral  and  intellectual  freedom. 
The  impulse  thus  given  to  thought  can  scarcely  be 
understood  by  us.  We  can  probably  never  fully 
realize,  first,  how  thoroughly  the  black  pall  was 
flung  over  learning  and  reason  by  the  mediaeval 
church;  and  secondly,  how  vehemently  it  was  torn 
asunder  with  the  rise  of  speculative  discussion.  But 
in  Spain  protestantism  was  destined  to  a  short  career. 

CAL.  PAST.,  VOL.  I.    4 


50  COMPARATIVE  CIVILIZATIONS  AND  SAVAGISMS. 

That  implacable  hatred  for  heretics  which  for  so  many 
centuries  had  nerved  the  arm  of  the  nation,  and  kept 
in  a  fervent  glow  the  spirit  of  fanaticism  and  persecu 
tion,  had  not  yet  time  to  cool.  Luther's  doctrines 
were  fiercely  met  by  the  inquisitors;  his  books  were 
seized  and  burned  as  fast  as  they  appeared,  and  those 
who  read  them  were  excommunicated.  Soon  after 
the  Index  Expurgatorius,  or  list  of  books  condemned 
by  the  inquisition  as  dangerous  to  Spain,  was  pub 
lished,  and  any  person  in  whose  possession  a  copy  of 
one  of  those  books  should  be  found  was  condemned 
to  death.  Thus  the  rising  spirit  of  inquiry,  destined 
to  regenerate  all  Europe,  was  crushed,  and  bigotry 
and  fanaticism  still  held  rule  in  Spain. 

The  effects  of  the  reformation  were  nevertheless 
keenly  felt  upon  the  peninsula,  and  the  church  herself 
set  about  correcting  those  abuses  which  heretical 
reformers  were  not  allowed  to  touch.  Anns  and 
missionaries  were  liberally  bestowed  upon  the  New 
World,  and  the  colonists  charged  to  exert  their  utmost 
powers  to  extend  the  faith  to  the  benighted  natives. 
While  Luther  was  nailing  his  theses  to  the  church 
door  at  Wurtenberg,  Cortes  was  thundering  at  the 
portals  of  Mexico.  "  God  clearly  chose  this  bold 
captain,  Don  Fernando  Cortes,"  says  the  pious  Mcn- 
dieta,  "and  adopted  him  as  an  instrument  to  open 
through  him  the  gate,  and  prepare  the  way  for  the 
preachers  of  his  gospel  in  this  New  World,  where  the 
catholic  church  might  be  restored  and  recompensed 
in  the  conversion  of  many  souls,  for  the  great  loss  and 
injury  which  the  accursed  Luther  was  to  cause,  at  the 
same  epoch  in  the  old  Christianity." 

Yet  another  reaction.  The  zealot  to  please  God 
first  plunges  into  the  depths  of  poverty  and  woe ;  then 
basks  in  sunny  sloth  and  fatness;  then  growing  ambi 
tious,  soars  to  eminence  in  statecraft,  war,  and  wealth, 
only  to  be  thrust  down  by  the  jealous  arm  of  royalty. 
Before  corruption  had  reached  its  height,  or  a  refor 
mation  had  been  thought  of,  papal  sovereignty  began  to 


POPULAR  REPRESENTATION.  51 

decline.  It  was  tlie  wealth  of  the  clergy,  however, 
that  was  taken  from  them,  rather  than  their  religion. 
Ferdinand  and  Isabella  were  no  less  vigilant  in  sup 
pressing  ecclesiastical  power  than  in  curbing  the  pre 
tensions  of  the  nobles.  They  claimed  as  a  right  the 
nomination  to  episcopal  sees;  the  utmost  care  was 
taken  by  the  crown  to  obtain  and  hold  the  sovereign 
jurisdiction  in  church  affairs.  Although  the  reverence 
of  Ferdinand  for  the  church  was  unbounded,  his  crafty 
zeal  preferred  himself  as  spiritual  overseer,  and  he 
took  care  to  have  all  ecclesiastical  dignities  and  emol 
uments  throughout  his  entire  dominions  at  his  own 
disposal. 

Queen  Isabella  watched  with  solicitous  care  eccle 
siastical  morals,  and  endeavored  by  every  means  in  her 
vower  to  elevate  and  purify  the  church.  Besides  a 
system  of  vigorous  purgations,  and  introducing  the 
most  wholesome  reforms,  new  zeal  was  imparted  to 
the  church  by  new  ecclesiastical  orders.  In  1534 
Ignatius  of  Loyola  founded  the  society  of  Jesuits, 
denouncing  luxury  and  self-indulgence,  holding  in 
abeyance  the  senses,  and  renewing  the  ancient  obliga 
tions  of  chastity  and  poverty. 

Thus  I  have  sketched  lightly,  but  I  trust  not  with 
undue  proportion,  the  salient  points  of  church  influ 
ence  in  Spain;  more  lightly  still  the  reformation 
which  was  strangled  in  its  swaddling-clothes.  What 
had  Spain  to  do  with  such  things?  She  could  see  no 
sheep  not  of  this  fold.  She  had  only  for  such  sheep 
nameless  torture  and  execration.  She  worshipped 
blindly,  fervently,  wholly;  no  Laodicean  drop  in  all 
her  bottomless  devotion.  Father  Juan  Francisco  de 
San  Antonio  spake  with  the  voice  of  Spain  when  he 
said:  "The  pope,  then,  is  our  visible  monarch  and 
emperor,  in  things  spiritual,  in  things  temporal;  the 
living  God  of  the  earth,  or  vicar  of  God;  the  two 
constituting  on  earth  a  single  tribunal. 

"Papa  stupor  mundi,  qui  maxima  rerum. 

"Nee  Deus  est,  nee  homo,  quasi  neuter  inter  utrum- 
que." 


52  COMPARATIVE  CIVILIZATIONS   AND   SAVAGISMS. 

As  I  have  said,  the  world  is  not  without  obligation 
to  the  church  for  the  part  she  played  in  the  darkest 
ages,  even  though  her  influence  did  bring  that  dark 
ness  down  on  the  noon  of  Greek  and  Roman  culture; 
and  that  obligation  still  exists  for  manifold  reasons  to 
this  day.  And  while  we  remember  with  horror  the 
past  crimes  of  civilization,  let  us  beware  for  the  future 
of  those  delusions  which  swallow  as  in  a  black  gulf  all 
the  nobler  attributes  of  soul  and  sense. 

Popular  representation  existed  in  the  several  king 
doms  of  Spain  at  an  early  period.  According  to  Fer- 
reras  the  first  cortes  or  congress  of  Castile  was  held 

O 

at  Burgos  in  1169.  It  was  composed  of  three  estates, 
the  clergy,  nobility,  and  commonalty.  In  Catalonia 
the  third  estate  was  the  representatives  of  cities, 
and  the  presence  of  the  clergy  was  not  indispensable. 
The  king  summoned  and  presided  over  the  cortes  in 
person.  Spain  before  the  coalescence  of  Aragon  arid 
Castile  was  separated  into  minor  provinces  and  petty 
kingdoms,  whose  rulers  possessed  authority  but  little 
superior  to  some  of  their  most  powerful  subjects.  The 
cortes  of  Aragon  was  composed  of  four  estates :  ricos 
hombres,  or  nobility  of  the  first  class ;  infanzones,  knights 
or  nobility  of  the  second  class;  deputies  of  towns  and 
representatives  of  the  clergy.  In  ancient  times  the 
power  of  this  body  was  supreme.  Twelve  members  con 
stituted  a  quorum,  and  no  measure  could  be  adopted 
without  a  unanimous  vote;  kings  were  created  and 
deposed  by  this  body  at  will,  and  every  branch  of  pub 
lic  affairs  was  under  its  control.  Upon  the  coronation 
of  a  king  the  monarch  was  conducted  before  the  as 
sembly,  the  Gran  Justicia  being  seated  on  a  throne 
and  surrounded  by  the  grandees  and  prelates  of  the 
realm;  the  coronation  oath  was  administered,  where 
upon  each  of  the  nobles  drew  his  sword,  and  placing 
its  point  upon  the  king's  heart,  exclaimed:  "Nos,  que 
valemos  tal  que  vos  y  juntos  podemos  mas  que  vos, 
vos  facernos  rey  para  que  guardeis  la  ley  e  si  non, 


SANTA  HERMANDAD.  53 

non."  We,  each  one  of  us  your  equal,  and  together 
mightier  than  you,  we  make  you  king,  that  you  may 
keep  the  law,  and  if  not,  not. 

Upon  the  union  of  the  several  kingdoms  of  the  pen 
insula  under  one  monarchy,  the  local  legislative  bodies 
were  merged  into  one  national  cortes  composed  of  two 
bodies,  a  senate,  and  a  chamber  of  deputies,  whose 
deliberations  must  be  apart  from  each  other,  and  apart 
from  the  presence  of  the  king.  An  act  of  the  cortes 
must  be  sanctioned  and  promulgated  by  the  sovereign 
before  it  becomes  a  law;  but  in  the  absence  or  inca 
pacity  of  a  monarch  their  authority  of  the  cortes  is 
absolute.  Ferdinand  and  Isabella  brought  forward 
several  engines  to  weaken  the  power  of  the  cortes. 
The  inquisition — by  silently  removing  objectionable 
persons ;  balancing  one  element  of  the  assembly  against 
another  so  that  the  whole  could  be  easily  wheedled; 
by  the  establishment  of  the  military  orders  of  Santi 
ago,  Calatrava,  and  Alcantara,  and  the  formation  of  a 
military  police,  called  the  santa  hermandad,  or  holy 
brotherhood.  This  fraternity  was  a  sort  of  feudal 
vigilance  committee,  a  legally  organized  company  of 
knights-errant,  formed  by  the  villages  for  the  pur 
pose  of  preventing  enormities  which  were  prevalent 
beyond  the  settled  portions  of  the  country.  Each 
pueblo,  or  town,  elected  two  alcaldes,  or  justices  of  the 
peace — one  noble,  the  other  plebeian,  under  whom  were 
placed  inferior  officers  having  at  command  a  cuadrilla, 
or  company.  The  cuadrilleros  or  members  of  this 
association,  sometimes  attended  by  the  alcaldes,  at 
other  times  independently,  scoured  the  country  for  evil 
doers  who  when  caught  were  tried  and  executed  on 
the  spot,  or  taken  to  the  village  and  there  confined. 
This  fraternal  engine  wielded  by  the  king  against  the 
unrighteous  seigniorial  justices,  and  the  unjust  oppres 
sions  of  the  nobles,  greatly  assisted  to  increase  the 
power  of  the  throne,  which  had  hitherto  been  unable 
to  prevent  the  intestine  disorders  which  captious  sub 
jects  constantly  occasioned.  In  time  the  santa  her- 


54  COMPARATIVE  CIVILIZATIONS  AND  SAVAGISMS. 

mandad  deteriorated,  and  the  association  was  abolished. 
That  justice  which  works  in  secret  is  never  permanent; 
its  influence  becomes  pestilential,  and  if  continued, 
oftentimes  turns  and  wreaks  a  deadly  vengeance  upon 
its  author. 

I  have  here  dwelt  upon  Europe's  savagisms  and 
civilizations,  from  the  twelfth  to  the  sixteenth  cen 
turies,  more  fully  than  America's,  from  the  fact  that 
the  latter,  so  far  at  least  as  the  Pacific  States  are  con 
cerned,  has  been  fully  presented  in  my  Native  Races,  to 
which  the  reader  is  referred  for  further  comparisons; 
suffice  it  to  say  in  conclusion  that  in  all  the  phases 
and  stages  of  human  progress  in  all  parts  of  the  world, 
and  in  all  ages  of  mankind,  there  are  present  innu 
merable  parallelisms,  the  lowest  savagism  having  in  it 
appparently  the  germ  of  the  highest  civilization.  Y^e 
see  in  savage  tribes  the  same  necessities  met  by  similar 
means,  the  same  progressional  phenomena  present  in 
uniform  sequence  in  all  human  societies,  rude  or  cul- 
tur.ed. 

As  regards  religions,  superstitions,  witchcraft,  and 
priestcraft,  the  Americans  were  no  whit  behind  the 
Europeans;  they  could  not  surpass  them  in  absurdity. 
Every  nation  had  its  theory  of  creation  and  a  future 
state.  The  Pimas  had  their  deluge  as  well  as  the 
Hebrews;  the  Pueblos  their  sacred  fire;  the  Califor- 
nians  their  sanctuaries  of  refuge;  the  Miztecs  their 
straight  and  narrow  way  to  paradise ;  and  the  people  of 
Yucatan  their  phallic  worship.  I  can  understand  the 
Yakirna  word  for  soul  as  readily  as  I  can  that  of 
the  Buddhists,  or  Christians,  or  Mohammedans.  The 
Eskimos  enjoyed  witchcraft  long  before  the  Salem 
puritans,  and  the  Thlinkeets  gave  to  certain  animals  a 
humanity  before  Darwin  was  born. 

Every  American  nation  had  its  order  of  priesthood; 
one  of  the  principal  cities  of  the  Zapotecs,  Topaa,  was 
ruled  like  Rome  by  a  sovereign  pontiff.  The  people 
of  the  Mosquito  Coast  had  their  pantheon  as  well  as 
the  Greeks.  The  Mexicans  had  their  ceremonial  cal- 


AMERICAN  CIVILIZATIONS.  55 

endar,  and  prayers  and  offerings  were  everywhere. 
The  Chinese  had  their  Confucius,  the  Christians  and 
Mohammedans  their  respective  originators,  and  the 
Aztecs  their  Quetzalcoatl  as  well  as  their  Nameless 
One,  their  Supreme  Creator,  their  only  living  and  true 
God.  They  had  their  monasteries  and  religious  festi 
vals. 

It  is  a  slander  upon  savagism  to  talk  of  its  extraor 
dinary  treacheries  and  cruelties  in  view  of  the  facts 
of  European  civilization.  Compare  the  barbarities  of 
the  chivalrous  Pedro  de  Alvarado,  not  to  mention 
Francisco  Pizarro,  and  the  tortures  inflicted  on  Span 
iards  by  the  Frenchman  L'Olonnois  in  the  West 
Indies,  with  those  of  any  wild  men  the  world  has  ever 
seen.  Yet  more:  compare  the  most  horrible  sav- 
agisms  of  any  i  ge  or  land  with  the  barbarities  of 
Englishmen  in  India  within  the  present  century. 

As  regards  government  and  society,  it  is  hardly 
necessary  to  refer  again  to  the  absolute  monarchies  of 
the  Nahuas  and  Mayas,  with  their  scores  of  subordi 
nate  limited  monarchies.  Outside  of  them  all  was 
Tlascala,  with  its  aristocratic  republican  system,  and 
parliament,  or  senate ;  and  the  confederation  of  states 
in  Mexico,  Tezcuco,  and  Tlacopan,  capable  of  acting  in 
some  respects  only  as  a  whole,  while  the  authority  of 
each  at  home  was  supreme.  Where  among  five  hun 
dred  others  did  the  Aztecs  ^et  their  idea  of  the  cere- 

O 

mony  of  anointment  and  coronation,  to  say  nothing 
of  zoological  gardens,  revenue  system,  orders  of 
nobility,  w^omen  consecrated  to  chastity,  national 
games,  dancing,  and  gymnastics,  social  system  of  aris 
tocracy,  plebeians  and  slaves,  tenures  of  land  and  taxa 
tion,  and  knightly  order  of  tecuhtli  ? 

I  cannot  speak  here  of  the  manuscripts,  alphabets, 
calendars,  and  system  of  the  Mayas;  the  cremation 
rites,  chronological  records,  cloth  and  paper  manufac 
tories,  code  of  laws,  courts  of  procedure,  and  gladia 
torial  combats  of  the  Nahuas;  or  of  the  currency, 
government,  religion,  slavery,  ornamentation,  court- 


56  COMPARATIVE  CIVILIZATIONS  AND  SAVAGISMS. 

ship  and  marriage,  war- weapons,  feasts,  houses,  and 
dress  of  the  Chinooks,  the  Nootkas,  and  all  the  rest 
of  them. 

Glancing  at  the  primitive  history  of  the  American 
peoples  we  discover  in  more  nations  than  one  traces  of 
a  bright  age  and  a  dark  age,  with  numberless  turn 
ings  and  overturnings,  until,  as  in  the  Old  World, 
feudalism  and  chivalry  are  passed,  and  standing 
armies,  learning,  and  persecution  for  opinion's  sake 
are  reached. 

I  would  not  be  understood  for  a  moment  as  one 
attempting  to  place  the  aboriginals  of  America  on  an 
equality  with  Europeans  four  hundred  or  eight  hun 
dred  years  ago.  The  Indians,  savage  or  civilized, 
were  far  behind  the  Europeans;  yet  not  so  far  as 
many  affirm.  I  say  only  that  it  is  striking,  the  simi 
larity  of  humanity,  of  nature,  and  progress  everywhere 
on  this  planet.  It  shows  that  if  God  made  man  in 
Europe,  he  made  the  men  of  America,  and  that  the 
God  of  the  crusader,  the  God  of  the  pirate,  of  the 
inquisitor,  of  the  modern  college  professor,  the  modern 
counterfeiter,  the  modern  monopolist,  and  corrup- 
tionist,  the  God  of  the  Mohammedan,  the  Christian, 
the  Jew,  and  the  Aztec,  is  one  and  the  same  being. 
Or,  if  it  be  nature,  and  man  is  indigenous,  his  unfold 
ing  is  but  part  of  the  general  evol vings  of  the  universe 
which  makes  one  all  worlds  and  systems  of  worlds. 


CHAPTER   II. 

COLONIAL  POLICY   OF   SPAIN. 

I  do  not  know  anything  more  ludicrous  among  the  self-deceptions  of  well- 
meaning  people  than  their  notion  of  patriotism,  as  requiring  them  to  limit 
their  efforts  to  the  good  of  their  own  country;  the  notion  that  charity  is  a 
geographical  virtue;  and  that  what  is  holy  and  righteous  to  do  for  people  on 
one  bank  of  a  river,  it  is  quite  improper  and  unnatural  to  do  for  people  on 
the  other. — JRuskin. 

POLITICS  as  a  science  is  too  young  yet  to  tell  alto 
gether  from  what  has  been  what  shall  be.  And  yet, 
few  philosophers  are  found  with  sufficient  assurance 
to  speculate  upon  the  progressional  vagaries  which 
three  or  five  centuries  hence  shall  stand  out  against 
the  feudalisms,  the  knight-errantries,  trials  by  combat, 
rack  and  thumb-screw  conversions,  and  religion-revo 
lutions  of  five  or  three  hundred  years  ago.  But  unless 
human  nature  be  born  anew,  there  is  little  fear  that  our 
successors  will  not  find  their  full  quota  of  follies  to  tilt 
for  withal.  We  are  not  quite  ready  to  place  colony- 
planting  in  the  category  of  infatuations  such  as  holy- 

Jl  O         t/  */ 

sepulchre  crusading,  yet  those  who  shall  come  after 
us  may  be.  Nevertheless,  the  twenty-sixth  century 
may  derive  benefits  from  the  experiences  of  the  six 
teenth. 

The  two  hundred  years  following  the  discoveries  by 
Columbus,  the  Cabots,  and  Vasco  da  Gama  were  the 
world's  great  age  of  colonization.  Before  the  six 
teenth  century,  and  after  the  seventeenth,  there  were 
distant  settlements  established  by  parent  states,  but 
none  such  as  then  appeared.  And  none  such  will  ap 
pear  again  until  for  civilization  time  bridges  another 

(57) 


58  COLONIAL  POLICY  OF  SPAIN. 

Sea  of  Darkness,  and  some  new  Christianity  finds  fer 
tile  heathen  fields  to  plough. 

Plantation,  corresponding  to  the  Dutch  volk-planting, 
stands  as  the  early  English  equivalent  for  the  word 
colony,  from  co/o,  to  till  the  soil  and  dwell  in  a  place, 
as  originally  applied  to  the  grants  by  Roman  generals 
of  conquered  countries,  similar  to  the  settlements 
made  later  by  the  Russians  in  Central  Asia,  which 
were  at  first  military  centres  and  afterward  towns. 
Yet  the  former  terms  referred  rather  to  countries 
than  to  cities.  Long  before  this,  however,  we  recog 
nize  the  colonization  idea  with  different  motives — for 
purposes  both  of  trade  and  agriculture,  as  among  the 
Phoenicians  and  Greeks;  for  purposes  of  migration, 
conquest,  plunder,  and  occupation,  as  among  the  north 
ern  barbarians;  from  excess  of  population,  from  a  love 
of  gold,  for  purposes  of  proselyting,  and  in  order  to 
escape  servitude,  religious  persecution,  or  other  kin 
dred  inflictions.  Those  who  go,  dream  of  acquisition 
in  one  or  more  directions;  those  who  send,  expect  ad 
vantage.  Carthage,  herself  a  colony  and  the  mother 
of  colonies,  defined  a  policy  by  which  she  established  a 
great  navy,  and  controlled  Mediterranean  commerce. 
The  Greek  colonies  were  nominally  free,  but  some 
times  tributary  to  the  parent  state.  The  causes  actu 
ating  or  underlying  colonial  migrations  have  not  arisen 
as  a  rule  from  any  noble  impulse  or  principle.  The 
Puritans,  landing  on  the  wild  shore  of  New  England, 
present  the  sublimest  picture  in  colonial  history,  and 
almost  the  only  one  at  all  sublime.  Neither  for  greed 
nor  glory  did  they  leave  comfortable  homes;  neither 
to  defraud  the  natives,  nor  fasten  on  them  a  strange 
religion,  did  they  brave  the  wilderness.  It  was  intel 
lectual  freedom  they  would  have,  the  highest,  holiest 
aspiration  humanity  is  heir  to.  It  is  somewhat  signifi 
cant  in  this  connection  that  the  descendants  of  these 
people  did  not  long  remain  colonists.  Yet  even  here, 
if  the  truth  must  be  told,  was  conduct  incompatible 
with  justice  and  strict  moral  principle,  by  a  people 


x-°s 

EARLY   COLONIZATIONS. 


f 


wlio  claimed  to  have  sacrificed  all  for  these  same  prin 
ciples  of  justice  and  morality. 

This  business  of  colonizing  in  its  earlier  stages  was 
seldom  pleasant  or  profitable,  either  to  parent  or  off 
spring.  The  first  attempts  were  almost  always  fail- 
vires  so  far  as  the  happiness  of  the  latter  was  concerned. 
There  was  usually  too  much  of  the  fighting  and  gov 
erning  elements  among  the  emigrants,  and  too  few 
hands  accustomed  to  the  axe,  and  spade,  and  like 
implements  for  the  building  of  substantial  common 
wealths.  Neither  have  the  sovereigns  of  Europe 
played  any  noble  part  in  this  people-planting.  How 
the  Genoese  was  obliged  to  importune  them  for  the  use 
of  three  or  four  small  vessels!  Ferdinand  spent  some 
money  on  succeeding  voyages,  and  then  like  Henry 
of  England  graciously  permitted  his  subjects  to  dis 
cover  and  colonize  new  lands  at  their  own  cost;  and 
after  receiving  a  royal  share  of  whatever  was  pur 
chased  or  plundered  from  the  natives,  he  held  all  as 
crown  property  and  crown  vassals. 

After  the  Latin  races  of  Europe  had  wrested  from 
savage  or  half-civilized  nations  three  fourths  of  the 
world,  the  larger  part  of  the  territory  so  seized  was 
taken  by  the  Teutonic  races  and  divided  into  common 
wealths,  which  were  in  some  instances  united  in  feder 
ations  more  free  and  forward  than  their  originals.  It 
strains  our  credulity  somewhat  to  believe  it,  but  prob 
ably  Pope  Alexander,  Ferdinand,  John  of  Portugal, 
Elizabeth,  and  Charles  II.  were  serious  when  they  is 
sued  maxims  under  which  the  world  might  be  right 
eously  partitioned  and  possessed,  ordering  all  heathen 
lands  to  be  seized  and  their  inhabitants  if  need  be  slain. 
We  should  call  such  doings  to-day  piratical,  abomina 
ble,  only  some  captious  critic  might  choose. jto__place 
in  the  same  category  such  transactions  as  the  seizure 
and  annexation  to  the  United  States  of  Texas,  Cali 
fornia,  and  the  lands  intermediate,  the  British  con 
quest  of  Scinde  and  the  Punvaub,  and  the  French 
occupation  of  Algiers  and  Tahiti. 


60  COLONIAL  POLICY   OF  SPAIN. 

The  European  occupation  of  America  was  by  means 
of  colonies.  The  whole  territory  from  Patagonia  to 
Labrador  was  early  cut  into  unequal  parts  claimed  by 
different  European  powers.  During  the  seventeenth 
and  eighteenth  centuries,  America  was  popularly 
designated  'The  Colonies/  Then  from  five  America- 
holding  nations  prior  to  1674,  the  number  was  reduced 
to  four,  and  after  1763,  for  the  most  part  to  three; 
between  1775  and  1825  European  domination  in 
America  became  almost  extinct;  meanwhile  in  the 
United  States  arose  the  political  principle  called  the 
Monroe  doctrine,  which  declared  that  any  attempt  on 
the  part  of  European  nations  to  extend  their  system  or 
control  over  any  part  of  this  continent  not  already 
occupied  by  them,  would  by  the  United  States  be 
regarded  as  dangerous  to  their  peace  and  safety. 

Judging  from  our  present  stand-point,  greater  results, 
ethical,  intellectual,  and  material,  have  arisen  from  the 
colonizations  of  Great  Britain  than  from  those  of  any 
other  nation.  I  refer  to  voluntary  offshoots  rather 
than  to  colonizations  at  the  cannon's  mouth.  Though 
the  first  century  of  Spanish- American  history  was 
mediaeval  rather  than  modern,  Spain's  colonists  in 
America  were  not  persons  impelled  to  escape  the 
trade-guilds,  or  commercial,  political,  or  religious  dom 
ination  of  imperial  cities  that  ground  them  under 
imposts  and  intellectual  tyrannies.  Spaniards  did  not 
wish  to  free  themselves  from  anything.  They  were 
satisfied  with  their  country  and  all  its  despotisms  and 
fanaticisms.  Even  before  thinking  of  themselves,  they 
conquered  and  colonized  for  their  king.  And  their 
establishments  when  founded  were  like  neither  the 
Phoenician  factories  nor  the  Roman  garrisons;  take 
from  them  their  gold  mines  and  repartimientos,  and 
there  was  little  of  them  one  would  accept  as  a  gift. 
Immediate  gain  with  glory,  spiritual  gain  and  mate 
rial  gain  with  the  glory  of  conquest  and  lordly  domi 
nation,  was  the  purpose  of  the  Spanish  colonist.  Like 
a  child  or  a  savage  to  gratify  a  passion  or  achieve  a 


ENGLAND'S  METHOD  61 

proximate  result  he  would  undergo  any  hardship ;  but 
in  that  thorough  and  persistent  application  for  remote 
advantages  which  characterizes  the  higher  order  of 
intelligence  he  was  found  wanting.  His  passionate 
energy  differed  widely  from  that  persistent  industry 
which  reared  the  political  fabric  of  the  Anglo-Saxons 
in  North  America. 

The  English  colonist  thought  of  the  future.  Whether 
he  remained  at  home,  or  wherever  he  walked  upon  the 
earth,  he  could  not  beguile  himself  of  the  idea  that  he 
was  a  free  man.  He  had  no  thought  of  murder  and 
rapine  as  means  of  subsistence,  but  betook  himself  to 
agriculture,  laboring  with  his  hands,  and  instructing 
his  children  in  those  natural  rights  of  which  men  must 
always  stand  ready  voluntarily  to  relinquish  some  for 
the  better  securing  of  others,  yet  not  with  sufficient 
regard  for .themghts j3>f_others^I_regret  to  say.  |  So  far 
as  their  own  people  were  concerned,  the  Anglo-Saxon 
were  ready  enough  to  fill  their  breasts  with  a  love  of 
liberty  in  all  its  highest  and  purest  forms.  In  these 
sentiments,  which  were  already  necessities,  lay  the 
security  which  bound  them  first  in  states,  and  later  in 
federations.  Thus  while  the  southern  American  colo 
nies  were  kept  weak  and  puerile  by  the  excessive  legis 
lation  of  the  parent  government,  as  we  shall  presently 
see,  the  New  England  colonies,  content  with  nothing 
less  than  a  political  liberty  which  should  enable  them 
to  make  their  own  laws  and  rear  their  own  institutions, 
grew  strong;  in  the  exercise  of  natural  and  inherited 

O  O 

rights.  Subsequently,  when  the  yoke  of  Spain  dropped 
off  by  reason  of  its  own  rottenness,  all  Spanish  America 
lapsed  into  a  state  of  revolution,  which  became  the 
primary  condition  of  their  progress,  while  revolution 
to  the  Anglo-American  is  upon  instinct  abomination. 
The  difference  then  between  Teutonic  America  and 
Latin  America  is  not  circumstantial  but  an  inherited 
difference.  From  their  mother  one  received  the  germ 
of  strength  which  unfolded  in  magnificent  civility;  the 
other  weakness,  with  its  attendant  stagnation  and 


62  COLONIAL  POLICY  OF  SPAIN. 

death.  One  sought  the  conquest  of  savages,  the 
other  the  conquest  of  self.  The  colonization  of  the 
one  was  a  birth ;  that  of  the  other  a  burial.  It  can 
not  be  charged  to  climate.  We  all  know  what  a 
garden  of  wealth  blossomed  in  the  West  India 
Islands  after  they  were  wrested  from  the  Spaniards 
by  the  French,  English,  and  Dutch,  little  enough  hav 
ing  been  made  of  them  before  that  time. 

In  all  which,  there  is  not  so  very  much  after  all  for 
England  to  be  proud  of.  Yet  she  is  proud;  and  she 
would  tell  you  it  is  because  these  founders  of  new 
nations  were  Englishmen,  whose  descendants  have 
continued  the  work  and  upheld  the  great  principles  of 
freedom  underlying  English  institutions.  She  will 
tell  you  bad  rulers  and  not  the  English  people  at 
tempted  to  deprive  the  colonists  of  their  rights;  but 
is  it  bad  rulers,  or  is  it  Englishmen,  who  even  while 
I  write  are  still  practising  their  old-time  atrocities? 
As  to  English  colonies,  British  America  and  Australia 
are  less  English  colonies  than  sovereign  states.  Her 
treatment  of  the  American  plantations  and  the  peo 
ple  of  India  add  nothing  to  her  glory.  It  is  the 
irony  of  honesty  and  humanity  to  hear  English  states 
men  talk  of  the  honor  of  it — the  honor  of  the  parent 
age  of  nations  not  one  of  which  was  brought  forth 

O  O 

save  in  cruelty  and  injustice.  I  shall  have  much  to 
say  of  the  narrow  and  suicidal  colonial  policy  of 
Spain,  yet  I  find  little  in  that  of  other  nations  at  that 
time  better  or  more  liberal.  I  find  nothing  so  impoli 
tic  as  the  peremptory  measures  by  which  the  attempts 
of  the  American  colonists  to  manufacture  certain 
articles  for  themselves  were  met  by  the  British  parlia 
ment,  not  to  mention  imposts  and  other  tyrannies. 
Head  the  declaration  of  independence  if  you  would 
know  the  rest.  Besides  her  colonies,  England's  pride 
has  been  her  maritime  strength,  employed  sometimes 
in  carrying  bibles,  sometimes  in  forcing  on  unwilling 
nations  negro  slaves,  tobacco,  opium,  and  in  other 


COMPARATIVE  COLONIZATION.  63 

like  detestable  traffics  injurious  to  men  and  morals. 
Though  \ve  have  less  of  Asia  in  America  than  yet 
clings  to  Europe,  we  may  still  find  here,  up  to  a  recent 
period,  slavery  apart  from  savagism,  and  polygamy 
without  Mohammedanism.  English  policy  shows  no 
systematic  attempt  to  raise  savages  from  their  low 
estate,  or  otherwise  to  improve  them  solely  for  their 
own  good,  such  as  we  find  among  the  Spaniards.  The 
English  generally  found  it  to  their  interests  to 
maintain  friendly  relations,  and  some  few  feeble 
efforts  were  made  to  christianize  after  a  fashion;  but 
Spaniards  established  for  the  natives  thousands  of 
churches,  colleges,  and  schools.  The  horrors  of  con 
quest  over,  the  policy  of  the  Spanish  government 
toward  the  natives  became  exceedingly  benign.  On 
many  occasions  it  encouraged  colonial  industries  with 
exceeding  d isinterestedness  and  liberality.  Even  wh ile 
George  III.  was  crowding  his  colonists  into  open  op 
position,  Carlos  III.  was  pacifying  his  New  World  sub 
jects  by  every  means  in  his  power.  It  is  asserted  of 
the  latter,  Spain's  best  and  most  liberal-minded  mon 
arch,  and  of  his  minister,  the  conde  de  Aranda,  that 
they  soberly  had  under  consideration  at  one  time  the 
policy  of  giving  the  American  kingdoms  autonomy,  or 
independence,  and  that  such  policy  was  not  carried 
out  through  fear  lest  the  small  white  population  should 
be  overwhelmed  by  the  natives.  The  aim  of  the  gov 
ernment  certainly  was  that  communities  in  its  Ameri 
can  kingdoms  should  be  as  highly  cultured  as  any  in 
Europe.  It  is  but  fair  to  add,  however,  that  the 
Spaniards  in  these  efforts  had  to  deal  with  civilized 
nations;  in  their  intercourse  with  the  Apaches,  Co- 
manches,  and  other  fierce  tribes  they  were  as  unsuc 
cessful  as  the  English. 

Notwithstanding  her  many  benevolent  motives  and 
acts,  Spain,  like  England,  imposed  many  evils  in  fet 
tering  political  and  intellectual  liberty,  in  restricting 
commerce,  manufactures,  and  the  like.  How  then 
came  British  rule  to  be  of  so  much  shorter  duration 


64  COLONIAL  POLICY  OF  SPAIN. 

in  New  England  than  Spain's  rule  in  Mexico  ?  Be 
cause,  as  I  have  said,  New  England  was  settled  by 
men  who  left  their  country  through  a  love  of  liberty, 
and  this  they  were  determined  to  have  in  its  broadest 
sense.  The  Spaniards,  on  the  other  hand,  left  home 
to  rule  negroes  and  Indians ;  they  soon  saw  their  mi  >- 
take  in  killing  so  many  of  the  natives;  and  after  that 
they  treated  them  better  than  the  English,  who  found 
them  unprofitable  laborers,  particularly  if  forced.  The 
Spaniards  were  satisfied  with  luxury  and  laziness; 
they  desired  rather  to  enslave  others  than  to  be  free 
themselves;  and  so  long  as  their  grim  superiors  but 
smilingly  frowned  on  their  irregularities  and  shared 
the  proceeds,  all  was  serene  enough. 

The  fact  is,  the  system  of  holding  foreign  communi 
ties  permanently  subordinate  and  contributory  to  the 
mother  community,  as  we  shall  all  in  time  conclude, 
is  unnatural  and  unjust.  Colonies  are  ephemeral;  they 
will  not  last.  A  parent  may  rightly  govern  a  child, 
but  the  mature  offspring  is  as  independent  as  himself. 
So  states  may  justly  protect,  and  while  protecting 
govern  their  colonies  until  they  can  stand  alone;  after 
which  it  is  optional  with  the  latter  to  be  ruled  or  not. 
Further  than  this,  it  is  unjust  to  the  members  of  the 
home  government  to  undergo  taxation  for  the  benefit 
of  any  community  other  than  its  own.  All  men,  all 
nations,  all  communities,  young  and  old,  have  equal 
rights;  in  natural  justice  the  colony  has  as  much  right 
to  share  in  ruling  the  mother  country  as  has  the 
mother  country  to  interfere  in  the  colony.  And  be 
ing  unnatural  and  unjust,  permanent  subjection  of 
colonists  will  disappear  as  have  feudalism  and  the 
crusades.  England  to-day  in  India  is  trying  to  pour 
the  new  wine  of  western  civilization  into  the  old  bot 
tles  of  eastern  civilization.  From  first  to  last,  that  is, 
so  long  as  anything  like  rule  continues,  discontent  has 
reigned  among  the  British  colonies.  Comparatively 
seldom  have  the  Spanish  colonies  manifested  irritation, 
or  displayed  symptoms  of  rebellion :  not  that  they  had 


LESSONS  FOR  GOVERNMENTS.  65 

less  cause,  but  by  reason  of  their  loyalty  and  content. 
It  is  true  that  three  or  four  viceroys  were  deposed  by 
the  people,  Spaniards  and  natives  acting  together,  but 
disloyalty  or  discontent  with  the  home  government 
had  little  to  do  with  these  acts.  Governments  are 
permanent  only  as  they  fairly  represent  the  national 
character.  For  centuries  in  Mexico  and  elsewhere, 
there  existed  this  essential  congruity  between  political 
forms  and  the  people.  The  trouble  in  the  end  was 
that,  fast  as  the  colonists  had  degenerated,  the  parent 
government  had  degenerated  faster;  weak  as  was 
Mexico,  Spain  was  weaker. 

It  has  taken  governments  a  long  time  to  learn,  and 
there  are  some  statesmen  who  seem  yet  unaware  of  it, 
that  liberty  and  equity  alone  are  conducive  to  gain. 
Trade  has  been  the  never-failing  excuse;  but  experi 
ence  shows  that  self-governing  English-speaking  states 
buy  far  more  in  England  than  do  her  huge  colonial 
infants.  And  it  is  now  quite  well  understood  by  the 
philosophers  of  England,  if  by  no  one  else,  that  loss 
entails  on  the  acquiring  and  ruling  of  distant  territory ; 
that  bare  acres  politically  added  to  national  domain  are 
a  minus  quantity,  beneficial  to  individuals,  perhaps, 
but  prejudicial  to  the  interests  of  the  community  at 
large.  Undoubtedly,  benefits  accrue  to  some  by  reliev 
ing  overcrowded  civilized  populations;  but  let  this  be 
a  private  and  business  affair.  Governments  should 
practically  stay  at  home.  For  the  benefit  of  both, 
those  who  remain  may  help  some  to  go ;  but  let  not 
such  help  be  given  with  a  view  to  subsequent  imposi 
tion.  Leave  colonization  and  trade,  where  religion 
and  all  ethics  are  or  should  be,  to  natural  channels,  if 
we  would  see  the  most  made  of  them.  The  good  old 

O 

right  to  steal  lands,  and  to  kill  and  enslave  ad  libitum 
unoffending  men,  formed  the  main  features  of  colony- 
planting,  followed  by  others  no  less  onerous  to  the 
colonists ;  hence  its  later  history  is  a  record  of  decline. 
We  may  rule  servants,  but  not  sons, 

CAL.  PAST.,  VOL.  I.    5 


66  COLONIAL  POLICY  OF  SPAIN. 

There  were  three  prime  factors  in  the  Spanish  colo 
nial  fabric,  the  government,  the  emigrants,  and  the 
pacified  peoples.  All  colonial  power  and  property 
were  vested  in  the  crown;  America  had  been^a  free 
gift  to  Isabella  and  Ferdinand  by  the  pope,  who  de 
rived  title  from  St  Peter,  and  he  from  the  creator. 
Prom  the  sovereigns  flowed  all  grants,  and  to  them 
reverted  all  lands.  All  governors,  magistrates,  and 
officials,  civil  and  ecclesiastical,  were  created  and  de 
posed  at  pleasure.  To  the  settler  belonged  no  rights 
or  privileges  apart  from  the  crown.  To  municipalities 
was  given  the  liberty  of  electing  their  officials,  but 
from  the  people  sprang  no  political  power.  It  is  a 
significant  fact  that  the  king  of  Spain  likewise  called 
himself  king  of  the  Indies ;  indicating  thereby  that  his 
transatlantic  possessions  were  provinces,  and  integral 
parts  of 'the  crown  domain,  rather  than  colonies  in  the 
ordinary  sense.  The  cedulas  reales,  by  which  the 
royal  pleasure  was  expressed,  formed  in  reality  the 
first  legislative  code  of  the  kingdom  of  the  Indies, 
embodied  in  the  Recopilacion  de  las  Indias,  back  of 
which  was  that  of  Castile,  and  Las  Siete  Partidas,  or 
the  common  law  of  Spain.  After  the  establishment 
of  the  council  of  the  Indies,  legislative  power  vested 
in  that  body,  under  the  king;  executive  power,  in  the 
captains-general  and  viceroys,  under  the  king. 

I  have  fulty  narrated  in  the  first  volume  of  my 
history  of  Central  America  how  government  was  es 
tablished  in  the  Indies,  first  under  the  Admiral  of  the 
Ocean  Sea,  and  continued  by  his  successors,  and  sec 
ondly  under  the  audiencia  of  Santo  Domingo.  Fol 
lowing  the  continental  conquests,  New  World  affairs 
were  divided  into  two  great  governments,  with  the 
viceroy  of  New  Spain  at  the  head  of  one,  and  the 
viceroy  of  Peru  at  the  head  of  the  other.  Subse 
quently  this  division  becoming  inconvenient,  a  third 
viceroyalty  was  established  at  Santa  Fe  de  Bogotd, 
whose  jurisdiction  extended  over  the  kingdom  of 
Tierra  Firme  and  the  province  of  Quito,  and  later  that 


DELEGATED  POWER.  67 

of  Rio  de  la  Plata.  In  forms  and  paraphernalia,  gov 
ernors  of  the  smaller  colonies  imitated  the  viceroys, 
as  the  viceroys  in  turn  imitated  royalty.  Within  their 
respective  territories  the  viceroys  exercised  sovereign 
authority,  representing  the  person  of  the  king  and 
invested  with  his  functions.  They  were  supreme  over 
every  department  of  government,  civil  and  military, 
and  were  the  embodiment  of  the  two  great  powers, 
legislative  and  executive.  They  appointed  to  all  va 
cant  offices  ad  interim,  and  nominated  to  many  high 
posts,  that  is  to  say,  when  the  king's  jealousy  permitted 
him  to  leave  so  much  power  at  the  disposal  of  any 
servant.  The  viceroy's  court  was  modelled  on  the 
court  of  Spain,  having  a  regularly  established  house 
hold  with  guards  of  horse  and  foot,  parasites  and 
courtiers,  and  numerous  officers  and  attendants.  He 
might  employ  the  royal  'we'  in  speaking  of  himself, 
but  this  was  not  common;  he  was  legally  addressed 
as  '  excelentisimo/ 

Next  in  authority  were  the  audiencias,  or  sovereign 
tribunals,  elsewhere  explained.  With  these  the  vice 
roy  might  not  intermeddle ;  indeed,  though  not  subject 
to  them  his  acts  were  sometimes  brought  under  their 
review  by  way  of  legal  restraint  interposed  between  the 
sovereign  and  the  subject.  The  viceroy  exercised  no 
judicial  or  ecclesiastical  powers.  Yet  after  all  the 
audiencia  might  only  advise;  in  case  of  collision,  the 
will  of  the  viceroy  generally  prevailed.  In  the  absence 
or  death  of  the  viceroy,  supreme  power  vested  in  the 
audiencia. 

Arid  notwithstanding  all  this  viceregal  pomp  and 
power,  such  of  the  laws  of  Spain,  however  just  and 
desirable,  as  were  obnoxious  to  the  settlers,  received 
little  attention  in  the  colonies.  There  were  many 
honest  viceroys  and  other  officials,  but  often  the  vice 
roy  was  as  ready  as  any  one  to  wink  at  popular  irreg 
ularities — for  a  consideration.  At  one  time  it  was 
difficult  to  find  either  in  Spain  or  in  the  Indies  a 
revenue  officer  who  would  not  take  a  bribe.  The 


68  COLONIAL  POLICY   OF  SPAIN. 

contraband  trade  was  in  volume  equal  to  one  third  of 
all  the  colonial  traffic.  Justice  and  injustice  could  be 
bought  and  sold,  and  the  natives  were  abominably 
misused  in  the  face  of  what  were  intended  as  the 
most  righteous  laws  in  their  favor.  And  so  notorious 
was  national  delinquency  at  one  time  that  *  Spanish 
honesty'  became  synonymous  with  'Punic  faith.'  The 
fact  is,  the  government  was  so  ponderous  and  unwieldy 
as  to  be  in  some  directions  inoperative,  and  justice 
was  overwhelmed  by  the  endless  forms  and  display  by 
which  it  was  surrounded.  The  innumerable  offices, 
boards,  and  tribunals  incident  to  this  complex  arid  use 
less  machinery,  occupied  an  army  of  officials,  few  of 
whom  were  endowed  with  political  or  commercial 
morals  higher  than  the  filling  of  their  pockets  without 
incurring  punishment.  It  was  no  disgrace  to  steal 
from  the  government;  there  was  no  disgrace  in  being 
caught  at  it,  provided  the  method  of  it  had  not  been 
bungling,  and  some  certain  things,  such  as  the  king's 
fifth,  had  not  been  profaned. 

Those  were  the  days  of  much  governing.  Isabella 
and  Ferdinand  had  early  determined  that  their  duty 
in  this  respect  should  not  be  neglected  in  the  Indies. 
Upon  neither  the  Portugese,  French,  nor  English  in 
America  was  inflicted  the  protection  of  the  parent 
state  to  any  such  extent  as  in  the  Spanish  colonies. 
Lands  lacking  silver  and  gold  possessed  little  in  the 
eyes  of  royalty  worth  protecting ;  and  so  their  sub- 
duers  were  for  a  while  left  to  struggle  and  grow  strong 
unmolested.  Acquainting  themselves  with  the  soil 
and  climate  of  their  new  possessions,  and  the  charac 
ter  of  the  natives,  the  Spanish  sovereigns  set  them 
selves  about  to  regulate  everything.  The  fruits, 
vegetables,  and  domestic  animals  of  the  Old  World 
were  transplanted  to  the  new.  Emigration  was  en 
couraged;  free  passage  offered;  grants  of  land  with 
Indian  laborers  were  freely  made,  as  God  had  given 
them  much  in  this  direction,  and  at  little  cost;  colo 
nists  were  exempt  for  a  time  from  taxation.  Five 


REVENUE.  69 

hundred  artisans,  scientists,  and  agriculturists  were 
sent  to  Espanola;  and  to  any  one  promising  to  culti 
vate  land  for  four  years,  besides  a  repartimiento,  were 
given  seed  and  stock.  Towns  were  endowed  with 
privileges  equal  to  any  in  Spain.  Married  men  were 
particularly  favored. 

Thus  we  see  if  their  catholic  Majesties  governed 
much  and  demanded  much,  they  gave  with  a  liberality 
in  marked  contrast,  not  only  with  that  of  other  nations, 
but  with  their  own  subsequent  policy.  Presently  they 
tired  of  sowing,  and  determined  to  reap.  An  ava 
lanche  of  edicts  was  hurled  at  the  heads  of  the  de 
fenceless  colonists.  A  heavy  tax  was  put  upon  gold, 
first  two  thirds,  and  subsequently  one  fifth,  and  all 
minerals,  precious  stones,  and  dye-woods  were  reserved 
to  the  crown.  Then  for  a  time  enterprise  languished, 
for  this  was  prior  to  the  epoch  of  systematic  pecula 
tions.  Under  the  system  of  licenses  to  private  per 
sons  for  purposes  of  discovery  and  trade,  colonization 
revived,  for  here  was  opportunity.  The  natives  were 
naked  and  possessed  much  gold,  and  there  was  no 
king's  army  present  to  protect  them.  Erelong  it  be 
came  necessary  to  establish  the  Casa  de  Contratacion, 
or  House  of  Trade,  and  the  Conscjo  de  las  Indias,  or 
Council  of  the  Indies,  for  the  more  perfect  manage 
ment  of  colonial  commerce  and  colonial  government. 
And  so  protection  became  oppression;  and  the  Span 
ish  sovereigns  would  have  smiled  had  any  one  told 
them  that,  in  order  to  insure  greater  and  permanent 
good,  the  more  widely  extended  the  commonwealth 
the  simpler  should  be  its  laws  and  forms  of  govern 
ment. 

At  first  Spain's  revenue  from  her  American  king 
doms  was  not  large.  The  Netherlands  gave  Charles 
V.  four  million  to  one  million  from  the  Indies.  Then 
industries  were  established  in  the  colonies,  and  the 
yield  increased,  until  Carlos  III.  was  able  to  boast, 
after  paying  one  hundred  thousand  well-disciplined 


70  COLONIAL  POLICY  OF  SPAIN. 

soldiers,  the  cost  of  one  hundred  ships  of  the  line,  and 
all  other  expenses  of  government,  one  hundred  millions 
of  dollars  in  the  treasury,  and  all  from  America.  Then 
came  mismanagement.  And  later,  though  the  reve 
nues  from  the  colonies  were  large,  government  ex 
penses  there  and  everywhere  grew  large  also ;  so  that 
neither  the  parent  state  nor  the  colonies  were  benefited 
by  this  excessive  governing.  Besides  the  king,  only 
the  rapacious  official,  who,  himself  impressed  by  hol 
low  show,  sought  by  the  same  means  to  impress 
others,  and  the  clergy,  who  came  in  for  a  large  share 
of  the  spoils,  sucking  substance  from  every  industry, 
derived  much  benefit  from  the  system.  As  among 
our  legislators  to-day,  more  ingenuity  and  brain-power 
were  employed  by  the  officials  to  keep  their  places,  and 
increase  their  already  enormous  perquisites,  than  in 
the  entire  administration  of  public  affairs.  The  vice 
roy's  salary,  reaching  to  thirty  thousand  dollars  per 
annum,  was  but  a  small  part  of  his  income.  By 
the  sale  of  lucrative  offices,  the  monopoly  of  certain 
branches  of  commerce,  and  by  innumerable  frauds  and 
abuses  of  power,  the  viceroy  might  accumulate  such 
sums  as  would  enable  him  after  a  few  years  of  service 
to  return  to  Spain  with  a  princely  fortune.  It  is  said 
that  a  viceroy  received  fifty  thousand  dollars  on  one 
occasion  in  birthday  presents.  On  the  other  hand, 
several  vicefovs  entered  office  rich  and  abandoned  it 

i/ 

in  debt,  and  some  refused  all  presents. 

Finance,  as  well  as  everything  else,  was  founded  on 
the  theory  that  the  king  was  proprietor  of  the  land. 
Certain  of  the  natives  paid  a  capitation  tax ;  some  a 
primicias,  or  first-fruits  tax;  others  gave  eighteen 
months'  service  in  the  mines,  not  all  at  one  time,  be 
tween  the  ages  of  eighteen  and  fifty.  A  tenth  of  the 
proceeds  from  cultivated  lands  went  to  the  church  in 
the  form  of  tithes,  which,  added  to  the  many  subse 
quent  requirements  of  the  crown,  imposed  upon  the 
planter  taxation  at  every  turn.  After  the  raw  mate 
rial  paid  a  tenth,  the  prepared  article,  such  as  indigo, 


GOVERNMENT.  71 

cochineal,  and  sugar,  paid  again.  Then  there  were 
the  customs  duties,  the  alcabala,  or  vendor's  duty  on 
articles  of  commerce,  and  the  quinto,  or  fifth,  of  the 
proceeds  from  the  mines.  The  sale  of  tobacco,  salt, 
and  cards  was  monopolized  by  the  king's  officers;  the 
postal  revenue  belonged  to  the  crown.  For  keeping 
a  ferry,  for  keeping  game-cocks,  and  for  selling  liquors, 
special  duties  were  paid  in  some  of  the  provinces. 
Between  1522  and  1G45,  certain  offices  were  made 
salable  by  law ;  such  as  those  of  high  sheriffs,  notaries 
of  all  classes,  clerks  of  audiencias  and  inferior  courts, 
receivers  and  proctors,  councilmen  and  clerks  of  coun 
cils,  inspectors  of  weights  and  measures,  collectors  of 
judicial  penalties,  all  officers  and  servants  of  the  mint, 
the  postmaster-general  of  New  Spain,  assessors,  audi 
tors  of  royal  accounts,  official  sellers  of  stamped  paper, 
and  many  others.  These  offices,  whenever  vacant, 
were  put  up  and  sold  by  auction  to  the  highest  bidder ; 
they  were  heritable,  descending  from  father  to  son, 
and  were  so  held  during  good  behavior,  and  also  pro 
vided  the  anala,  or  yearly  tax,  was  paid  to  the  crown. 
The  owner  dying  leaving  no  heir,  the  office  reverted 
to  the  king  and  was  sold  again.  "  The  king  of  Spaine," 
growls  Lopez  Yaz,  "  because  hee  hath  many  other 
countries  under  him,  hee  doth  little  esteeme  of  this 
countrey,  but  doth  take  out  of  it  all  things  that  are 
for  his  profit,  having  used  those  people  with  great 
crueltie,  and  taking  of  them,  much  tribute." 

It  was  the  policy  of  the  king  to  keep  the  colonies 
in  a  state  of  perpetual  puerility,  and  he  succeeded.  It 
is  impossible  for  free  progressive  institutions  to  ger 
minate  among  a  people  having.no  desire  for  liberty  or 
knowledge.  Offices  and  exactions  were  the  dominant 
idea  of  Spaniards  in  taking  possession  of  the  New 
World.  Every  one  of  them  must  have  something 
to  rule — if  not  Spaniards,  then  Indians  or  negroes. 
The  highest  ambition  of  the  colonist  was  to  imitate 
Spain  and  Spanish  institutions,  not  to  throw  them  off 


72  COLONIAL  POLICY  OF  SPAIN. 

or  improve  upon  them.  As  their  parent  government 
had  fettered  and  flogged  them,  so  would  they  fetter 
and  flog  others;  meanwhile  thanking  God  for  a  fresh 
people  so  to  christianize  and  civilize.  And  yet  the 
time  came  when  among  those  who  made  Mexico  in 
dependent  were  Spaniards  themselves,  to  be  buffeted 
and  abused  for  their  pains  a  little  later. 

We  have  noticed  in  Ferdinand's  instructions  to 
Ovando  in  1501,  how  first  he  was  to  worship  his  God, 
and  make  the  natives  worship  the  same  deity ;  to  good 
men  only  should  be  given  office,  and  there  must  be 
exercised  kindness  and  humanity  in  practising  the  im 
position  of  repartimientos.  He  must  be  moderate  in 
his  household  expenses,  and  make  others  so;  he  should 
leave  judgment  to  judges,  be  kind  to  all  brotherhoods, 
pay  no  heed  to  tale-bearers;  he  should  be  considerate 
in  council,  careful  in  example,  discouraging  idleness, 
attentive  to  business,  displaying  courage  and  brevity 
in  all  things,  yet  not  hasty  or  passionate;  but  when 
punishment  was  necessary  he  must  send  it  swiftly  and 
surely. 

The  Spanish  sovereigns  were  exceedingly  jealous  of 
their  prerogatives,  not  only  as  against  foreigners,  but 
as  against  their  own  subjects;  and  this  spirit  increased 
with  the  increase  of  their  knowledge  of  the  extent 
and  value  of  their  American  possessions.  Commerce, 
mining,  agriculture,  and  every  art  and  industry  were 
placed  under  a  system  of  severe  restrictions.  No  for 
eign  vessel  might  trade  with  the  colonies ;  no  foreigner 
might  visit  them  under  penalty  of  death  and  confisca 
tion  of  property.  All  merchandise  to  and  from  the 
Indies  must  be  carried  in  Spanish  bottoms.  For  a 
time  even  intercolonial  commerce  was  forbidden.  Be 
tween  Mexico  and  Peru,  between  Guatemala  and 
Chile,  there  must  be  no  civilizing  intercourse.  But 
this  highly  impolitic  restriction  was  formally  removed 
by  Carlos  III.  in  1774. 

Many  manufactures  were  prohibited,  and  even  the 


COMMERCE.  73 

cultivation  of  the  olive  and  the  vine.  Whatever  it 
was  best  for  them  to  have,  the  mother  would  kindly 
supply — their  furniture,  their  clothes,  and  no*  small 
portion  even  of  their  food.  Her  own  welfare  first, 
the  welfare  of  the  colonies  second,  was  Spain's  maxim. 
And  lest  the  sovereign's  subordinates  in  America 
should  learn  to  love  themselves  more  than  him, 
and  the  new  homes  better  than  the  old  ones,  it  was 
finally  ordained  that  natives  of  Spain  should  fill  the 
higher  and  larger  proportion  of  offices  in  Spain's 
colonies;  and  these  must  be  of  the  purest  rank,  chape- 
tones,  of  old  Christian  families  untainted  by  Jewish 
or  Mohammedan  blood,  uncensured  by  any  inquisition. 
From  first  to  last,  however,  many  natives  of  America 
ha\>e  also  held  high  office  there,  political,  judicial,  and 
ecclesiastical,  under  royal  appointment.  And  then  it 
must  be  remembered  that  in  Spain  even,  high  office 
could  not  be  held  in  the  occupant's  own  province. 
What  folly  to  try  to  make  communities  at  once  self- 
operative  and  dependent! 

Its  exclusiveness  was  the  most  hateful  feature  of 
Spanish  colonial  commerce.  Monopoly  is  to  commerce 
what  coercion  is  in  religion,  the  most  outrageous  of 
tyrannies;  and  the  day  will  come  when  a  free  people 
will  no  more  submit  to  monopolies,  or  iniquitous  com 
binations  in  railway,  wheat,  or  other  traffics,  than 
they  would  bow  before  the  unjust  mandate  of  a  royal 
despot.  Monopoly  is  but  a  form  of  robbery,  in  which, 
under  guise  of  fair  dealing,  the  strong  extort  from 
the  weak  without  due  compensation. 

The  old-time  delusion  was  still  entertained  that 
money  was  not  only  wealth,  but  the  most  valuable 
and  imperishable  of  property ;  hence  that  commercial 
policy  was  best  which  brought  into  Spain  and  kept 
there  the  largest  amount  of  gold  and  silver.  The 
resources  of  the  country  were  strained  to  produce  this 
result.  Every  article  of  foreign  growth  or  manufac 
ture  must  be  furnished  the  colonies  by  Spain  alone, 
and  to  Spain  must  be  sent  all  products  from  the  soil 


74  COLONIAL  POLICY  OF  SPAIN. 

or  mines  of  her  dependencies.  The  quantity,  quality, 
kind,  and  price  of  all  merchandise  sent  to  the  colonies 
were  determined  by  the  considerate  mother.  And  it 
was  the  aim  of  both  government  officials  and  monopo 
lizing  merchants  to  make  the  supply  always  fall  short 
of  the  demand,  so  that  buyers  would  be  eager  and 
prices  buoyant.  That  equity  attending  all  healthy 
transactions,  which  benefits  the  buyer  as  much  as  the 
seller,  was  wanting. 

For  a  time  all  Europe  was  obliged  to  go  to  Lisbon 
for  Indian  products,  as  previously  Alexandria  had 
been  the  depot.  So  in  Spain  all  American  commerce 
was  restricted  to  one  port,  Seville  at  first,  and  after 
ward  Cadiz;  and  in  America  to  Portobello  and  Yera 
Cruz.  Between  these  ports  passed  the  annual  fleet, 
convoyed  by  vessels  of  war.  And  on  the  other  side 
of  the  continent  for  two  centuries  and  more  the  Span 
ish  galleons  were  carried  by  the  trade-winds  straight 
across  from  Acapulco  to  Manila,  returning  by  a 
northern  circuit.  The  Genoese  had  sailed  at  Spain's 
cost  in  search  of  the  Indies,  and  the  ambitious  Span 
iard  was  not  satisfied  until  they  were  found,  nor  until 
the  papal  partition  bull  had  been  construed  to  fit 
Spain's  pretensions  at  the  Philippine  Isles,  nor  until 
this  rich  traffic  was  established  between  Asia  and 
America  with  a  Spanish  entrepot  at  either  end  of  the 
line. 

It  was  to  the  single  port  of  Cddiz  that  all  merchan 
dise  was  sent  from  France,  England,  Holland,  and  else 
where  after  Spain  had,  with  the  expulsion  of  her 
artisan,  driven  manufacturers  from  her  shores.  All 
these  goods  must  then  pay  a  heavy  duty  on  enter 
ing  Spain,  and  another  on  leaving  Spain,  and  another 
on  entering  Mexico,  and  another  by  the  seller — one 
hundred  per  cent  in  duties,  and  two  hundred  per  cent 
more  taxes  and  profits  must  thus  be  added  to  the  cost 
before  Spain's  colonist  could  call  his  own  any  Euro 
pean  article.  Thus  it  was  not  long  after  the  planting 
of  the  Spanish  colonies  before  Spain's  neighbors  were 


CLIMATE.  75 

deriving  more  benefit  from  them  than  Spain  herself, 
which  had  so  jealously  guarded  them,  and  yet  did  guard 
them,  not  dreaming  that  they  were  not  a  source  of 
the  highest  profit  to  her.  And  it  was  not  until  1778 
that  Spain's  eyes  were  fairly  opened  upon  the  subject, 
and  Mexico  and  Peru  were  in  some  degree  delivered 
from  this  thraldom. 

The  process  of  peopling  the  New  World  from  Spain 
was  not  a  rapid  one.  The  estimate  is  given  that  sixty 
years  after  the  discovery  by  Columbus  there  were  not 
more  than  fifteen  thousand  Spaniards  in  the  Indies. 
Yet  of  these  there  were  many  of  the  first  class;  while 
from  the  other  states  of  Europe  there  went  to  Amer 
ica  few  besides  the  second,  or  third,  or  tenth  class. 
It  was  ordered  by  the  catholic  sovereigns  in  1508 
that  all  convicts  and  infamous  persons  should  be  sent 
to  the  Indies;  but  in  1548  this  was  changed,  and  none 
but  good  catholics,  no  suspected  persons  even,  were 
allowed  to  go. 

Vastly  different  was  life  and  society  at  home  and  in 
the  colonies  Nature  presented  to  Europeans  the 
New  World  on  a  scale  grander  than  any  to  which  they 
had  been  accustomed.  Mountains  were  higher  and 
plains  broader,  lakes  were  deeper  and  rivers  larger; 
vegetation  was  more  redundant ;  the  air  was  clearer, 
heat  and  cold  intenser,  and  colors  brighter.  Almost 
all  the  territory  at  first  occupied  by  the  Spaniards  lay 
within  the  tropics,  with  high  interior  plateaux ;  and 
it  was  on  these  table-lands,  raised  from  miasmatic 
jungles  into  cold  ethereal  heights,  that  aboriginal  civil 
ization  awoke  to  consciousness.  There,  too,  the 
colonist  was  suddenly  freed  from  twenty  centuries  of 
conventionalisms,  many  of  them  so  hollow  and  super 
stitious  as  should  make  mankind  blush  for  ever  having 
practised  them,  and  some  of  which  are  unfortunately 
continued  to  this  day  in  Europe,  and  foolishly  copied 
in  America;  but  now  the  colonist  was  free  in  so  far 
as  he  would  be  free  of  which  priceless  privilege  some 


76  COLONIAL  POLICY   OF  SPAIN. 

advantage  was  taken,  though  not  nearly  enough.  Now 
the  cohesions  of  societies  might  be  established  on  new 
bases.  The  Spaniard  might  live  in  lordly  ease  arid 
independence  amidst  the  serfs  and  cattle  of  his  vast 
estate,  and  the  Englishman  might  sing  psalms,  burn 
witches,  and  indulge  in  empire-building  after  his 
fashion. 

It  was  a  paradise  of  license  and  sensual  enjoyment 
the  Spaniards  sought,  and  here  they  found  all  that 
their  wildest  fancy  had  pictured.  Gold  was  the  first 
and  more  immediate  agency  to  this  accomplishment; 
and  so  having  skimmed  the  placers  they  sat  down  to 
centuries  of  day-dreams.  The  slower,  surer  road  to 
opulence  was  disdained  at  the  beginning,  but  with  a 
little  gold  wherewith  to  stock  much  land  and  buy 
many  vassals,  the  aim  of  life  was  accomplished.  The 
first  conquerors  were  dissatisfied  when  all  was  given 
them,  grants  of  land,  and  laborers,  and  stock;  then 
they  cried  alone  for  gold.  The  Spanish  system  of  re- 
partimientos  which  involved  a  division  of  the  natives 
with  a  division  of  the  land,  and  was  so  highly  esteemed 
in  after  years,  appeared  at  first  to  many  as  a  trap  to 
catch  the  simple.  Some  accepted  the  offer  of  the  be 
nign  monarch,  and  with  their  natives  they  gathered 
the  gold  from  their  lands,  or  cut  the  dye-woods,  after 
which  they  planted  sugar-cane  brought  from  the 
Canaries,  or  abandoned  their  plantation  and  went  back 
to  Spain. 

It  would  seem  that  this  should  be  the  last  place  on 
earth,  and  these  the  conditions  least  favorable,  for  en 
gendering  class  differences;  and  yet,  seldom  has  this 
flummery  been  carried  to  a  greater  extent  than  here, 
where  were  littered  droves  of  mongrels,  half  and 
quarter  breeds,  eighths  and  sixteenths,  the  blue  blood 
of  Spain  mingled  with  the  tawny  blood  of  America 
and  the  black  blood  of  Africa,  until  almost  all  trace  of 
it  was  lost,  and  the  stream  was  made  turgid  by  these 
intermixtures,  to  the  ultimate  decadence  of  all  con 
cerned.  It  is  said  that  in  South  Carolina,  Jamaica, 


SOCIETY.  77 

and  Java,  the  mulatto  cannot  long  reproduce  itself, 
while  in  Florida,  Mexico,  and  Central  America  there 
is  no  difficulty  in  so  doing.  But  it  is  not  necessary 
to  descend  to  these  lowest  depths  for  class  divis 
ions.  '  The  Creoles,  as  the  offspring  of  Europeans  born 
in  America  were  called,  though  descendants  of  the 
conquerors,  and  preserving  in  their  veins  the  best 
blood  of  Spain  untainted,  were  in  many  instances  by 
law  degraded,  and  made  inferior  to  those  shiftless 
chapetones  who  had  lived  in  idleness  at  home.  What 
policy  could  be  more  suicidal  than  this,  which  in  effect 
debarred  those  entitled  by  their  enterprise  to  the  most 
honorable  positions  from  any  but  a  scanty  lot  in  the 
institutions  of  the  country,  and  made  them  by  virtue 
of  their  devotion  wellnigh  ostracized.  In  the  distri 
bution  of  lands  and  natives,  the  conquerors  and  their 
descendants  were  supposed  to  be  favored  before  all 
others,  but  men  from  Spain  must  manage  the  govern 
ment  and  institutions  of  the  country.  Thus  degraded 
and  left  to  indolence  and  listless  and  luxurious  indul 
gence,  they  sank  into  the  strange  position  of  wealthy 
and  respected  human  beings,  having  homes  but  no 
country,  having  acknowledged  rights  but  no  voice  in 
their  vindication ;  they  were  lords  of  lands  and  vassals, 
and  yet  the  most  impotent  of  mankind.  Thus  was 
engendered  hate  between  classes  which  subsequently 
lapsed  into  chronic  civil  wars. 

Attempts  have  been  made  to  classify  these  several 
castes,  though  without  pronounced  success.  Robert 
son  places  first  the  chapetones,  or  old  Christians,  un 
tainted  by  Jewish  or  Mohammedan  blood;  second, 
Creoles;  third,  mulattoes  and  mestizos,  the  former  the 
offspring  of  an  African  and  European,  and  the  latter 
of  an  American  and  European;  and  lastly  Indians  and 
negroes  unadulterated.  Marriage  with  the  natives 
was  encouraged  by  the  government,  but  few  of  their 
connections  were  ratified  by  any  holier  sentiment 
than  lust.  There  was  one  only  great  leveller  of 
rank,  the  church.  Torquemada  says  that  on  Sun- 


78  COLONIAL  POLICY  OF  SPAIN.  1 

days  and  feast  days  the  gentleman  could  not  be  dis 
tinguished  from  the  plebeian,  or  the  knight  from  the 
squire,  all  dressing  alike  in  rich  garments.  And  yet 
oidores  and  high  dignitaries  would  fight  over  place  and 
the  position  of  their  chair  at  church  as  quickly  and  as 
fiercely  as  over  political  preference. 

Where  the  aboriginal  inhabitants  were  essentially 
extirpated,  independent  nations  of  the  descendants  of 
Europeans  sprang  up;'  protective  interference  with 
regard  to  the  natives,  to  any  considerable  extent,  is 
found  only  where  the  half-civilized  existed  in  such 
numbers  as  to  render  it  impracticable  to  teach  or  tor 
ture  them  to  death. 

Teutonic  America  has  been  sufficiently  cursed  by 
its  absorption  of  the  dregs  of  Europe;  but  it  has  been 
still  worse  with  Latin  America,  whose  invaders  thus 
mixed  with  their  blood  that  of  the  Indian  and  African 
to  such  an  extent  as  to  produce  a  mongrel  popula 
tion  inferior  to  any  decided  type.  With  the  example 
of  Chile  before  them,  however,  the  Spanish  and  Por 
tuguese  in  America  need  not  despair  of  approaching 
the  success  achieved  by  the  English.  At  all  events, 
the  hypothesis  of  Humboldt  and  Hegel,  in  vogue  fifty 
years  ago,  that  all  the  Spanish  colonies  in  America 
would  be  in  time  overthrown  and  subordinated  by  the 
Teutonic  race,  and  that  the  great  republic  thence  aris 
ing  would  fall  in  pieces  by  its  own  weight,  seems  now 
less  likely  to  prove  true.  Thinking  Americans  are 
satisfied  with  the  extent  of  their  domain;  it  is  only 
gamblers  in  mines,  land  speculators,  and  demagogues 
who  would  now  and  then  create  a  sensation  by  crying 
up  some  injury,  only  to  be  atoned  by  a  cession  of  ter 
ritory. 

Even  though  some  of  the  Spanish- American  states 
are  not  so  far  advanced  in  culture  and  strength  as 

O 

their  European  primogenitor,  they  are  for  the  most 
part  intelligent  and  strong  enough  to  have  put  on 
independence,  and  to  manifest  a  desire  for  progress. 
It  is  now  conceded  by  those  best  able  to  judge  that 


CHURCH  AND  CLERGY.  79 

tlic  difference  in  the  results  of  Latin  and  Teutonic 
colonial  attempts  in  America  is  as  much  due  to  a  dif 
ference  of  national  bent  and  home  influence  as  of  race. 
The  Spanish  colonists  had  been  under  the  strictest 
political  ecclesiastical  restraint  at  home;  and  before 
achieving  political  independence  they  had  to  emanci 
pate  their  minds,  while  the  English  threw  off  in  some 
degree  their  intellectual  fetters  before  sailing  for 
America. 

The  Spaniards  in  Mexico  and  Central  America 
were  after  all  not  so  much  colonists  as  conquerors. 
In  the  absence  of  any  ennobling  idea  or  principle, 
such  as  centralized  and  agglutinated  the  efforts  of  the 
Puritans  on  the  shores  of  New  England,  they  were 
left  to  the  full  indulgence  of  their  lust,  and  so  began 
to  degenerate  the  moment  they  laid  down  their  arms. 
To  rule  the  aboriginals,  holding  their  sons  as  serfs 
and  their  daughters  as  concubines  while  fastening  on 
them  their  laws  and  their  religion,  to  garner  wealth 
and  live  at  ease,  were  among  the  highest  aspirations 
of  the  successors  of  the  conquerors;  hence  with  the 
very  beginning  of  their  social  structure  a  dry-rot  set 
in,  which  nullified  the  effects  of  the  many  progres- 
sional  stimulants  by  which  they  were  surrounded. 

Blood  admixtures  with  the  Aztecs,  a  soft  climate  or 
dreamy  atmosphere,  or  external  operations,  such  as  the 
encroachments  and  absorbing  influence  of  the  United 
States,  have  had  but  a  share  in  the  degeneracy  of  the 
Spaniards  in  Mexico.  Grievous  blame  falls  on  the  old 
institutions  of  Spain  transplanted  to  a  rich  and  virgin 
soil,  in  which  they  grew  riotous  at  first,  and  then  fell 
into  decay,  and  in  whose  management  those  most  inter 
ested  were  not  permitted  to  take  part;  Christianity 
propagated  at  the  point  of  the  sword,  and  wealth 
accumulated  by  injustice  and  cruelty;  one  part  of 
society  fattened  to  grossness  by  the  abasement  of 
another  part,  and  withering  restrictions  upon  all  pro 
gress — these  are  not  the  methods  for  the  attainment  of 
the  highest  culture.  The  primary  power  in  Mexico 


80  COLONIAL  POLICY  OF  SPAIN. 

until  late  has  been  the  sword;  after  that  the  church; 
the  people  have  been  little  better  than  serfs.  At  one 
time  the  clergy,  whom  we  will  next  more  particularly 
consider,  besides  their  tithes  held  one  half  the  landed 
property  of  Mexico.  But  now  war  and  religion  are 
giving  way  in  some  measure  to  the  arts  of  peace  and 
healthy  development. 

The  church,  I  say,  ruled  with  a  strong  hand  the 
infant  colonies.  Ecclesiastics  were  welcomed  to  the 
New  World,  and  by  the  time  the  settler  arrived  his 
spiritual  ruler  was  ready  for  him.  Ecclesiastical  gov 
ernment  was  established  in  America  under  forms  and 
degrees  similar  to  those  in  Spain ;  archbishops,  bishops, 
deans,  and  minor  clergymen,  among  whom  were  the 
curate,  the  doctrinero,  and  the  missionary.  From  the 
pope  the  king  received  full  privileges  with  regard  to 
the  external  polity  of  the  church  in  America.  The 
hierarchy  in  the  New  World  was  as  imposing  as  in 
Spain;  its  influence  was  as  great.  The  revenues  of 
the  clergy  were  large,  and  their  establishments  ex 
pensive.  Among  the  early  acts  of  Ferdinand  was  the 
building,  at  his  own  cost,  of  the  cathedral  church  at 
Santo  Domingo,  and  charging  the  prelates  to  exercise 
extraordinary  diligence,  "that  the  devil  might  no  more 
prevail  in  the  Indies."  The  prelates  should  look  well 
to  the  subordinate  clergy,  and  chastise  offenders. 
Heretics,  Jews,  and  Mohammedans,  if  any  crept  in, 
should  be  exterminated,  that  the  church  might  not  be 
scandalized  among  the  natives.  No  clergyman  might 
go  to  the  Indies  without  a  license.  Friars  were  fur 
nished  with  a  free  passage  and  provisions,  and  on 
arrival  they  were  under  the  special  protection  of  the 
governor,  who  was  to  see  that  the  clergy  performed 
their  duty  in  the  bond  of  peace.  Plate  for  service 
passed  free  of  duty. 

Nothing  was  to  interfere  with  the  building  of 
churches,  the  clergy  had  ground  given  them  apart 
from  the  laity,  and  it  was  forbidden  to  lay  any  imposi- 


EFFECT  OF  RITUAL.  81 

tions  upon  them.  They  might  accumulate  property, 
and  dispose  of  it  by  will.  When  no  prelate  was 
present  to  take  charge  of  a  new  church  that  was  built, 
the  king's  treasurer  should  attend  to  payments.  In 
their  respective  districts,  prelates  were  to  act  as  inquis 
itors;  and  neither  governors  nor  secular  judges  might 
interfere  in  matters  belonging  to  this  sacred  enginery. 

On  the  other  hand,  it  was  ordained  that  prelates 
should  not  meddle  in  secular  affairs ;  they  should  visit 
the  Indians  of  their  jurisdiction  at  least  once  a  year. 
They  should  not  employ  ecclesiastical  censures  for 
slight  offences,  nor  lay  pecuniary  fines  upon  the  natives. 
Persons  dying  might  choose  their  burial-place,  pro 
vided  it  was  consecrated  ground.  Friars  must  not 
press  sick  persons  to  leave  them  legacies.  Children 
of  infidels  must  be  baptized ;  Indians  and  negroes 
must  attend  church.  Indians  were  not  to  pay  for 
marriages  or  funerals. 

By  apostolic  authority,  and  under  the  text  that  to 
us  are  given  the  heathen  for  an  inheritance,  the  clergy 
were  permitted  to  do  much  as  they  pleased  with  the 
Indians,  though  under  strict  laws.  To  these,  how 
ever,  they  frequently  paid  little  attention.  I  have 
seen  it  stated  that  their  system  of  prescripts  was 
carried  so  far  that  they  reminded  their  converts, 
among  other  things,  of  their  matrimonial  duties  at 
midnight,  by  means  of  a  bell !  Friars  were  allowed 
every  liberty  to  go  from  place  to  place  to  preach  the 
gospel.  They  might  not  be  punished  by  secular 
power,  but  if  delinquent  must  be  turned  over  to  their 
superiors.  Franciscan  monasteries  must  be  at  least 
five  leagues  apart. 

When  we  consider  the  power  of  the  Roman  ritual 
over  the  imagination  even  of  the  most  enlightened 

O  O 

Europeans,  we  may  possibly  conceive  something  of 
the  effect  upon  the  Americans.  There  is  something 
remarkable  in  its  mobility  to  adapt  itself  to  every 
character  and  class,  to  every  climate  and  condition. 
Add  to  the  power  of  forms  the  power  of  property,  the 

CAL.  PAST.,  VOL.  I.    6 


82  COLONIAL  POLICY  OF  SPAIN. 

power  of  example,  and  the  power  of  life  and  death, 
and  there  was  nothing  left  to  the  native  but  blind 
submission.  And  it  is  wonderful  how  strong  is  the 
catholic  church  to-day;  with  the  papacy  an  abstraction 
rather  than  a  reality;  with  the  church  itself  a  society 
of  individuals  and  not  a  government,  and  rent  as  it 
has  been  by  schisms  and  controversies — it  is  stronger 
perhaps  than  Mohammedanism  and  Buddhism,  which 
for  the  most  part  have  held  the  even  tenor  of  their 
way,  Shiites  and  Sunnites  to  the  contrary  notwith 
standing.  And  yet  all  was  not  serene  in  regard  to 
the  temporal  affairs  of  these  holy  men  who  had  thrown 
off  all  worldliness.  One  would  almost  take  the  bishops 
for  men  of  Belial  when  one  saw  them  disputing  about 
curacies  and  emoluments.  And  these  feuds  were  cur 
rent,  not  only  between  the  secular  clergy  and  opposing 
religious  orders,  but  among  brethren  of  the  same  order 
for  provincial  or  conventual  offices  of  honor.  These 
disputes  lasted  many  years,  particularly  as  to  the 
holding  of  such  offices  by  Spaniards,  gachupines,  or 
Creoles,  all  to  the  infinite  disgust  of  pope  and  king,  to 
whom  appeals  were  constantly  being  made. 

Eccentric  as  we  all  know  society  to  be,  we  can  hardly 
realize  the  conflicting  absurdities  which  the  human 
mind  is  capable  of  entertaining.  We  punish  minor 
misdemeanors  and  let  go  great  crimes ;  we  persecute 
and  kill  in  the  name  and  for  the  sake  of  the  peace  of 
Christ;  we  enforce  the  gentle  precepts  of  a  gentle 
faith  at  the  point  of  the  bayonet;  then  we  quarrel 
among  ourselves,  and  straightway  organize  and  arm, 
divide  and  fight,  Christians  meanwhile  praying,  not  for 
their  enemies,  nor  for  the  right,  but  each  for  their 
respective  side.  But  blessed  be  war;  else  shortly 
there  should  not  be  standing-room  on  this  planet  for 
the  wise  men  such  enlightenment  would  engender  I 

Little  is  to  be  said  of  the  effect  of  Spanish  coloniza 
tion  on  the  natives  of  the  New  World.  Swift  was 
their  departure  upon  the  approach  of  the  Europeans, 


NATIVE  RACES.  83 

and  damnable  the  way  of  it.  The  enslavements,  dis 
eases,  and  religion  of  European  civilization  hastened 
to  complete  the  work  begun  by  the  sword.  Some  few 
of  the  wild  tribes  inhabiting  unwholesome  lowlands 
were  left  unmolested.  The  conquerors  of  a  community 
either  absorb  or  are  absorbed  by  the  conquered.  The 
civilization  of  the  Nahuas  and  Mayas  not  being  strong 
enough,  like  the  Grecian,  to  take  captive  its  conquer 
ors,  was  merged  into  theirs,  to  the  debasement  of 
both.  The  natives  were  not  in  the  eyes  of  their  con 
querors  like  Christian  hat-wearers,  or  turbaned  infidels ; 
they  were  a  sort  of  raw  material  for  Christianity  to 
work  upon,  without  need  of  exercising  any  humane 
economy  in  the  use  of  it.  The  effect  was  to  create  in 
the  breasts  of  the  weaker  race  wants,  such  as  belief;, 
clothes,  and  brandies,  whereby  could  be  sown  civiliza 
tion's  diseases,  so  that  civilization's  drugs  might  be 
sold,  spiritual  and  temporal.  Not  all  of  these  wants, 
however,  were  permitted  gratification;  instance  the 
regulations  forbidding  natives  to  ride  on  horseback, 
and  withholding  the  white  man's  privilege  of  keeping 
mistresses. 

Thousands  perished  while  attending  the  Spaniards 
during  their  conquests  and  civil  wars.  How  many 
has  Vasco  Nunez  to  answer  for?  how  many  Cortes? 
how  many  Pizarro  the  Infamous  ?  In  the  mines  of 
the  mountains  perished  many,  under  the  hard  labor  to 
which  they  were  unaccustomed,  and  before  the  cold, 
penetrating  air  that  struck  with  fatal  chills  their 
enervated  frames,  so  suddenly  forced  from  their  warm, 
sunny  vales.  But  by  far  the  greater  part  simply  dis 
appeared.  For  in  whatsoever  garb  the  European 
stranger  approached  them,  whether  as  pilferer,  priest, 
or  peltryman,  his  presence  was  deadly.  European 
piety  was  little  less  pestilential  than  European  avarice. 
Both  ill  accorded  with  the  native  regime;  both  engen 
dered  disease,  struck  down  stalwart  warriors,  swept 
thousands  from  the  earth  with  a  rapidity  and  certainty 
unattainable  by  steel  and  gunpowder. 


84  COLONIAL  POLICY  OF  SPAIN. 

When  the  fair  continent  of  North  America  lay  revel 
ling  in  primeval  plenty,  upon  its  western  half  alone,  if 
we  include  all  of  Mexico  and  Central  America,  dwelt 
more  than  six  hundred  nations,  tribes,  or  peoples, 
speaking  more  than  six  hundred  languages  or  dialects 
of  languages.  Before  the  European  came  with  his 
superior  arms,  his  steel,  saltpetre,  priests,  and  blood 
hounds,  his  strange  diseases,  his  stranger  lusts,  his  love 
of  gold  and  God  and  glory,  wherein  were  woes  un 
numbered  heaped  on  men  whose  only  crime  against  their 
tormentors  was  in  living  where  their  creator  had  placed 
them,  and  striking  now  and  then  a  feeble  blow  in  de 
fence  of  their  homes — before  that  time  the  place  was 
heaven  as  compared  with  what  it  has  ever  been  since. 
These  beings  here  residing  were  not  the  beastly  things 
they  have  been  painted.  They  were  human,  and  nearer 
ourselves  in  their  nature  and  their  thoughts  than  many 
have  supposed.  In  them  were  the  same  likes  and  dis 
likes,  the  same  aspirations  and  passions,  the  same 
mixture  of  pride,  avarice,  credulity,  and  suspicion,  of 
artlessness,  shrewdness,  trustfulness,  and  treachery, 
found  in  all  humanity.  With  natural  quickness  of 
perception  they  united  close  reasoning  powers;  with 
dignified  melancholy,  a  fondness  for  ornament  and  dis 
play  Under  whatsoever  sun,  within  whatsoever  wrap 
pings  of  flesh  or  environment,  human  nature  is  no  less 
individual  than  wonderful. 

It  is  a  sad  tale,  presented  in  any  of  its  phases. 
Whatever  the  primitive  process  of  obtaining  food,  it 
was  much  more  easy  and  certain  than  ever  afterward. 
If  the  implements  used  by  the  wilder  tribes  in  the 
capture  of  animals  for  food  and  clothing  were  less  ef 
fectual,  animals  were  less  wild  and  more  easily  cap 
tured.  Invention  springs  from  necessity,  and  when 
the  necessity  which  called  forth  the  invention  ceases, 
the  progress  made  in  that  direction  is  soon  lost.  One 
of  the  greatest  hardships  imposed  upon  the  natives, 
particularly  toward  the  north,  was  despoiling  their 
country  of  game,  and  leaving  nothing  wherewith  to 


AMERICANS  AND  EUROPEANS.  85 

sustain  life.  Wild  men  cannot  suddenly  change  their 
habits,  and  derive  subsistence  from  new  sources. 
Many  of  the  fur-hunters  supplied  the  natives  with 
weapons  superior  to  their  own  for  the  purpose  of  kill 
ing  fur-bearing  animals,  and  then  as  game  became 
scarce  left  them  without  ammunition.  It  has  been 
claimed  for  the  Spaniards  that  the  conquest  stopped 
the  horrible  sacrifice  of  human  beings  which  was  check 
ing  the  growth  of  population ;  but  how  much  growth 
of  population  did  the  Spaniards  check  with  their  fire 
locks  and  swords?  As  though  the  growth  of  native 
American  populations  was  a  matter  of  such  vast  con 
cern  to  Europeans!  And  how  many  human  lives  did 
Spain  sacrifice  in  christianizing  America  ? 

Touching  the  rights  of  civilization  to  lands  held  by 
hunting  tribes,  I  would  say  a  word.  While  recogniz 
ing  fully  the  economical  principle,  that,  unlike  personal 
property  acquired  by  labor,  the  lands  of  the  earth 
belong  to  the  whole  human  race,  not  to  be  monopo 
lized  by  a  few  and  their  successors  to  the  exclusion  of 
the  rest,  I  am  yet  unable  to  perceive  any  rights  apper 
taining  to  civilization  that  do  not  apply  to  savagism. 
If  every  individual  born  upon  this  earth  has  a  right  to 
his  share  of  it,  as  he  has  a  right  to  his  portion  of  the 
water,  the  air,  and  the  sunshine,  and  that  without 
the  distinctions  of  wealth,  inheritance,  or  culture,  then 
the  savage  has  a  right  to  his  portion  equally  with  the 
civilized  man.  Nor  may  agricultural  nations  say  with 
reason  to  hunting  nations,  "  Adopt  our  mode  of  life 
and  take  up  less  room,"  so  long  as  the  agricultural 
nations  permit  certain  of  their  members  to  occupy 
lands  not  according  to  their  necessities  but  limited  only 
by  their  means  with  which  to  buy.  So  long  as  the 
minds  of  men  are  not  equally  cultivated,  the  soil  can 
not  be.  The  several  parts  of  the  earth's  surface  have 
their  several  populations,  each  differing  from  the  others 
in  progress  and  condition.  One  has  no  more  right 
than  another  to  call  upon  his  neighbor  to  abandon 
traditional  customs  and  assume  ill-fitting  conditions. 


86  COLONIAL  POLICY  OF  SPAIN. 

It  is  neither  just  nor  expedient  that  land  should  be 
held  by  individuals  in  large  parcels,  no  more  by  the 
civilized  man  for  his  flocks  than  by  the  savage  for  a 
game  preserve.  When  a  landed  proprietor  fails  to  be 
a  purchaser,  when  he  does  not  improve  his  lands  or 
permits  them  to  deteriorate,  from  an  economical  stand 
point  he  is  as  much  a  detriment  to  civilized  society  as 
would  be  a  savage  with  his  game  park,  or  a  European 
nobleman  with  his.  "They  do  not  make  a  good  use 
of  their  lands,"  says  civilization  of  savagism.  And  who 
is  to  be  the  judge?  And  is  every  rich  man's  lands 
and  money  to  be  taken  from  him  because  he  gambles, 
keeps  mistresses,  buys  legislatures,  bribes  judges,  fos 
ters  iniquitous  monopolies,  and  is  a  curse  to  his  kind 
generally  ?  Better  a  thousand  times  leave  lands  in  the 
hands  of  their  aboriginal  holders  than  allow  them  to 
become  the  property  of  the  average  man  of  millions. 

It  is  a  piggish  race,  this  human  race  of  ours,  and 
one  that  delights  in  its  piggishness.  The  first  comers 
and  their  descendants  attempt  to  monopolize  all  the 
available  land,  and  mankind  forever  after  must  buy  or 
rent  or  steal  from  them.  Who  were  those  first  rob 
bers  we  may  not  always  know,  nor  does  it  much 
matter,  for  we  are  just  as  ready  to  rob  to-day  as  ever 
we  were.  One  thing  is  evident.  The  native  Amer 
icans,  as  a  rule,  held  their  lands  in  common,  as  the 
property  of  the  nation,  which  custom  civilization  to 
day  might  well  consider.  In  marked  contrast  to  this 
policy,  landed  property  in  America  was  not  cut  by  the 
colonists  into  parcels  convenient  to  persons  of  moder 
ate  means,  and  made  to  pass  easily  from  one  to  another, 
but  large  tracts,  sometimes  whole  provinces,  were 
seized  and  held  as  encomiendas,  greatly  to  the  detri 
ment  of  the  colonies. 

The  right  of  Europeans  to  seize  and  occupy  the 
lands  of  the  Indians  was  never  questioned  by  the 
stronger  party;  neither  did  they  pause  to  inquire  if 
the  almighty  erred  in  creating  America,  or  if  he  made 
half  a  world  for  the  malevolent  sport  and  domination 


INTERNATIONAL  LAW.  87 

of  the  other  half,  or  if  his  servant  Alexander  might 
not  possibly  have  exceeded  the  bounds  of  his  commis 
sion.     Occupancy,   by  which    the   lands  of  a  nation 
were  made  its  captor's,  was  among  the  Romans  a  nat 
ural  law,  and  the  property  of  an  enemy  res  nidlius, 
as  I  have  elsewhere  explained.     Aristotle  taught  that 
Greeks  were  called  upon  to  recognize  no  more  rights 
in  barbarians  than  in  brutes;  and  Caesar  said  it  was 
the  right  of  war  to  treat  the  conquered  as  the  con 
querors  pleased.     By  the  discoveries  of  the  fifteenth 
and  sixteenth  centuries,  this  Roman  principle  of  occu 
pancy  became   somewhat    confounded,  and    failed    to 
determine  how  much  of  an  island  or  a  continent  the 
sovereign  of  an  adventurer  could  claim  by  reason  of  a 
lucky  discovery,  or  what  were  the  acts  necessary  to  be 
performed    to  secure    legal    possession  against    other 
nations  of  the  European  world.     These  points  were 
settled,  as  usual,  by  fighting,  the  victor  construing  the 
law.      If  our  teachers  would  stop  their  cant,  and  fully 
recognize  the  absolute  and  inexorable  right  of  might, 
half  the  problems  of  mankind  would  be  solved  at  once. 
It  were  amusing,  if  not  so  painfully  absurd,  to  hear 
Montesquieu  and  the  rest  of  them  talk  about  "la  loi 
de  la  nature,"  and  "la  loi  de  la  lumiere  naturelle,"  in 
connection  with  the  rights  of  the  conqueror.     Natural 
justice  recognizes  no  right  of  conquest;  and  yet  all 
nations  acquiesce  in,  and  most  of  them  justify,  such 
robbery.      As  is  often  seen  in  communities  of  men,  so 
in  communities  of  nations,  wrong  once  become  perma 
nent  is  acknowledged  by  international  law  as  a  right, 
and   as  such  it  usually  passes  into  history.      In  the 
present  day  of  enlightened  and  purified  morals,  ag 
gressors  committing  this  species  of  robbery  usually 
seek  to  shield  themselves  under  some  claim,  real  or 
pretended,  and  so  escape  the  world's  censure,  for  even 
the    simplest   of  us  now   recognize    the  principle  as 
atrocious;  or  as  in  the  case  of  the  treaty  of  Guada- 
lupe  Hidalgo  between  the  United  States  and  Mexico, 
the  victor  pays  the  vanquished  money,  and  so  ratifies 
the  theft  by  forced  bargain  and  sale. 


88  COLONIAL  POLICY  OF  SPAIN. 

Montesquieu  is  sadly  in  error  when  he  supposes  it 
the  wish  of  the  Spaniards  to  sweep  the  country  of  its 
aboriginals,  so  that  they  might  the  better  occupy. 
Such  a  charge  might  much  more  truthfully  be 
brought  against  any  other  European  nation.  Ter 
ritory  was  nothing  to  the  Spaniard  without  subjects; 
mountains  of  metal  and  rich  alluvial  plains  were 
valueless  without  laborers.  Never  was  a  conquered 
race  more  tenderly  considered — in  theory.  Other  na 
tions  were  less  scrupulous.  Spain  would  ship  no  slaves 
from  Africa,  but  her  colonies  bought  them  from  the 
French  and  Dutch,  until  England  browbeat  her  into 
buying  all  her  slaves  from  English  ships.  And  always 
the  other  nations  of  Europe  far  exceeded  the  Spaniards 
in  their  cruelty  to  negro  slaves,  the  English  roasting 
them  alive  at  Jamaica  for  desertion,  and  this  within  a 
century.  In  short,  when  the  directors  of  the  East 
India  Company  themselves  admit  that  "the  vast  for 
tunes  acquired  in  the  inland  trade  have  been  obtained 
by  a  scene  of  the  most  tyrannical  and  oppressive  con 
duct  that  was  ever  known  in  any  age  or  country,"  it 
is  idle  to  argue  upon  the  relative  cruelty  of  European 
nations. 

There  was  no  system  of  destruction  practised  by 
the  Spaniards.  In  their  eager  desire  to  seize  the 
present,  and  secure  every  means  for  its  enjoyment, 
only  too  many  of  them  worked  the  natives  to  their 
death.  This  was  all,  except  the  mystery  that  the 
simple  presence  of  civilization,  even  when  overflowing 
with  kindness,  is  poisonous  to  savagism.  Still  more 
untrue  is  the  assertion  made  by  many  that  the  exter 
mination  of  the  Americans  was  urged  by  the  catholic 
ecclesiastics,  who  claimed  the  slaughter  of  idolaters 
to  be  pleasing  to  God.  If  ever  there  was  piety  or 
purity  in  man,  if  ever  charity  or  heavenly  zeal,  then 
do  these  high  and  holy  qualities  shine  resplendent  in 
those  ministers  of  peace  who  abandoned  country  and 
self,  sank  name  and  identity,  and  laid  down  their 
lives  for  the  salvation  of  souls  in  the  wilds  of 


COST  OF  IT  ALL.  89 

America.  And  as  for  those  general  charges  in  cer 
tain  quarters  that  in  some  of  the  later  occupants  of 
holy  office  spirituality  had  turned  to  flesh,  their  zeal 
to  laziness  and  lust,  resulting  in  nothing  more  impor 
tant  than  repeating  prayers  and  breeding  null-it  is  filli, 
I  can  only  say  that  I  have  elsewhere  given  the  his 
tory  of  all  as  fully  and  fairly  as  I  am  able. 

And  here  the  anomaly  presents  itself,  that  while  the 
parent  government  in  all  its  ordinances  and  instruc 
tions  is  more  just  and  tender  toward  its  savage  sub 
jects  than  are  the  colonists,  through  corrupt  agents  the 
natives  may  be  more  vilely  treated  than  they  would 
be  by  filibusters  or  pirates.  Alone  in  a  wilderness, 
with  no  doting  parent  to  call  upon  for  protection,  the 
private  colonist  or  settler  hesitates  ere  he  raises  a 
swarm  of  enemies  about  his  ears.  Many  of  the 
atrocities  attending  government  colonization  are  ab 
sent  in  private  colonization.  The  conduct  of  Peru 
stands  out  in  contrast  to  that  of  Pizarro  no  less 
marked  than  the  subsequent  doings  in  Pennsylvania 
contrast  with  those  in  Peru. 

And  what  price  was  Spain  to  pay  for  all  her  follies, 
crimes,  and  indulgences,  for  the  outrages  of  her  con 
querors,  the  maladministration  of  her  agents,  her 
selfish  exclusiveness,  her  vagarious  policy,  her  exac 
tions  and  enjoyment?  For  nations,  no  more  than  indi 
viduals,  can  indulge  in  crimes  and  follies  with  impunity. 
In  colonial  affairs  as  elsewhere,  greed  generates  disas 
ter.  Tyrannies  and  unjust  exactions  bring  their  own 
punishment.  Iniquity  is  inexorably  alien  from  per 
manent  prosperity.  Spain's  punishment  was  earlier 
and  more  severe  than  that  of  other  European  nations 
equally  or  more  guilty,  and  whose  reckoning  is  yet  to 
come.  If  England's  God  lives,  then  England  has  yet 
to  make  her  final  reckoning. 

Besides  superior  energy,  Spain  possessed  material 
advantages  which  placed  her  before  all  other  nations 
at  the  beginning  of  the  sixteenth  century.  Her  mer- 


90  COLONIAL  POLICY  OF  SPAIN. 

cantile  marine  was  the  finest  iu  the  world,  numbering 
over  one  thousand  vessels.  The  quays  of  Seville  were 
crowded.  The  manufactures  of  Spain  were  ample,  in 
addition  to  her  own  requirements,  to  supply  all  her 
colonies.  Cloth  and  coral-work  were  produced  at 
Barcelona,  which  city  rivalled  Venice;  silk  and  gro 
ceries  at  Valencia;  cloth  at  Cuenca  and  Huete;  swords 
and  muskets  at  Toledo ;  silk,  paper,  and  flaxen  goods 
at  Granada;  cloth  at  Ciudad-real,  Segovia,  and  Villa- 
castin;  steel  blades  at  Albacete;  soap  and  groceries  at 
Yepes  and  Ocana;  hats  and  saddles  at  C6rdova;  linen 
in  Galicia,  and  cutlery  and  plate  at  Valladolid.  Some 
of  these  cities  employed  a  thousand  workmen.  Hus 
bandry  was  conducted  by  the  Moriscos  under  the  best 
methods  then  known.  By  systems  of  irrigation,  the 
soil  was  made  to  yield  large  returns  in  rice,  cotton, 
sugar,  arid  other  products.  Even  the  Spanish  lan 
guage  and  the  universities  felt  the  impulse.  As  early 
as  1550,  the  descendants  of  the  conquered  Aztecs  and 
Peruvians  were  found  in  the  schools  of  Spain,  and 
Indian  words  in  her  language. 

Some  time  later  look  again  this  way.  How  different 
the  picture  Spain  presents  toward  the  close  of  the  sev 
enteenth  century.  Her  soil,  exhausted,  runs  to  waste ; 
her  factories  are  closed;  her  artisans  and  her  agricul 
turists  gone — one  million  of  her  best  and  most  indus 
trious  subjects,  the  Moriscos,  at  a  single  blow;  the 
small,  round  worm  has  been  busy  among  the  quarter- 
ings  of  Castile;  her  domain  is  dismembered,  Holland 
and  Portugal  gone,  Artois,  Roussillon,  and  Franche 
Cornte,  and  after  another  hundred  years,  nearly  all 
these  broad  Americas  have  slipped  from  her  posses 
sion.  The  expulsion  of  the  Moors  by  Felipe  III. 
followed  the  destructive  foreign  wars  of  Felipe  II. ; 
and  with  the  beginning  of  the  seventeenth  century 
her  commerce  and  manufactures  began  to  fail.  Men 
were  even  wanting  for  the  army,  and  ships  lay  rotting 
at  anchor  for  lack  of  sailors. 

The  navy,  which  in  Philip's  time  had  been  the  ter- 


PRINCE  AND  PEOPLE.  91 

ror  of  the  sea,  was  now  reduced  nine  tenths.  Arse 
nals  and  magazines  were  empty,  and  frontier  fortresses 
ungarrisoned.  Crime  and  disorder  prevailed  through 
out  the  land.  Simony  and  peculation  were  unblush 
ing  and  enormous;  so  that,  while  the  people  were 
ground  by  taxation,  the  public  revenue  was  small. 
As  a  remedy,  which  in  truth  only  aggravated  the 
disease,  the  currency  was  debased.  Any  third-rate 
power  might  now  insult  with  impunity  the  heirs  of 
Charles  the  Magnificent,  and  of  Philip,  his  most 
catholic  son.  The  lesson  is — and  let  it  be  written  in 
the  sky  and  graven  on  the  eternal  hills — neither  in 
dividuals  nor  nations  can  long  live  by  impositions 
practised  on  their  fellow-men. 

Still  there  was  territory  enough.  Often  has  the 
judicious  pruning  of  a  too  widely  spread  empire  proved 
beneficial.  It  was  pith  and  pulse  Spain  now  lacked. 
She  had  bled  her  own  veins;  played  mother  pelican  to 
the  church;  and  now  to  this  complexion  things  have 
come.  In  vain  shall  a  Charles  aim  at  universal  em 
pire;  even  petty  Duke  Maurices  will  not  have  it  so. 
In  vain  shall  your  nether-millstone-hearted  Philip 
float  invincible  armadas.  In  vain  shall  Fernando  de 
Herrera  and  Luis  de  Leon  gain  the  topmost  height  of 
Spanish  lyricism ;  in  vain  a  Calderon  or  a  Vega  im 
mortalize  their  drama ;  even  in  vain  shall  the  greatest, 
grandest,  richest  name  of  all,  Cervantes,  take  royal 
place  in  the  fame-roll  of  literature.  Let  Mariana  and 
Solis  paint  the  history  of  their  country  thick  and 
bright,  but  above  all  quick :  these  glories  fade  so  fast. 
All  these  piped  to  a  country  that  would  not  dance; 
or  if  it  did  it  was  only  the  general  dance  of  death.  Of 
late  Spain  has  slept  with  more  or  less  heaviness;  a 
sleep  somewhat  troubled,  it  is  true,  with  fevered 
dreams,  wherein  mingled  with  smaller  sprites  French 
revolutions,  Isabellas,  and  Carlists,  Hohenzollerns  and 
Amadeos,  and  Prims,  and  republics,  and  one  hardly 
knows  what  else. 

During  the  middle  age,  and  up  to  the  time  of  Fer- 


92  COLONIAL  POLICY  OF  SPAIN. 

dinand  the  catholic,  the  people  of  Spain  possessed 
greater  liberty  than  any  people  in  Europe.  But  about 
that  time  monarchism  took  a  long  stride  forward, 
fanaticism  following  closely  at  its  heels.  The  power 
of  the  nobles,  undermined  by  Ferdinand,  was  com 
pletely  broken  by  Charles,  and  for  three  centuries 
thereafter  Austrian  and  Bourbon  princes  ruled  Spain 
with  a  despotism  almost  absolute.  These  Austrians 
and  Bourbons  were  ever  remarkable  for  their  piety ; 
but  although  they  loved  the  church  much,  they  loved 
themselves  more.  The  little  game  of  prince,  priest, 
and  people  was  then  played  somewhat  after  this  fash- 
oin:  The  prince  was  in  possession  of  the  power.  This 
power  he  derived  from  the  people,  who  helped  him  to 
break  down  the  nobles,  and  hold  in  check  the  clergy ; 
in  return,  the  prince  employed  the  church  to  rivet  the 
chains  of  despotism  tighter  and  tighter  upon  the  peo 
ple;  so  that  with  the  mind  enslaved  by  the  clergy, 
and  their  every  action  at  the  order  of  the  king,  this 
so  lately  free  and  chivalrous  commonalty  was  doomed 
to  be  thrust  backward  at  the  very  time  the  new7  light 
broke  in  upon  Europe ;  at  the  very  time  when  liberty 
of  thought  and  action  would  have  carried  it  forward 

O 

with  any  nation  in  Christendom.  Thus  to  the  great 
ness  of  Spain  in  the  sixteenth  century  Spaniards  of 
to-day  owe  their  littleness;  to  the  teachings  of  tradi 
tion,  enforced  by  the  strong  arm  of  royalty,  they  owe 
their  ignorance ;  and  to  the  wealth  of  the  New  World 
they  owe  their  poverty. 

The  student  of  civilized  history  has  seen  how  gen 
erations  of  discipline  made  strong  the  arm  of  Spain ; 
how  loyalty  and  religion  united  to  concentrate  and 
direct  the  energies  of  the  people ;  how  the  enginery 
of  the  inquisition  was  hurled  against  the  reformation 
and  every  kind  of  religious  inquiry ;  how  a  religious 
war  stimulated  religious  zeal,  how  zeal  fanned  the 
flames  of  loyalty,  and  how  loyalty  and  zeal  bound 
men  together  for  good  and  evil.  He  has  seen  how 
man's  nobler  impulses  came  forward  and  bowed  before 


CHURCH  AND  STATE.  93 

this   shrine;  how  church  and  state  divided  between 
them  chivalry,  learning,  and  wealth,  leaving  the  peo- 

Ele  poverty  and  obedience.  And  when  Granada  fell, 
saving  tyranny  master  of  the  field;  when  not  a  here 
tic,  not  an  alien,  polluted  the  soil  of  Spain ;  when  from 
the  Pyrenees  to  Gibraltar,  from  the  Mediterranean  to 
the  Atlantic,  all  were  loyal,  all  Christian — where  was 
this  mighty  enginery  next  to  be  directed?  Most 
opportunely  at  this  juncture  a  New  World  dropped  into 
the  lap  of  Spain.  And  such  a  world!  Truly  it  was 
a  reward  of  merit  for  eight  centuries  of  godly  service. 
To  her  piety  and  patriotism  Spain  had  sacrificed  her 
wealth.  She  was  left  by  the  successful  termination  of 
the  Mohammedan  contest  strong  but  poor.  In  this 
New  World  was  wealth  untold.  God,  grown  kinder 
to  his  people  than  in  ages  past,  there  paid  cash  for 
proselytes.  A  new  crusade  was  preached,  in  which 
gold  was  the  reward  of  piety,  in  which  romance  be 
came  reality,  and  glory  here  was  but  the  harbinger  of 
glory  hereafter.  And  in  her  colonial  policy  Spain 
could  be  hampered  by  no  constitutional  restraints. 
She  might  model  her  colonial  affairs  and  issue  her 
edicts  by  mere  act  of  prerogative,  and  change  them 
at  pleasure.  Whenever  through  the  usual  mistakes 
attending  first  attempts  things  went  wrong,  la\vs  were 
made  to  fit  the  like  emergencies  of  the  future,  and 
soon  such  a  mass  of  ordinances  and  edicts  were  heaped 
up  that  even  the  Spanish  government  could  not  en 
force  the  half  of  them. 

The  epoch  of  discovery  was  the  supplement  of  the 
crusades,  the  crowning  result  of  the  grand  levelling 
of  partition  walls  by  advancing  civilization.  Then, 
through  the  stubborn  zeal  of  Luther  in  Germany 
and  Zwingli  in  Switzerland,  assisted  by  the  amorous 
propensities  of  Henry  VIII.,  Europe  was  divided 
anew,  the  north  becoming  protestant,  and  the  south 
remaining  catholic.  By  her  excessive  exclusiveness, 
Spain  repelled  that  which  constitutes  the  very  essence 
of  progress,  curiosity,  inquiry,  scepticism.  The  result 


94  COLONIAL  POLICY   OF  SPAIN. 

as  seen  in  Spain  and  some  parts  of  Spanish  America 
to-day  speaks  volumes. 

The  question  could  scarcely  have  arisen  in  the  six 
teenth  century  whether  this  New  World  seized  so 
eagerly,  clutched  so  greedily,  would  prove  a  blessing 
or  a  curse  to  its  possessor.  What  I  lands  more  fertile 
and  fifty  times  broader  than  Spain  not  a  blessing? 
Surely  gold  and  pearls  and  slaves  are  blessings,  to 
say  nothing  of  new  empires  to  govern,  and  millions  of 
heathen,  souls  to  save. 

The^mmediate  effect  of  the  colonies  on  the  mother 
country  was  to  quicken  life,  expand  commerce,  and 
enlarge  all  industries.  Commercial  companies  were 
formed.  The  prices  of  all  commodities  advanced. 
Money  was  plenty,  and  everybody  rich.  Some  com 
plained,  not  of  the  abundance  of  gold,  but  because  it 
now  required  so  much  to  buy  so  little — an  extra  mule 
for  the  traveller  being  almost  necessary  to  carry  his 
purse.  Then,  knowing  little  of  the  principles  of 
economy  or  of  foreign  commerce,  the  government 
stepped  in  with  its  suicidal  restrictions  and  monopolies, 
and  confounded  what  might,  if  left  to  natural  chan 
nels,  have  proved  beneficial  to  the  commonwealth. 
More  men  then  went  to  America,  draining  the  coun 
try  still  further  of  its  bone  and  sinew,  and  more  gold 
was  sent  to  Spain.  The  cost  of  labor  and  of  raw 
material  rose  rapidly;  indeed,  it  was  soon  impossible 
to  obtain  these  essentials  of  manufactures  in  Spain  to 
the  extent  required.  It  was  easier  and  more  alluring, 
however  fatal,  to  let  others  do  the  work,  while  Spain 
commanded  the  situation  and  handled  the  gold;  and 
so  Portugal,  France,  Flanders,  and  England  were  em 
ployed  to  furnish  the  required  commodities,  while  the 
Spaniards  gave  themselves  up  to  enjoyment.  They 
were  breeding  at  Spain's  cost  communities  of  artisans, 
which  more  than  soldiers  or  sailors  were  to  become 
the  bulwark  of  the  nation,  and  Spain  was  forced  to 
pour  into  their  coffers  her  dearly  loved  gold  in  ever- 
increasing  ratio;  until  finally,  notwithstanding  the 


REFLECTIVE  INFLUENCE.  95 

enormous  yield  of  the  two  Americas,  she  had  not  suf 
ficient  for  her  own  necessities.  The  galleon  service, 
for  more  than  two  centuries  the  pride  of  Spain  on 
both  the  Atlantic  and  Pacific,  was  essentially  at 
an  end  by  the  middle  of  the  eighteenth  century. 

Further  and  yet  further  grew  the  rage  for  wealth, 
and  the  distaste  for  labor.  Waste  was  the  order  of 
the  day  in  both  public  and  private  affairs.  The  more 
gold  Spain  got,  the  more  she  required;  the  more  she 
suffered  from  her  exactions,  the  more  she  exacted. 
Now  the  king  and  his  court,  and  innumerable  minia 
ture  establishments,  and  households  of  all  grades,  were 
kept  aflame  by  western  gold  alone.  Industries  of 
every  kind  were  abandoned,  and  men  lived  only  for 
that  for  which  brutes  live,  to  eat,  sleep,  and  propa 
gate.  Far  better  were  the  days  of  war  than  these 
days  of  enervating  peace.  It  was  as  if  all  Spain  had 
laid  down  everything  useful,  and  had  adopted  gam 
bling  as  an  occupation.  And  when  this  influx  of 
wealth  began  to  diminish,  it  was  found  too  late:  that 
the  nation  had  nothing  on  which  to  depend  for  sup 
port.  Spain  became  impoverished.  Gone  were  the 
mercantile  glory  of  Seville  and  Cadiz.  A  resort  to 
laws  prohibiting  the  export  of  specie  and  raising  the 
value  of  copper  was  without  benefit. 

Nor  was  this  all  the  disastrous  effect  of  Spanish 
colonization  in  America  on  the  aborigines,  on  the  col 
onists,  and  on  the  people  of  Spain.  There  were  even 
wider  effects  than  these — such  as  the  influence  upon 
the  commercial  and  political  intercourse  of  nations, 
which  the  thoughtful  student  of  the  times  will  con 
sider.  Partly  from  the  reflex  influence  of  her  colonies, 
and  partly  from  other  causes,  Europe  to-day  is  more 
republican  than  monarchical.  England,  Holland,  and 
Portugal  are  monarchies  in  form  only;  France  has 
struggled  into  republicanism,  and  even  Spain  has  at 
tempted  it. 

Thus  to  the  Spanish  people  America  was  a  Lerna 
of  ills,  a  Naboth's  vineyard.  They  despoiled  the  in- 


96  COLONIAL  POLICY  OF  SPAIN. 

habitants  of  a  distant  land  only  to  dissipate  their  ill- 
gotten  wealth,  and  then  sink  beneath  the  excess  of 
self-indulgence  and  sensuality.  Two  civilizations  Spain 
succeeded  in  crushing  before  her  fall,  an  eastern  and 
a  western;  in  Mexico  and  Peru  it  was  her  evil  destiny 
to  destroy  a  culture  but  little  inferior  to  her  own,  and 
in  her  turn  to  be  destroyed  thereby.  Spain  was 
ruined  by  her  successes.  Let  men  and  nations  learn 
the  lesson,  for  there  are  yet  many  in  like  manner  to 
be  ruined.  Lord  Macaulay  and  others  resolve  all 
the  causes  of  the  decay  of  Spain  into  one  cause; 
which  term  signifies,  if  it  signifies  anything,  an  erring 
people,  a  corrupt  priesthood.  But  this  is  not  what 
Macaulay  means  to  say.  He  assumes  too  pointedly 
that  the  Spanish  nation  fell  into  decay  through  the 
retrogression  of  its  sovereigns,  which  assuredly  was 
not  the  case.  Were  our  Philips  and  Charleses  worse 
than  your*  Georges  and  your  Louises;  why,  then,  did 
not  England  and  France  attain  these  depths  ?  A  mon 
arch  may  helm  the  ship  of  state  toward  the  rocks  and 
create  temporary  disaster;  but  no  nation  was  ever 
ruined  solely  by  its  rulers.  With  the  people  who 
constitute  the  nation  and  make  the  rulers,  the  blame 
must  chiefly  rest. 


CHAPTER  III. 

MEXICO  AS  SEEN  THROUGH  THE  EYES  OF  SCIENCE  AT  THE 
OPENING  OF  THE  NINETEENTH  CENTURY. 

Multitude  omnis,  sicut  natura  inaris,  per  se  immobilis  est;  ut  venti  et 
aurae  cient,  ita  aut  tranquillum  aut  procellee  vobis  sunt. — Lwy. 

THE  two  Californias  were  invaded  and  occupied  by 
priests  from  Mexico,  at  a  time  when  this  region  was 
held  to  be  a  part  of  Mexico.  Mexico  has  been  once 
seen;  perhaps  twice.  The  conquerors  were  close  ob 
servers — that  is,  of  gold  or  anything  worth  stealing; 
but  by  the  eyes  of  comprehensive  genius  Mexico  has 
never  been  so  viewed,  before  or  since,  as  by  Frederick 
Henry  Alexander  von  Humboldt  at  the  opening  of 
the  present  century.  His  visit  to  our  continent  was 
in  the  interest  of  general  science,  rather  than  in  that 
of  any  particular  persons  or  place.  He  was  thirty 
years  of  age  when  he  landed  in  South  America  in 
1799;  thirteen  years  of  his  life  had  thus  far  been 
devoted  to  close  study,  and  before  him  were  yet  sixty 
other  years.  We  are  told  that  he  was  a  vain  man, 
and  very  egotistical;  but  surely  he  had  something  to 
be  vain  of,  and  his  ego  was  by  no  means  a  small  one, 
either  as  regards  time  or  dimensions.  In  his  match 
less  commentaries  we  hardly  know  which  to  admire 
most,  the  universe  which  he  describes  so  perfectly,  or 
the  all-comprehending  intellect  capable  of  such  deline 
ation. 

Alexander  von  Humboldt  was  born  in  Berlin  on  the 
14th  of  September,  1769,  when  the  first  mission  of  Alta 
California  was  being  founded  at  San  Diego.  His 
father,  Major  Alexander  George  von  Humboldt,  had 

CAL.  PAST.,  VOL.  I.    7  (97) 


98  MEXICO  IN  THE  NINETEENTH  CENTURY. 

been  in  succession  chamberlain  to  the  great  Frederick, 
and  to  Elizabeth,  princess  of  Prussia.  His  mother 
when  married  by  his  father,  was  the  widow  of  a  cer 
tain  Baron  Von  Holwede,  and  was  descended  from  a 
Burgundian  family,  Colomb  by  appellation,  notable 
craftsmen  in  glass  in  their  old  country.  The  young 
Humboldt  was  for  the  most  part  brought  up  in  his 
father's  old  castle  of  Tegel,  three  leagues  from  Berlin. 
Here  Alexander  and  his  elder  brother  William  played 
and  studied,  in  a  quiet,  unrestricted  way,  till  1786, 
when  they  commenced  their  academical  life  at  the 
university  of  Frankfort  on  the  Oder.  In  1788  they 
removed  to  that  of  Gottingen,  "a  staid,  grave  place, 
full  of  earnest  students  and  learned  professors,"  among 
which  last  were  Blumenbach,  Heine,  and  Eichhorn. 
The  university  life  of  the  brothers  ended  in  1789. 

In   1790  Alexander  visited  Holland  and  England 
in  company  with  George  Foster  and  Van  Genns,  and 
published  his  first  work,  Observations  on  the  Basalts  of 
the  Rhine.     In  1791  he  began  studying  under  Werner, 
the  celebrated  geologist,  at  Freyberg.     The  result  of 
some  of  his  observations  in  the  mines  of  that  district 
was  published  in  1793:  Specimen  Florze  Freibergensis 
Subterranean.     In  1795  he  visited  part  of  Italy  and 
Switzerland,  and   1798  found  him  in  Paris,  where  he 
became  acquainted  with  Bonpland,  the  naturalist,  des 
tined  soon  to  be  his  companion  in  travel,  and  with 
many  other  French  savans.     He  here  published,  in 
conjunction  with  Gay  Lussac,  Researches  on  the  Com 
position  of  the  Atmosphere,  and  on  his  own  account  a 
work  on  subterranean  gases. 

From  his  boyhood,  Humboldt  had  been  planning 
some  great  voyage  of  discovery;  and  in  1789  he  was 
in  Madrid,  applying  for  permission  to  explore  the 
Spanish  possessions  in  America.  That  permission 
was  granted,  and  having  secured  Bonpland  as  a 
coadjutor,  he  sailed  from  Corunna  in  the  sloop  Pizarro, 
on  the  5th  of  June,  1799.  On  the  19th  of  June  the 
Pizarro  put  into  Santa  Cruz,  in  the  island  of  Teneriffe; 


ALEXANDER  VON  HUMBOLDT.  99 

and  the  naturalists,  availing  themselves  of  the  few 
days  the  ship  remained  there,  ascended  the  famous 
Pico  de  Teyde.  In  the  middle  of  July  they  reached 
Cumana,  South  America,  and  landed.  They  spent 
the  rest  of  the  year  in  visiting  the  coast  of  Paria,  the 
Indian  missions  of  Chaymas,  and  the  provinces  of 
New  Andalucia,  New  Barcelona,  Venezuela,  and 
Spanish  Guayana.  Leaving  Caracas  in  January  1800, 
they  examined  the  charming  valleys  of  the  Aragua, 
and  the  great  lake  of  Valencia,  or  Ticarigua,  resem 
bling  in  general  appearance  that  of  Geneva,  but  with 
its  shores  clothed  in  all  the  beauty  and  luxuriance  of 
a  tropical  vegetation.  From  Puorto  Cabello  they  went 
south,  crossing  on  horseback  the  vast  plains  of  Cala- 
bozo,  Apure,  and  Orinoco,  and  the  dreary  llanos. 
At  San  Fernando,  on  the  river  Apure,  they  began  a 
fatiguing  navigation  of  more  than  3,000  miles.  They 
performed  this  in  canoes,  crouching  in  awkward  pos 
tures,  scorched  by  the  terrible  sun  which  not  only 
lightens  but  colors  and  burns,  and  devoured  by  a  ten 
fold  Egyptian  plague  of  crawling,  creeping,  and  flying 
things.  Sailing  down  the  Apure,  they  entered  the  Ori 
noco  at  the  seventh  degree  of  north  latitude,  and  then, 
ascending  this  river,  passed  the  cataracts  of  Mapures 
and  Atures,  and  gained  the  conflux  of  the  Guaviari. 
Thence  they  ascended  the  small  rivers  Atab  and 
Temi.  From  the  mission  of  Javita,  they  passed  over 
land  to  the  sources  of  the  famous  Rio  Negro.  About 

O 

thirty  Indians  were  employed  to  carry  the  canoes 
through  lofty  forests  to  the  creek  of  Pemichin.  Fol 
lowing  the  current  now,  they  shot  into  the  Rio  Negro, 
descending  to  San  Carlos.  From  this  they  remounted 
to  the  Orinoco,  by  way  of  the  Cassiquiari,  and  thus 
forever  cleared  up  all  doubts  as  to  the  existence  of  a 
communication  between  the  Orinoco  and  the  Amazon. 
Passing  up  the  Orinoco,  they  visited  the  volcano 
Daida  and  the  mission  of  Esmeralda ;  but  the  Guaicas, 
an  independent  native  tribe  of  very  fair  complexion 
and  small  build,  yet  extremely  warlike,  prevented  the 


100  MEXICO  IN  THE  NINETEENTH  CENTURY. 

travellers  from  reaching  the  sources  of  the  Orinoco. 
From  Esmeralda  they  descended  the  swelling  river  to 
its  mouth,  and  then  returned  to  Cumana,  by  the  plains 
of  Cari,  and  the  mission  of  the  Caraibs,  a  race,  next 
to  the  Patagonians,  the  largest  and  stoutest  known. 

After  a  short  rest,  necessary  to  their  enfeebled 
strength,  they  sailed  for  Cuba  on  the  16th  of  Novem 
ber,  and  were  nearly  shipwrecked  on  the  way.  They 
remained  three  months  in  that  island;  and  fearing 
accident,  Humboldt  sent  a  good  part  of  his  collections 
and  manuscripts  to  Europe. 

In  March  1801  they  hired  a  small  vessel  and  sailed 
for  Cartagena,  South  America.  Owing  to  adverse 
circumstances,  the  voyage  was  tedious,  and  they 
arrived  too  late  in  the  season  for  crossing  the  isthmus 
of  Panamd,  and  reaching  Guayaquil  or  Lima ;  they 
however  pushed  on  up  the  Magdalena  up  Santa  Fe 
de  Bogota. 

In  September  1801,  though  the  rainy  season  was 
not  quite  over,  they  began  their  journey  to  Quito, 
crossed  the  Andes  of  Quindiu,  arrived  at  Cartago  in 
the  fine  valley  of  Cauca,  passed  through  Popayan,  the 
capital  of  the  province,  through  the  dangerous  defiles 
of  Almaguer,  through  the  town  of  Pasto,  the  village 
of  Tulcan,  and  the  valley  of  Guaillabamba,  and  in 
January  1802  reached  Quito.  Nearly  six  months 
were  here  devoted  to  researches  of  various  kinds  in 
the  surrounding  country.  Near  midsummer,  in  com 
pany  with  Don  Carlos  Montiifar,  they  visited  the 
Nevado  del  Chimborazo.  They  traversed  the  fright 
ful  ruins  of  Riobamba  and  other  villages,  destroyed 
by  an  earthquake  February  7,  1797,  and  climbed 
the  Cuchilla  de  Guandifa.  On  the  eastern  slope  of 
Chimborazo  they  stood  on  the  highest  spot  ever 
before  trod  by  man.  They  then  descended  to  the 
region  of  vegetation  and  followed  the  great  chain  of 
the  Andes,  with  fifteen  or  twenty  baggage  mules. 
Skirting  the  high  savannas  of  Tiocaxas,  they  ad 
vanced  to  Sitzun,  in  the  woody  paramo  of  Assuay, 


ARRIVAL  IN  MEXICO.  101 

and  crossed  the  mountains  by  that  dangerous  passage. 
Advancing  toward  Cuenca,  they  found  ruins  of 
palaces  of  the  incas.  Beyond  that  town  was  Loja ; 
from  Loja  they  passed  into  the  vale  of  the  bed  of  the 
Cutaco;  mounted  again  to  the  forest  of  Chulucanas, 
near  vast  ruins  of  the  incas'  battle-fields;  crossed 
the  mountains  to  San  Felipe,  and  embarked  on  the 
Chamaya;  descended  it  to  the  cataract  of  Rente  ma, 
ascended  the  eastern  declivity  of  the  Cordilleras; 
examined  the  argentiferous  mountain  of  Gualgayoc; 
visited  the  towns  of  Micuipampa  and  Cajamarca,  and 
the  ruins  of  the  palace  of  Atahualpa  in  the  vicinity 
of  the  latter  place;  reached  Lima,  capital  of  Peru, 
entering  for  the  first  time  that  "long  narrow  valley 
bounded  by  the  shores  of  the  Pacific  in  which  rain 
and  thunder  are  unknown." 

In  January  1803  the  travellers  embarked  for  Guaya 
quil;  from  Guayaquil  reached  Acapulco  by  sea,  land 
ing  in  Mexico,  23d  of  March,  1803.  Acapulco  stands 
in  the  recess  of  a  bay  near  a  chain  of  granitic  moun 
tains.  The  port  is  part  of  an  immense  basin  cut  in 
franite  rocks — a  coarse-grained  granite  like  that  of 
'ichtelberg  and  Carlsbad,  toothed  and  rent  like  the 
Catalonian  Montserrat.  In  two  hemispheres  Hum- 
boldt  had  seen  few  wilder  sights,  few  scenes  at  once 
more  dismal  and  more  romantic.  The  climate  was 
terribly  sultry  and  noxious,  the  inhabitants  sickly  and 
wretched.  A  silk  cotton  tree,  bombax  ceiba,  whose 
overturned  trunk  was  more  than  seven  metres  in  cir 
cumference,  proved  the  tremendous  force  of  the  venda- 
vales,  by  which  it  was  often  swept. 

In  the  beginning  of  May,  the  travellers  set  out  in 
the  direction  of  the  capital,  ascending  by  the  burning- 
valleys  of  Papagayo  and  Mescala — thermometer  89.6° 
Fahr.  in  the  shade — to  the  higher  plains  of  Chilpan- 
cingo,  Tehuilotepec,-  and  Tasco,  existing  in  a  more 
temperate  layer  of  the  atmosphere,  blessed  with  the 
pleasant  shade  of  oak,  cypress,  pine,  and  tree-fern,  and 
rich  in  wheat-fields  and  barley-fields,  even  on  their 


102  MEXICO  IN  THE  NINETEENTH  CENTURY. 

hills,  to  a  height  of  6,000  feet  above  the  sea.  Having 
visited  the  noted  mines  of  Tasco,  and  seen  its  beautiful 
church,  they  passed  on  to  Cuernavaca  on  the  south 
slope  of  the  Cordillera  of  Guchilaque,  to  fix  its  longi 
tude,  which  was  incorrect  on  the  common  maps. 
Near  this  place  was  the  remarkable  monument  of 
Xochicalco,  which  Humboldt  did  not  visit,  having 
at  that  time  unfortunately  no  knowledge  of  its  exist 
ence.  It  was  a  natural  hill  or  mass  of  rocks,  which 
had  been  wrought  into  a  conic  form,  in  five  terraces  of 
masonry;  the  whole  surrounded  by  a  great  fosse,  mak 
ing  an  intrenchment  of  nearly  4,000  metres  in  circum 
ference.  Among  the  hieroglyphic  ornaments  which 
decorate  a  pyramid,  with  which  the  great  upper  ter 
race  or  platform  is  crowned,  are  figures  of  men  sitting 
cross-legged  after  the  Asiatic  fashion.  Humboldt 
concluded  from  the  foregoing  information  which  he 
collected,  and  from  its  position  being  indicated  in  a 
very  ancient  native  map  by  two  warriors  in  combat, 
that  the  place  served  the  purpose,  not  only  of  a  temple, 
but  also  of  a  fort.  Its  origin  is  referred  to  the  Toltecs, 
for  this  nation  is  to  the  Mexican  antiquarians  what 
the  Pelasgian  colonists  were  to  the  archaeologists  of 
Italy— anything  of  which  a  Mexican  knows  nothing  is 
Toltec. 

We  next  find  our  scientists  in  the  city  of  Mexico. 
They  found  the  latitude  of  the  capital  at  the  convent 
of  St  Augustine  by  meridian  altitudes  of  the  sun 
and  stars.  The  longitude  was  deduced  from  the 
eclipses  of  the  satellites  of  Jupiter,  from  the  distances 
between  the  moon  and  sun,  from  transference  of  the 
time  from  Acapulco,  and  from  a  trigonometrical  esti 
mation  of  the  difference  of  meridian  between  Mexico 
arid  Yera  Cruz.  This  method  of  check  and  counter 
check  was  followed  as  far  as  possible  in  all  cases,  and 
though  detailed  accounts  of  these  things  can  hardly 
interest  any  but  scientific  men,  they  give  to  the  most 
superficial  some  idea  of  the  minute  and  patient  indus 
try  of  Humboldt. 


CITY  AND  COUNTRY.  103 

Mexico  is  described  by  earlier  writers  as  seated  in 
the  midst  of  waters,  but  it  is  now  more  than  two  miles 
from  the  margin  of  the  diminished  Tezcuco.  This,  a 
result  of  increased  drainage,  has  not  contributed  to 
the  general  fertility  of  the  valley.  A  lack  of  vigorous 
vegetation  has  been  becoming  more  and  more  appar 
ent  since  the  conquest,  at  which  time  the  clayey  soil, 
being  washed  by  more  frequent  inundations,  was  cov 
ered  with  beautiful  verdure.  The  climate  of  the  city 
of  Mexico  is  generally  mild,  even  in  winter,  as  that  of 
Naples.  In  point  of  appearance  it  is  one  of  the  finest 
cities  in  the  new  continent.  It  is  more  imposing  and 
majestic,  though  not  perhaps  so  beautiful  or  so  smil 
ing  as  when  great  teocallis  lifted  their  minarets  over 
the  heads  of  an  unconquered  people,  and  waters  pressed 
on  its  foundations,  and  thousands  of  boats  shot  through 
its  street-canals — an  Aztec  Venice.  The  present  arch 
itecture  is  generally  pure  in  style  and  of  good  taste, 
not  surcharged  with  ornament,  but  solid,  often  even 
magnificent.  Seldom  are  to  be  seen  those  ponderous 
wooden  balconies  which  disfigure  so  many  other  Eu 
ropean-founded  cities  in  the  Indies  and  Americas ;  but 
here  the  balustrades  and  gates  are  of  Biscay  iron 
ornamented  with  bronze. 

The  travellers  were  somewhat  surprised  to  see  in 
this  city  many  fine  establishments  devoted  to  science 
and  the  fine  arts — a  school  of  mines  which  was  gradu 
ally  introducing  juster  ideas  of  mining  geology,  and 
some  sorely  needed  reforms  in  mining  methods — a 
fine  arts  academy,  owing  its  existence  to  the  liberality 
of  private  citizens,  and  the  protection  of  Minister 
Galvez,  and  possessing  a  collection  of  plaster  casts 
finer  than  anything  of  the  kind  in  Germany.  Lao- 
coon  writhed  there  in  the  supreme  agony  of  his  immor 
tal  struggle  with  the  serpents  of  Tenedos;  and  the 
divine  form  of  the  Apollo  Belvidere  had  cast  out  for 
ever  those  hideous  monstrosities  that  the  Aztecs  de 
lighted  to  honor.  In  this  academy  instruction  was 
free,  and  here  were  found  studying  and  competing  all, 


104  MEXICO  IN  THE  NINETEENTH  CENTURY. 

Indian  and  white,  whom  talent  and  opportunity  fa 
vored,  for  art  is  nature,  and  makes  the  whole  world 
kin,  knowing  no  aristocracy  but  that  of  genius.  The 
excellent  instruction  supplied  by  this  school  has  had 
already  a  great  influence  on  the  architectural  taste  of 
the  nation.  In  Mexico.  Guanajuato,  and  Queretaro 
were  many  edifices  which  would  have  adorned  the 
finest  streets  of  Paris,  Berlin,  or  St  Petersburg.  For 
the  great  square  of  the  city,  Don  Manuel  Tolsa, 
director  of  the  class  of  sculpture,  had  just  completed 
a  magnificent  bronze  equestrian  statue  of  Charles  IV., 
reigning  king  of  Spain,  and  Humboldt  had  the  pleas 
ure  of  witnessing  both  its  casting  and  its  erection.  In 
this  square  were  the  new  cathedral  with  its  massive 
towers,  built  over  the  remains  of  the  great  temple  of 
Mexith,  and  the  viceroy's  palace,  fronting  the  spot 
on  which  the  palace  of  Montezuma  had  formerly  stood. 
Buried  in  one  of  the  passages  of  the  university 
of  Mexico  was  a  great  double  Aztec  idol,  in  basaltic 
porphyry,  which  had  been  dug  up  by  workmen  en 
gaged  on  an  excavation  in  1790,  conveyed  to  the  uni 
versity,  and  concealed  there  lest  it  might  trouble  the 
weak  faith  of  the  Aztec  youth.  Humboldt,  by  dint 
of  solicitation,  secured  the  privilege  of  examining  and 
sketching  it.  He  supposed  it  to  represent  the  Aztec 
god  of  war  and  his  wife.  He  also  studied  the  stone 
of  sacrifice,  and  the  calendar-stone.  The  first  was 
adorned  in  relief  with  the  triumphs  of  some  old  Aztec 
warrior,  probably  a  king.  This  stone,  Humboldt,  con 
trary  to  the  usual  hypothesis,  supposed  to  have  served 
the  purpose,  not  of  an  altar  for  the  sacrifice  of  human 
victims,  but  of  a  temalacatl,  one  of  those  great  stones 
on  which,  as  on  a  platform,  prisoners  were  allowed  to 
contend,  in  certain  cases,  for  their  lives  with  Mexican 
warriors.  As  to  the  calendar-stone — the  most  impor 
tant  of  all  the  Aztec  monuments,  and  one  which  seems 
to  prove  the  existence  of  a  civilization  which  we  have 
some  difficulty  in  believing  to  be  the  result  of  ob 
servations  made  by  a  nation  of  mountaineers  in  the 


VALLEY  OF  MEXICO.  105 

uncultivated  regions    of  the    new    continent — Hum- 
boldt  compared  the  circumstances  attending  its  pos 
session  by  the  Aztecs  to  those  in  which  a  language, 
rich  in  words  and  in  grammatical  forms,  is  found  with 
a  people  whose  paucity  of  ideas  is  wholly  incommen 
surate  with  the  multiplicity  of  media  adapted  to  con 
vey  and  embody  them.      "  Those  languages  rich  and 
flexible,  those  modes  of  intercalation  which  presup 
pose  an  accurate   knowledge   of  the  duration  of  the 
astronomical  year,  are  perhaps  only  the  remnants  of  an 
inheritance,  transmitted  to  them  by  nations  hereto 
fore    civilized,    but    since    relapsed    into    barbarism." 
Humboldt  had   often  been   struck  with  the  analogy 
which    existed    between    the    ancient    tradition    and 
memorials  of  various  peoples  of  Asia — the  Thibetans 
and  Japanese,  for  example — and  those  of  the  Mexican 
races;  but  this  analogy  was  nowhere  so  apparent  as 
in  the  division  of  time  revealed  in  this   calendar,  in 
the  employment  of  recurring   periods,  and  in  the  in 
genious  though  embarrassing  method  of  designating 
a  day  or  a  year,  not  by  numbers,  but  by  astrological 
signs.     The  system  of  the  methods  of  those  Asiatic 
nations  and  these  American  is  essentially  the  same. 

The  valley  of  Mexico  is  in  many  respects  unique. 
It  is  surrounded  as  by  a  circular  wall  with  a  remark 
able  chain  of  porphyritic  and  basaltic  mountains. 
The  whole  valley  is  but  the  dried-up  bottom  of 
an  ancient  lake.  The  five  basins  of  fresh  and  salt 
water  in  the  centre  of  the  plateau,  "the  five  lakes 
Zumpango,  San  Christobal,  Tezcuco,  Xochimilco,  and 
Chalco,  are  to  the  geologist  but  the  feeble  remnants  of 
a  great  sheet  of  water  which  formerly  covered  the  whole 
valley  of  Tenochtitlan."  Yet  despite  the  interest 
attaching  to  this  valley  historically,  geologically,  and 
in  respect  to  its  various  hydraulic  constructions,  there 
existed  no  map  giving  its  true  form.  Humboldt, 
therefore,  fixed  by  many  astronomical  observations 
the  limits  of  the  valley,  and  from  these  and  a  great 
mass  of  collected  material  constructed  an  excellent 


106  MEXICO  IN  THE  NINETEENTH  CENTURY. 

map.     By  a  bold  simile  he  compared  the  whole  valley 
to  that  of  the  mountains  of  the  moon. 

The  distinguished  visitor  was  received  at  the  capi 
tal  with  all  that  consideration  and  hospitality  to  which 
his  condition  and  his  personal  merit  alike  entitled  him. 
Among  the  several  congenial  spirits  which  he  found, 
he  took  especial  delight  in  Don  Jose  Antonio  Pi- 
chardo,  whose  house  to  him  was  as  the  house  of  Si- 

fiienza  to  the  traveller  Gemelli.  This  man  had  the 
nest  collection  of  hieroglyphic  paintings  in  the  capital; 
sacrificing  his  fortune  to  obtain  them,  copying  what 
he  could  not  buy.  In  the  new  as  in  the  old  continent, 
the  collection  and  conservation  of  objects  of  national 
importance  are  generally  left  to  private  individuals, 
and  those  not  always  the  richest  of  the  people.  But 
Humbcldt  was  a  man  of  the  salons  as  well  as  of  the 
museums,  and  was  as  perfect  in  flirtation  and  sarcasm 
as  in  handling  fossils  or  gymnoti.  His  flirting  was 
probably  a  mere  foil  of  politeness  and  relaxation,  but 
his  sarcasm  was  incisive.  These,  his  less  philosophi 
cal  qualities,  or  if  you  will  his  littleness,  have  been 
quietly  ignored  by  his  biographers  as  derogatory  to 
his  dignity,  or  to  his  amiability.  In  the  city  of  Mex 
ico  he  seems  positively  to  have  been  smitten  outright 
by  a  famous  Creole  beauty,  La  Gliera  Rodriguez, 
daughter-in-law  of  that  Count  de  Regla  who  built, 
equipped,  and  presented  to  the  king  of  Spain  two 
ships  of  war,  of  the  largest  size,  in  mahogany  and 
cedar,  and  offered  to  pave  the  road  from  Vera  Cruz  to 
the  capital  with  silver,  if  his  Majesty  of  Spain  would 
visit  his  American  provinces.  "She  was  then  very 
young,  though  married,  and  the  mother  of  two  chil 
dren,"  says  Madame  Calderon  de  la  Barca.  "He  came 
to  visit  her  mother ;  she  was  sitting  sewing  in  a  corner 
where  the  baron  did  not  perceive  her;  until,  talking 
very  earnestly  on  the  subject  of  cochineal,  he  inquired 
if  he  could  visit  a  certain  district  where  there  was  a 
plantation  of  nopals.  '  To  be  sure,'  said  La  Gliera  from 
her  corner,  'we  can  take  M.  de  Humboldt  there;' 


MINES  AND  MANUFACTORIES.  107 

whereupon,  he  first  perceiving  her,  stood  amazed,  and 
at  length  exclaimed,  *  Vdlgame  Dios !  who  is  that  girl?' 
Afterwards    he  was   constantly  with    her,  and   more 
captivated,  it  is  said,  by  her  wit  than  by  her  beauty; 
considering  her  a  sort  of  western  Madame  de  Stael." 
Humboldt  next  visited  the   mines  of  Moran  and 
Real  del  Monte,  handled  the  obsidian  interstratified 
with  the  pearl-stones  and  porphyries  of  Oyamel,  and 
used  by  the  ancient  Mexicans  in  the  manufacture  of 
knives,   and    sketched   the    basaltic    columns    of  the 
Staffa-like  cascade  of  Regla.     Returning  to  the  capi 
tal  in  July,  he  again  left  it  to  visit  the  rich  mines  in 
the  north  of  the  viceroy alty,  principally  Guanajuato. 
And  on  his  way  thither  he  first  examined  that  great 
opening  in  the  mountain  of  Suicog,  the  canal  of  Hue- 
huetoca,  excavated  to  prevent  undue  risings  of  the  val 
ley  lakes,  and  untimely  inundations  of  its  metropolis. 
It  was  choked  up  in  1629,  and  flooded  the  town  for 
five  years,  filling  its  streets  with  canoes  as  in  the  old 
Cortes   times.     From  the  valley  of   Tular,  through 
which  this  desagile  ran,  Humboldt  passed  by  the  moun 
tain  of  Calulpan,  and  the  town  of  San  Juan  del  Rio, 
to  the  city  of  Queretaroz  a  place  noted  for  its  tasteful 
buildings,  which  was  also  making  some  praiseworthy 
attempts   to  manufacture   certain    kinds  of  cloth  by 
an  execrable  system.     In  August,  Humboldt  visited 
certain  of  these  manufactories.      The  technical  process 
in   the   preparation   for    dyeing   was   very  imperfect. 
The  situation  of  the  workshops  was  unhealthy  in  the 
extreme,  and  the  treatment  of  the  workmen  abomina 
ble.      The  convicts  of  the   country  were  distributed 
among  these  factories,  that  they  might  be  compelled 
to  work.      But  free  men  were  confounded  with  these 
convicts,  and  subjected  with  them  to  the  treatment  of 
felons.      Every  workshop  was  a  dark  prison,  whose  in 
mates,  shut  in  by  double  doors,  were  ragged,  pallid, 
and  many  of  them  deformed.     Even  those  who  by  a 
refinement  of  sarcasm  were  called  free,  never  saw  the 
faces  of  their  families  except  on  Sundays;  while  all 


108  MEXICO  IN  THE  NINETEENTH  CENTURY. 

were  subjected  to  merciless  floggings  upon  the  most 
trivial  infringements  of  the  regulations.  This  power 
over  free  workers  is  gained  by  choosing  from  the 
poorer  Indians  such  as  it  is  thought  will  suit  the  work ; 
then  advancing  them  money,  or  in  other  ways  draw 
ing  them  into  debt.  Such  is  the  improvidence  of  the 
majority  of  these  people,  and  their  passion  for  intoxi 
cation  and  gambling,  that  the  plot  generally  succeeds. 
In  such  a  case  the  man  is  a  debtor,  that  is  to  say,  he 
is  a  slave,  whom  it  is  lawful  to  enclose  in  the  work 
shops  till  he  shall  have  worked  out  his  debt;  which 
he  generally  does  with  his  life.  It  is  not  thus  that 
the  manufactures  of  a  country  are  permanently  ad 
vanced,  nor  thus  that  a  desire  for  that  advancement 
is  likely  to  be  excited  in  the  minds  of  the  people. 

Humboldt  next  went  to  Guanajuato,  stopping  on 
his  way  at  the  mines  of  Sotolar,  Juchitlan,  Las 
Aguas,  Maconi,  El  Doctor,  and  San  Christobal.  He 
remained  here  two  months  investigating  the  geology 
and  botany  of  the  country;  the  first,  principally  in 
connection  with  the  mine  of  Valenciana,  the  richest 
in  Guanajuato,  the  richest  in  all  Mexico.  Here  in 
1760,  with  goats  feeding  on  the  hills  around  him,  a 
stout-hearted  Spaniard  named  Obregon  began  to 
work  a  vein  above  the  ravine  of  San  Javier.  It 
had  been  an  old  Indian  mine,  and  was  supposed  to  be 
exhausted.  Obregon  kept  sinking  his  pit  and  his 
money,  and  that  of  his  friends,  with  but  little  result 
for  many  years.  In  1767  he  was  forced  to  take  a 
petty  merchant  of  Rayas  as  a  partner;  and  from  that 
time  the  pit  grew  richer  as  it  was  sunk  deeper,  and 
from  1771  it  yielded  over  $1,000,000  annually. 

In  general,  in  Mexican  mines  the  mineral  was 
abundant,  but,  weight  for  weight,  much  poorer  than 
that  of  the  European  mines.  A  contempt  for  inno 
vation  among  the  master  miners  also  enormously  in 
creased  the  cost  of  extraction,  by  the  use  of  antiquated 
machinery  and  exploded  methods  of  working.  A  lit 
tle  more  method,  a  little  more  attention  to  the  ad- 


MINERALS  AND  METALS.      .  109 

vances  in  chemistry  and  mechanics,  would  have 
reduced  the  expenses  by  half.  In  the  process  of 
amalgamation  especially,  there  was  an  enormous  waste 
of  mercury,  which  itself  should  be  a  never-failing 
source  of  wealth.  Few  countries  have  so  many  indi 
cations  of  cinnabar  as  this  table-land  from  the  1 9th  to 
the  22d  parallels.  Weighing,  however,  upon  what 
was  extracted  were  various  vexatious  government 
regulations,  forcing,  for  example,  every  mine-owner 
to  buy  such  and  such  a  proportion  of  the  government 
imported  mercury,  and  in  fact,  dealing  out  the  sup 
plies  from  all  sources  in  an  arbitrary  and  enterprise- 
destroying  way. 

The  ores,  too,  when  extracted,  are  subjected  to 
various  imposts  and  duties  of  seignorage.  Now,  it 
is  the  same  with  these  direct  imposts  on  gold  and  sil 
ver  as  with  the  profit  the  government  derives  from 
the  sale  of  mercury.  Mining  operations  will  increase 
as  these  imposts  diminish,  and  as  the  mercury  indis 
pensable  to  amalgamation  shall  be  furnished  at  a 
lower  price.  Humboldt  was  astonished  that  Adam 
Smith  should  mingle  with  the  soundest  ideas  relative 
to  the  exchange  of  metals  a  defence  of  the  suicidal 
duties  of  seignorage.  Considering,  then,  the  vast  ex 
tent  of  the  Cordilleras,  the  probable  richness  of  their 
deposits,  and  the  wasteful  way  in  which  the  compara 
tively  few  veins  already  examined  have  been  worked,  it 
is  probable  that  the  mines  of  Mexico  have  yet  to  reach 
their  maximum.  The  opinion  that  Mexico  produces 
only  perhaps  the  third  part  of  the  precious  metals 
which  it  could  under  happier  political  and  social  cir 
cumstances,  under  a  better  administration  and  with  a 
more  industrious  and  better  instructed  people,  is  com 
mon  to  the  most  intelligent  individuals  of  that  country. 

Humboldt  knew  well  that  this  was  in  direct  contra 
diction  with  most  authors  on  political  economy — they 
affirming  the  American  mines  to  be  partly  exhausted, 
and  partly  too  deep  for  further  remunerative  explora 
tion — still  he  believed  that  theoretic  opinions  must 


110  MEXICO  IN  THE  NINETEENTH  CENTURY. 

give  way  before  the  results  of  the  patient  investigation 
and  comparison  of  facts.  Neither  did  he  share  in 
another  very  general  idea,  that  the  mines  were  at  bot 
tom  more  injurious  than  helpful  to  the  country,  and 
ri on-productive  in  the  long  event  of  any  permanent 
good.  Of  course,  notwithstanding  the  great  advan 
tage  of  the  precious  metals  in  purchasing  the  goods  of 
other  nations,  it  is  well  to  understand  definitely  that 
it  is  in  the  nature  of  things  that  such  stores  will  one 
day  run  out,  and  that  even  immense  developments  of 
them  will,  nearly  in  proportion  to  those  developments, 
diminish  their  commercial  value ;  that  in  fact  the  only 
capital  which  constantly  multiplies  and  increases  itself, 
through  time,  consists  in  the  produce  of  agriculture. 
And  those  who  have  more  knowledge  of  the  interior 
than  the  vague  information  at  that  time  accessible 
could  give,  know  that  the  principal  riches  of  Mexico 
are  not  in  her  mines,  but  in  an  agriculture  which  has 
been  gradually  extending  and  improving  since  the  end 
of  the  preceding  century.  Yet  all  this,  however  true, 
is  inferential  of  nothing  to  the  prejudice  of  mining  as 
a  valuable  source  of  national  wealth;  it  merely  shows 
that  agriculture  is  another  and  on  the  whole  a  more 

o 

reliable  and  permanent  contributor  to  that  end.  It  is 
not  to  the  mines  of  Mexico  that  any  backwardness 
in  the  other  departments  of  national  industry  is  justly 
attributable,  but  to  those  political,  moral,  and  physical 
stumbling-blocks  hitherto  obstructing  the  advancement 
of  the  Spanish  colonial  interests.  If  these  mines  have 
fostered  a  spirit  of  reckless  expenditure  and  specula 
tion,  they  have  also  called  out,  and  do  call  out,  enter 
prise,  invention,  and  geological  and  chemical  research. 
If,  indeed,  these  coveted  rnetals  add  little  to  the  real 
wealth  of  the  world,  their  seeking  creates  or  stimulates 
a  thousand  necessities  which  do.  Roads  are  built, 
great  systems  of  traffic  inaugurated,  and  an  increased 
demand  springs  up  for  those  things  which  sustain 
life  and  make  it  enjoyable.  The  influence  of  mining 
on  agriculture  is  plainly  shown  by  the  fact  that  the 


CLIMATE  AND  VOLCANOES.  Ill 

best  cultivated  lands  in  Mexico  are  those  extending 
from  Salamanca  toward  Silao,  Guanajuato,  and  the 
Villa  de  Leon ;  that  is  to  say,  the  lands  appertaining 
to  the  richest  mining  region  of  the  known  world. 

O  O 

And  now,  in  dismissing  the  subject  of  mining,  we  may 
add  that  Humboldt  received  little  information  from 
any  public  collections  of  minerals.  At  Mexico,  as  at 
Madrid,  while  these  collections  contained  the  rarest 
specimens  from  other  and  distant  countries,  those 
illustrative  of  the  mineralogies,!  geography  of  New 
Spain  were  almost  entirely  wranting.  It  is  to  be 
hoped,  however,  that  the  proprietors  of  the  mines  will 
gradually  come  to  see  how  much  it  concerns  their  in 
terest  that  a  knowledge  of  localities  in  detail,  and  of 
the  properties  and  positions  of  the  several  minerals, 
should  be  facilitated  and  extended. 

From  Guanajuato  Humboldt  went  south,  by  Sala 
manca  and  the  valley  of  San  Jago,  to  Valladolid 
(Morelia),  a  small  city  of  18,000  inhabitants,  and  cap 
ital  of  the  province  of  Michoacan,  the  most  fertile  and 
delightful  of  Mexico.  Next  he  descended,  notwith 
standing  the  heavy  autumn  rains,  to  the  plain  of  Jo- 
rullo,  by  way  of  Pascuaro,  situated  on  the  shore  of 
Lake  Pascuaro,  whose  picturesque  beauty  riveted  the 
attention  of  the  traveller.  But  admiration  gave  place 
to  awe  at  sight  of  the  Malpays,  a  tract  of  three  or 
four  square  miles  in  extent,  which  had  been  suddenly 
thrown  up  into  a  great  dome  by  volcanic  forces,  in 
June  1759.  On  this  again  six  great  masses  appeared, 
of  from  1,300  to  1,700  feet  each  above  the  old  level  of 
the  plains.  Among  these  the  great  volcano  of  Jorullo 
was  conspicuous;  and  the  whole  was  surrounded  by 
thousands  of  little  cones  from  six  to  nine  feet  in 
height,  and  always  covered  with  vapor.  On  the  night 
this  eruption  occurred,  the  earth  rolled  like  a  troubled 
sea,  and  spouting  fire,  ashes,  and  mud,  swallowed 
the  two  rivers  of  Cuitamba  and  San  Pedro.  The 
subterraneous  fires  at  this  time  were  moderated,  and 
vegetation  was  beginning  to  appear  on  the  sides  of 


112  MEXICO  IN  THE  NINETEENTH  CENTURY. 

the  great  volcano.  Still,  such  was  the  effect  of  the 
innumerable  small  cones,  or  ovens,  as  they  were  called, 
that  the  thermometer,  even  at  a  great  distance  from 
the  surface,  and  in  the  shade,  marked  109°.  On  the 
19th  of  September,  Humboldt  descended  250  feet  into 
the  burning  crater  of  the  central  cone  of  Jorullo,  and 
collected  its  gaseous  products. 

The  position  of  this  volcano  gave  rise  to  a  curious 
train  of  speculation  in  the  mind  of  its  visitor.  He 
remarked  that  there  had  existed  from  historic  times  a 
parallel  of  volcanic  mountains,  situated  in  a  line  at 
right  angles  to  the  axis  of  the  great  Cordillera  of  And- 
huac.  The  Peak  of  Orizaba,  the  two  volcanoes  of 
Puebla,  Popocatepetl  and  Iztaccihuatl,  the  Nevado  de 
Toluca,  the  Peak  of  Tancitaro,  and  the  Yolcan  de 
Colima,  compose  a  single  "parallele  des  grandes  eleva 
tions,"  from  the  Atlantic  to  the  Pacific;  and  when 
Jorullo  sprang  up,  it  sprang  up  in  line.  Considering 
all  this,  he  supposes  it  to  be  not  improbable  that  there 
exists  in  Mexico,  at  a  great  depth  in  the  interior  of 
the  earth,  a  line  of  weakness,  as  modern  physicists 
would  call  it,  137  leagues  in  length,  through  the 
porphyritic  rocks,  from  ocean  to  ocean.  Perhaps,  too, 
this  chasm  extends  to  that  archipelago  called  by  Coll- 
nett  the  Archipelago  of  Kevillagiedo  (Revilla  Gigedo), 
around  which,  in  the  same  parallel  of  which  we  have 
been  speaking,  pumice-stone  and  other  volcanic  prod 
ucts  have  been  seen  floating  on  the  Pacific. 

From  Valladolid  the  traveller  returned  toward 
Mexico  by  the  plateau  of  Toluca,  where  he  examined 
the  trunk  of  the  famous  hand-leaved  tree,  the  cheiros- 
temon  platano'ides  of  Professor  Cervantes,  nine  yards 
in  circuit,  and  of  great  antiquity.  He  also  climbed 
and  found  the  level  of  the  adjacent  mountain,  which, 
itself  over  15,000  feet  high,  contains  a  lake  in  its 
crater  at  an  elevation  of  12,000  feet,  from  which  flows 
a  cold  stream,  temperature  48°  Fahr.  Humboldt  was 
once  more  in  the  capital  about  the  close  of  September. 
Here  he  and  his  companion  set  themselves  to  arrange 


MOUNTAINS  AND  PYRAMIDS.  113 

their  geological  and  botanical  specimens,  to  calculate 
various  measurements  which  they  had  made,  and  plat 
out  some  of  their  maps — especially  the  geological 
atlas — all  of  which  served  to  detain  them  till  the  close 
of  the  year. 

In  the  beginning  of  January  1804,  Humboldt  went 
and  examined  the  eastern  slope  of  the  cordillera,  and 
then  visited  Puebla  de  los  Angeles  and  the  pyramid 
of  Cholula.  This  pyramid  was  about  four  times  the 
dimensions  of  the  Place  Vendome,  and  covered  with 
a  heap  of  bricks  to  twice  the  height  of  the  Louvre. 
From  its  great  platform  Humboldt  made  many  astro 
nomical  observations.  The  eye  there  commands  a 
magnificent  prospect:  Popocatepetl,  Iztaccihuatl,  Ori 
zaba,  and  the  stormy  sierra  of  Tlaxcala  loom — three 
of  them  higher  than  Mont  Blanc;  two,  burning  vol 
canoes.  Mass  was  said  in  a  small  chapel  where  the 
temple  of  Quetzalcoatl,  god  of  the  air,  had  once  stood 
in  the  golden  age  of  the  people  of  Anahuac.  As  to 
the  end  subserved  by  these  pyramids,  their  essential 
part  was  the  tower-shaped  edifice  which  crowned  the 
whole,  and  contained  the  images  of  the  divinity  to 
whom  the  structure  was  dedicated — not  the  receptacles 
or  chambers  in  which  certain  dead  were  placed.  They 
were  tombs  and  temples,  but  especially  temples ;  they 
were  generally  artificial  hills  raised  in  the  midst  of  a 
plain  to  serve  as  bases  for  altars. 

Humboldt  perceived  a  great  analogy  between  the 
Mexican  teocallis,  of  which  Cholula  is  the  most  strik 
ing  type,  and  the  ancient  temple  of  Bel  at  Babylon— 
not  only  in  construction,  but  in  object:  either  being 
at  once  a  tomb  and  a  temple.  There  also  existed 
strong  analogies  between  the  form  of  these  teocallis 
and  that  of  the  other  pyramids  of  Asia  and  Egypt; 
but  on  the  other  hand,  their  destinies  were  different. 
The  pyramids  of  Asia  and  Egypt  served  only  as  the 
tombs  of  illustrious  personages.  Between  the  Egyp 
tian  and  the  Mexican,  the  pyramid  of  Belus  is  prob 
ably  a  connecting  link,  inasmuch  as  it  would  seem  that 

CAL.  PAST.,  VOL.  I.    8 


114  MEXICO  IN  THE  NINETEENTH  CENTURY. 

the  addition  of  the  temple  to  the  latter  was  an  acci 
dental  circumstance. 

Next,  the  volcanoes  of  Iztaccihuatl  and  Popocatepetl 
were  visited,  measured,  and  the  latter  ascended.  This 
"Volcan  grande  de  Mexico"  is  higher  than  Mont 
Blanc,  and  in  the  scientist's  opinion  grander  in  aspect 
than  anything  Europe  can  show. 

The  travellers  then  descended,  often  by  steep  slopes 
and  through  dense  forests,  to  Jalapa,  where  they 
lodged  in  the  convent  of  Saint  Francis.  This  charm 
ing  town  commanded  a  magnificent  view;  on  the  one 
side  the  ocean  arid  its  sultry  adjacent  plains;  on  the 
other  the  cordilleras  of  Andhuac,  the  peak  of  Orizaba, 
and  the  square-topped  Cofre  de  Perote. 

The  intend ency  of  Yera  Cruz  contains  a  remarkable 
ruin,  that  of  Papantla — a  pyramid  which  Huniboldt 
describes,  but  does  not  seem  to  have  visited. 

The  dangerous  route  through  thick  forests  and  other 
impediments,  between  Jalapa  and  Perote,  was  thrice 
barometrically  levelled,  to  determine  its  capabilities 
for  a  post-road,  then  under  the  consideration  of  the 
government. 

From  Jalapa  they  descended  to  Vera  Cruz.  The 
yellow  fever,  vomito  negro,  of  Vera  Cruz  has  a  sensible 
influence  on  the  supply  of  commodities  in  Mexico  and 
their  price.  This  is  the  only  port  on  the  eastern  coast 
wThich  can  afford  any  shelter  to  large  vessels.  But 
when  the  terrible  epidemic  is  upon  the  city,  no  vessels 
that  can  possibly  help  it  land,  and  no  muleteers  from 
the  interior  can  be  induced  to  enter  its  precincts. 
Commerce  stands  still,  for  it  cannot  get  carriage  for 
the  merchandise;  mining  falls  away,  for  iron,  steel, 
and  mercury  become  beyond  price  in  the  mountains. 
There  were  two  remedies  usually  proposed  for  this; 
the  one  to  utterly  root  out  and  raze  the  town,  and 
compel  its  reestablishment  at  some  more  healthy  spot; 
the  other,  to  adopt  some  plan  to  render  the  port  more 
habitable;  the  latter  should  if  possible  be  the  course 
followed,  considering,  not  only  the  immense  sums  in- 


TTERftA  CALIEOTE.  115 

vested  by  the  government  in  its  fortifications,  but  the 
fate  of  the  16,000  individuals  whose  fortunes  are  to  a 
great  extent  staked  on  its  existence. 

In  February  Hurnboldt  and  Bonpland  saw  in  the 
hospital  of  San  Sebastian  what  would  seem  to  have 
been  the  only  case  of  the  epidemic  then  in  Vera  Cruz, 
it  being  the  cold  season.  The  yellow  fever  was  not 
considered  contagious  at  Vera  Cruz ;  still  it  is  improb 
able  that  there  are  many  unprofessional  persons  who 
would  care  to  carry  their  medical  researches  to  such 
an  extent  as  this,  in  a  town  of  such  an  unpleasant 
character.  The  air  of  Vera  Cruz  from  its  natural  sur- 
roundiags  is  always  tainted  with  putrid  emanations, 
which,  breathed  for  the  shortest  time  when  at  their 
maximum,  introduce  disorder  into  all  the  vital  func 
tions.  Yet  so  potent  is  use,  that  persons  born  in  that 
city  are  not,  while  in  it,  exposed  to  contract  the 
disease.  Let  them,  however,  leave  their  native  coun 
try,  let  them  visit  Habana,  Jamaica,  or  the  United 
States,  and  they  often  fall  victims  to  its  particular 
type  there;  and  conversely  the  same  is  true  of  the 
inhabitants  of  these  latter  places  when  they  visit  Vera 
Cruz. 

From  Vera  Cruz  the  scientists  were  carried  to 
Habana  by  a  Spanish  frigate,  leaving  Mexico  on  the 
7th  of  March.  Having  spent  two  months  at  Habana, 
packing  and  shipping  their  various  collections,  they 
sailed  for  Philadelphia,  visited  Washington,  and 
spending  eight  weeks  in  the  United  States,  studying 
with  interest  the  men  and  institutions  of  the  great 
republic. 

On  the  9th  of  June  they  set  out  for  Europe,  and 
landed  at  Bordeaux  August  3,  1804,  having  been  five 
years  absent  from  Europe  on  their  American  explora 
tions  ;  of  which  time  about  a  year  had  been  spent  in 
Mexico. 

At  the  time  of  Humboldt's  visit  to  Mexico — or  New 
Spain,  as  he  preferred  to  call  it — "the  wealth  of  the 
great  landed  proprietors  had  attained  its  maximum. 


116  MEXICO  IN  THE  NINETEENTH  CENTURY. 

The  extraordinary  success  of  mining  adventures,  which 
had  gone  on  flourishing  with  scarcely  any  interruption 
for  nearly  a  century,  had  stimulated  the  cultivation 
of  the  soil ;  and  from  the  comparatively  low  price  of 
labor,  immense  fortunes  were  realized  by  landlords 
and  capitalists/' 

On  his  arrival  in  New  Spain  Humboldt  was  favor 
ably  impressed  by  the  contrast  offered  by  its  civiliza 
tion  to  the  very  limited  culture  of  most  of  the  Spanish 
South  American  colonies.  This  contrast  led  him  to 
study  very  particularly  the  causes  which  led  to  this 
result.  Rarely  has  there  been  a  man  better  qualified 
by  nature  and  education  for  such  a  work.  Profound 
in  many  of  the  natural  sciences,  and  knowing  more  or 
less  of  all,  at  home  in  many  languages  and  loving 
literature,  a  man  of  society,  with  German  sober  sense 
and  French  esprit,  who  knew  how  to  conciliate  those 
with  whom  he  was  brought  into  contact,  he  was  in 
every  sense  qualified  for  his  self-imposed  task.  No 
light  task  either,  when  we  consider  the  magnitude  of 
its  results,  and  the  paucity  of  previous  information 
existing  on  the  subject.  To  ascertain  the  exact  out 
line  of  elevation  of  the  great  table-land  of  Mexico,  he 
executed  five  great  surveys :  the  first  across  the  whole 
country  from  ocean  to  ocean — from  Acapulco  to  Mex 
ico,  and  from  Mexico  to  Vera  Cruz;  the  second  from 
Mexico  to  Guanajuato,  by  Tula,  Queretaro,  and  Sala 
manca  ;  the  third  from  Guanajuato  through  Pascuaro  to 
the  volcano  of  Jorullo;  the  fourth  from  Valladolid 
to  Toluca  and  thence  to  Mexico ;  the  fifth  was  devoted 
to  the  neighborhood  of  Moran  and  Actopan.  He 
determined  the  exact  heights  above  sea-level  of  208 
points,  situated  in  the  country  bounded  by  the  par 
allels  16°  50'  and  21°  of  north  latitude,  and  lying 
between  the  meridians  98°  28'  and  162°  8'  of  longitude 
east  from  Paris. 

In  the  main,  the  soil,  climate,  and  vegetation  of 
Mexico  resemble  those  of  the  temperate  zones;  but 
its  productions  are  of  no  one  type;  it  depends  little 


CLIMATE  AND  SOIL.  117 

on  latitude,  for  nature  has  piled  all  climates  upon  the 
backs  arid  flanks  of  its  mountains.  Its  worst  want  is 
that  of  old  Spain  herself,  a  want  of  water.  There  are 
parts  of  the  Mexican  interior  so  arid  arid  destitute  of 
vegetation,  that  their  aspect  recalls  the  plains  of  the 
two  Castiles;  and  where  saline  efflorescence  abounds, 
the  steppes  of  central  Asia.  This  evil  has  augmented 
since  the  conquest  by  the  Europeans,  who  have  de 
stroyed  without  planting,  to  an  alarming  extent,  and 
drained  to  excess  great  tracts  of  country.  I  have 
called  attention  to  the  effects  of  this  latter  evil  in  the 
valley  of  Mexico  itself;  and  the  effects  of  the  former  are 
perhaps  even  more  disastrous.  For  timber  grows 
scarcer  year  by  year,  while  the  demand  as  steadily  in 
creases,  and  the  lands  cleared  of  their  wood  seem  often 
to  become  barren.  The  influence  of  forests  is  princi 
pally  preservative,  cooling  and  refreshing  the  air,  and 
protecting  the  soil  against  the  direct  rays  of  the  sun. 
Humboldt  proves  that  a  single  tree,  with  foliage  of  a 
given  horizontal  section,  exercises  an  influence  of  this 
kind  several  thousand  times  greater  than  a  surface  of 
humid  or  grassy  soil  equal  in  area  to  this  section. 

Happily,  however,  the  sterility  of  which  we  have 
spoken  is  only  to  be  found  in  the  most  elevated  plains, 
and  a  great  part  of  the  kingdom  appertains  to  the 
most  fertile  regions  of  the  earth  With  proper  cul 
tivation  the  many  climates  and  varying  soils  of  Mexico 
could  be  made  to  supply,  in  greater  or  less  extent,  all 
the  productions  of  all  the  zones.  But  again,  in  a  few 
seaports  and  deep  valleys,  this  fertility  is  balanced  by 
a  terrible  concomitant.  Beneath  the  burning  sun  of 
the  tropics,  extraordinary  fertility  too  often  indicates 
an  atmosphere  charged  with  deadly  miasma,  laden 
with  the  terrible  germs  of  tropic  fever.  It  was  this 
which  made  the  price  of  labor  three  times  as  high  at 
Vera  Cruz  as  on  the  central  plateau. 

Manufactures  had  made  but  small  progress  in  the 
Spanish  colonies — a  thing  hardly  to  be  grieved  at  if 
many  were  conducted  after  the  brutal  system  followed 


118  MEXICO  IN  THE  NINETEENTH  CENTURY. 

at  Queretaro ;  a  thing  in  no  case  to  be  wondered  at, 
considering  the  vexatious  and  suspicious  policy  of  the 
home  government  toward  colonial  productions — a 
policy  whose  spirit  embodied  and  stigmatized  itself  by 
orders  for  the  rooting  up  of  vines,  lest  the  wine  of 
Spain  should  suffer  by  competition;  by  indirect  and 
direct  discouragement  in  all  similar  cases. 

This  was  partly  the  usual  modern  colonial  policy. 
For  ages  all  the  mother  countries  of  Europe  had  con 
sidered  a  colony  as  a  sort  of  step-child,  which,  pos 
sessing  few  of  the  privileges  of  home  province,  was 
to  be  subjected  to  more  enactments  and  restrictions- 
than  a  conquered  one  It  was  only  thought  useful  in 
so  far  as  it  supplied  raw  material  for  the  metropolitan 
manufactures,  and  consumed  again  in  turn  a  greater 
or  less  portion  of  these  manufactures,  when  carried  to 
its  harbors  by  metropolitan  ships.  Such  principles 
are  easy  of  adaptation,  and  perhaps  very  slightly  pro 
ductive  of  evil  to  islands  of  small  extent,  or  to  isolated 
factories  on  the  shores  of  a  continent.  It  was  other 
wise  with  the  Spanish  colonial  provinces,  particularly 
with  New  Spain,  where  were  sufficient  hands  to  fur 
nish  labor,  and  a  demand  sufficient  to  pay  them.  If 
other  reasons  were  necessary,  they  would  be  found  in 
the  enormous  expense  of  transporting  goods  inland,  an 
expense  which  would,  properly  applied,  go  far  to  pro 
duce  them  on  the  spot,  and  an  expense  still  further 
increased  by  the  support  of  officers  to  guard  against 
smuggling.  Strictly  speaking,  there  existed  no  royal 
decree  declaring  that  manufactures  should  not  exist; 
but  then  it  is  on  the  spirit  in  which  laws  are  adminis 
tered  that  their  effects  depend;  and  where  indirect 
and  equivocal  decrees  can,  by  their  manner  of  execu 
tion,  be  made  to  produce  the  required  effect,  there  is 
evidently  no  necessity  for  a  waste  of  thunder  in  edicts 
more  explicit. 

As  an  example  of  the  method  followed  by  the 
Spanish  government  in  dealing  with  private  enter 
prise,  read  the  following:  "II  n'y  u  qu'un  demi-siecle 


MANUFACTURES.  119 

que  deux  citoyens,  animes  du  zele  patriotique  le  plus 
pur,  le  comte  de  Gijon  et  le  marquis  de  Maenza,  con- 
curent  le  projet  de  conduire  a  Quito  une  colonie  d'ou- 
vriers  et  d'artisans  de  1'Europe :  le  ministere  espagnol 
feignant  d'applaudir  a  leur  zele,  ne  crut  pas  devoir  leur 
refuser  la  permission  de  rnonter  des  ateliers ;  mais  il 
sut  tellement  entraver  les  demarches  de  ces  deux 
homines  entreprenans,  que  s'etant  apercus  h,  la  fin  que 
des  ordres  secrets  avoient  ete  donnes  au  vice-roi  et  a 
Taudience,  pour  faire  echouer  leur  entreprise,  ils  y 
renoncerent  volontairement. " 

In  New  Spain  the  manufacture  of  powder  was 
wholly  a  royal  monopoly,  as  in  most  other  countries. 
But  here,  as  elsewhere,  the  government  which  creates 
artificial  restrictions  and  monopolies  is  smitten  with 
the  plague  of  contraband.  Humboldt,  as  the  result  of 
diligent  research,  concluded  that  the  quantity  of  pow 
der  manufactured  by  the  royal  mill  near  Santa  Fe, 
three  leagues  from  the  city  of  Mexico,  was  to  that  sold 
fraudulently  in  the  proportion  of  one  to  four.  The 
mines  are  the  principal  consumers ;  they  are  dispersed 
far  from  towns,  in  the  wildest  and  most  solitary  situa 
tions,  on  the  ridges  and  in  the  ravines  of  the  cordi- 
lleras,  where  it  is  impossible  to  watch  the  smuggler. 
This  branch  of  contraband  cannot  be  met  but  by  re 
ducing  the  price  of  the  government  powder,  or  what 
is  better,  by  throwing  the  trade  entirely  open. 

The  manufacture  of  money  and  plate  was  an  impor 
tant  branch  of  Mexican  industry.  The  smallest  towns 
had  their  goldsmiths'  and  silversmiths'  shops,  and  the 
mint  of  Mexico  was  the  richest  and  most  extensive  in 
the  world.  The  academy  of  the  fine  arts  and  the 
drawing-schools  of  Mexico  and  Jalapa  had  done  much 
to  diffuse  a  taste  for  the  beautiful  forms  of  the  antique. 
Services  of  plate  had  been  manufactured  in  the  capital 
which,  for  elegance  and  finish,  might  be  compared 
with  the  beautiful  products  of  European  taste  and 
skill. 

The  mint  was  a  building  of  simple  architecture, 


120  MEXICO  IN  THE  NINETEENTH  CENTURY. 

adjoining  the  viceroy's  prJace.  The  silver  produced 
in  all  the  mines  of  Europe  would  not  give  employment 
to  this  mint  for  more  than  15  days.  Yet  the  various 
machines  in  use  were  far  from  as  perfect  as  those  in 
the  French  and  English  mints,  and  the  motive  power 
was  still  mules,  though  the  building  was  so  situated 

'  O  O 

that  water  might  be  easily  applied. 

The  taxes  on  importation,  the  alcabala  and  the  in 
numerable  derechos,  tended  to  clog  Mexican  commerce, 
in  the  legitimate  sense,  and  promote  smuggling.  Hum- 
boldt,  by  the  collection  and  examination  of  exact  data, 
found  that  the  yearly  importation  of  foreign  goods 
into  Spain,  contraband  included,  amounted  to  about 
twenty  million  of  piastres,  and  that  the  export  of  its 
agricultural  and  manufacturing  industry  amounted  to 
about  six  million  piastres.  Now,  the  mines  of  New 
Spain  produced  yearly  23  million  of  piastres;  from 
eight  to  nine  were  exported  on  account  of  the  king. 
Deduct,  then,  from  the  15  million  of  piastres  remain 
ing  fourteen,  million,  to  meet  the  excess  of  the  impor 
tation  over  the  exportation,  and  we  find  a  million  of 
piastres,  balance,  in  favor  of  Mexico,  thus: 

Piastres. 

Mexico  pays  annually  for  foreign  goods. . .   20,000,000 
Mexico  exports  on  account  of  the  king. . .     8,000,000 

Expenditure  of  Mexico —  28,000,000 

Mexico  receives  for  her  exports 6,000,000 

Mexico  draws  from  her  mines 23,000,000 

Income  of  Mexico 29,600,000 

Balance  in  favor  of  Mexico 1,000,000 

The  specie  wealth  of  New  Spain  was  then  annually 
increasing  by  something  less  than  a  million  piastres. 
In  collecting  the  matter  for  the  various  tables  on 
which  his  conclusions  are  based,  Humboldt  endeavored 
to  inform  himself  on  the  spot  in  each  province,  as  to 
its  trade,  agriculture,  and  manufactures;  collecting 
and  comparing  all  the  information  which  might  pos 
sibly  be  of  value,  from  all  sources — in  commercial 
matters  principally  from  merchants  of  intelligence, 
and  the  various  tribunals  of  commerce. 

As  to  the  amount  of  the  contraband  trade,  it  had 


ROADS   AND   TRAFFIC.  121 


been  exaggerated  by  the  greater  number  of  authors 
who  had  treated  of  Spanish  commerce.  For  example, 
it  was  affirmed  in  certain  widely  circulated  works  that 
the  English  alone,  before  17G5,  gained  by  the  contra 
band  trade — principally  profits  of  the  Jamaica  mer 
chants — more  than  20  million  of  piastres  per  annum. 
To  show  the  exaggeration  of  this,  it  is  only  necessary 
to  add  the  sum  mentioned  to  the  quantity  of  gold  and 
silver  registered  at  Cddiz,  as  arriving  from  the  colonies 
on  account  of  the  king,  or  in  payment  of  Spanish 
goods,  to  find  that  the  total  sum  exceeds  the  actual 
produce  of  the  mines. 

The  means  of  interior  communication  in  Mexico 
were  by  no  means  worthy  of  an  important  kingdom. 
This  was  being  in  part  remedied  by  the  construction 
of  a  magnificent  road  between  Vera  Cruz  and  Perote ; 
a  road  in  which,  as  we  have  before  shown,  Humboldt 
took  the  liveliest  interest,  and  which  would,  he  con 
sidered,  when  completed,  be  a  worthy  rival  to  the 
roads  of  the  Simplon  and  Mount  Cenis,  and  exercise 
moreover  an  appreciable  effect  in  lowering  the  price 
of  those  commodities  whose  carriage  formed  a  con 
siderable  item  in  their  price.  It  had  been  begun, 
under  the  direction  of  Sr  Garcia  Conde,  while 
Humboldt  was  staying  at  Jalapa,  in  February  1804, 
at  its  most  difficult  points,  in  the  ravine  called  Plan 
del  Rio,  and  on  the  Cuesta  del  Soldado.  It  was  in 
tended  that  columns  of  porphyry  should  be  placed 
along  the  road,  graven,  not  only  with  the  distances, 
but  also  with  the  elevation  of  each  pillar  above  the 
level  of  the  sea. 

Humboldt  strongly  advocated  the  introduction  of 
camels  as  beasts  of  burden  in  Mexico.  He  did  not 
think  the  table-land  through  which  the  great  roads 
passed  too  cold  for  them ;  and  he  was  sure  they  would 
suffer  less  than  horses  and  mules  from  the  aridity  of 
the  soil  and  the  lack  of  water  and  pasturage  to  which 
beasts  of  burden  are  exposed  north  of  Guanajuato, 
especially  in  that  desert  by  which  New  Biscay  is 
separated  from  New  Mexico. 


122  MEXICO  IN  THE  NINETEENTH  CENTURY. 

Highly  impressed  with  the  importance  of  an  inter- 
oceanic  communication,  Humboldt  collected  all  acces 
sible  information,  and  mapped  in  eight  several  sketches 
the  various  points  at  which  such  communication 
might  be  possible.  Having  discussed  in  detail  the 
various  obstacles  and  advantages  to  be  overcome  and 
hoped  for  in  a  junction  of  the  two  oceans,  at  some 
point  of  Central  America,  Mexico,  or  even  north  of 
there,  he  finally  concluded  in  favor  either  of  a  passage 
through  the  isthmus  of  Nicaragua,  or  of  one  through 
that  of  Cupica — at  the  very  northern  extremity  of 
South  America — not  because  these  were  the  shortest, 
but  because,  if  the  imperfect  information  then  attain 
able  could  be  depended  upon,  they  were  the  least 
obstructed  by  natural  obstacles  for  canals  of  large 
dimensions — such,  in  fact,  as  would  constitute  a  veri 
table  strait,  by  which  vessels  of  the  size  usual  in  the 
Indian  and  Chinese  trade  could  pass — not  a  mere 
means  of  inland  carriage  for  barges  and  flat-boats. 
Humboldt  pointed  out  the  Caledonian  canal  in  Scot 
land  as  one  possessing  all  the  qualities  required  for  an 
interoceanic  highway  of  the  world's  ships.  He  be 
lieved,  however,  that  a  joint  association  for  such  an 
undertaking  could  only  be  founded  when  the  practica 
bility  of  such  a  canal — a  canal  capable  of  receiving 
vessels  of  300  or  400  tons  burden — between  latitudes 
7°  an  18°,  had  been  fully  proved  by  accurate  prepara 
tory  surveys,  and  the  ground  fixed  upon  and  recog 
nized.  Also,  that  whatever  government  might  own 
the  soil  on  which  such  a  canal  should  be  established, 
the  benefit  of  such  hydraulic  work  should  belong  to 
every  nation  of  both  worlds  which  would  contribute, 
by  taking1  shares,  toward  its  execution. 

Next  in  eligibility  to  Nicaragua  and  Cupica,  he 
put  the  isthmus  of  Tehuantepec — the  importance  of 
the  Goazacoalco  to  this  end  had  been  discussed  by 
Cortes  as  early  as  the  conquest-— and  Humboldt  only 
gave  to  the  Isthmus  of  Panama  a  fourth  place  as  to 
probable  practicability. 


GOVERNMENT.  123 

New  Spain,  socially  as  well  as  physically,  was  the 
country  of  inequality.  In  no  other  country  could 
such  alarming  contrasts  in  the  distribution  of  for 
tunes,  civilization,  and  population  have  been  seen. 
The  wealth,  luxury,  refinement,  and  elegance  of  the 
higher  class  had  its  frightful  antithesis  in  the  naked, 
foul,  and  depraved  misery  of  the  pariahs  of  the  land. 
This  inequality  of  fortune  existed,  not  only  among  the 
whites,  but  was  often  found  among  the  mixed  and 
Indian  castes. 

Within  the  twenty  years  preceding  Humboldt's  visit, 
the  Spanish- American  youth  of  the  settlements  of  the 
new  continent,  being  brought  more  and  more  into  con 
tact  with  Anglo-Americans,  English,  and  French,  had 
sacrificed  a  part  of  their  national  prejudice  and  formed 
a  marked  predilection  for  those  nations  more  energetic 
and  more  advanced  in  culture  than  the  Spaniards.  It 
was  then  nothing  strange  to  him  that  the  political 
movements  of  Europe,  since  1789,  should  have  excited 
the  keenest  attention  among  a  people  long  aspiring  to 
rights,  the  privation  of  which  is  at  once  an  obstacle 
to  the  public  prosperity,  and  a  motive  of  resentment 
against  the  mother  country.  Certain  viceroys  and 
governors  had  proceeded  to  take  measures,  which,  far 
from  calming  the  agitation  of  the  colonists,  had  only 
imbittered  the  nascent  ill  feeling.  These  over-zealous 
rulers  pretended  danger  in  all  associations  for  the  pur 
suit  and  dissemination  of  knowledge.  Printing-presses 
were  prohibited  in  towns  counting  forty  or  fifty  thou 
sand  inhabitants ;  and  to  possess  and  read  quietly  the 
works  of  Montesquieu,  Robertson,  or  Rousseau  was 
to  be  suspected  of  revolutionary  principles.  Now,  to 
to  be  just,  this  terror  was  not  wholly  without  founda 
tion;  1789  was  quite  sufficient  to  scare  any  Spanish 
viceroy;  it  had  scared  all  the  kings  of  Europe — had 
burst  upon  Europe  like  a  storm,  causing  a  general 
holding  on  of  crowns  with  the  one  hand  and  clinging 
to  thrones  with  the  other.  "That  whirlwind  of  the 
universe,"  as  Carlyle  has  it,  wherein  were  "lights  ob- 


124  MEXICO  IN  THE  NINETEENTH   CENTURY. 

literated,  and  the  torn  wrecks  of  earth  and  hell  hurled 
aloft  into  the  empyrean,  black  whirlwind,  which  made 
even  apes  serious,  and  drove  most  of  them  mad,"  was 
quite  equal  to  causing,  by  the  terror  of  its  infernal 
pyrotechnics,  a  fit  of  moral  curfew-legislation,  and 
confused  piling  of  bushels  upon  lights,  pitiful  to  see- 
arising  out  of  flabbiness  of  liver  and  oscillation  of 
knees  among  ministers  and  governors  and  the  like  in 
Mexico.  But  it  was  not  in  these  futilities  that  the 
security  of  a  Spanish  government  lay,  but  rather  in 
the  dispersion  of  the  inhabitants  over  so  vast  an  extent 
of  country,  and  in  the  mutual  hatred  of  the  various 
castes.  The  lack  of  sociability,  the  utter  want  of  all 
sympathy  between  these  differing  castes  could  have  but 
one  effect  on  an  advancing  national  life.  Wise  after 
its  generation — a  generation  soon  to  be  known  no 
more  in  Mexico — the  government  fanned  these  ani 
mosities  so  that  in  division  there  might  be  weakness, 
and  that  in  wranglings  within  there  might  be  left 
neither  stomach  nor  capacity  for  strivings  without. 
In  this  policy,  and  not  in  armies  of  small  effect  and 
rigorous  measures  of  worse  than  none,  lay  the  true 
security  of  Spain.  As  to  a  foreign  foe,  Humboldt 
considered  New  Spain  almost  impregnable  from  the 
physical  accidents  of  her  position.  From  a  land 
attack,  the  nature  of  the  soil  and  the  intervening- 
deserts  protect  her;  and  toward  the  sea  the  natural 
fortress  of  the  tierra  templada  looks  down  upon  coasts 
better  guarded  by  the  sword  of  the  pestilence  than 
by  the  guns  of  San  Juan  de  Uliia  at  Vera  Cruz,  or 
of  San  Diego  at  Acapulco. 

Though  the  Indians  were  no  longer  legally  subject 
to  forced  labor,  they  were  in  the  mass  in  a  state  of 
miserable  degradation.  Driven  to  the  worst  lands, 
indolent,  if  not  by  original  disposition,  at  least  by  that 
character  superinduced  by  long  political  depression, 
and  unnerved  by  the  listless  fatalism  which  is  its  inva 
riable  concomitant,  perhaps  consolation,  they  live,  let 
ting  each  day  provide  for  itself.  Except  in  iritoxica- 


SOCIETY.  125 

tion,  no  passion,  no  sentiment  but  that  of  indifference, 
appears  in  their  faces,  whatever  the  dark  elements 
that  mingle  in  their  hearts.  Perhaps  this  has  com 
menced  in  self-control;  and  probably,  with  time,  be 
came  in  some  sort  insensibility.  With  regard  to  these 
people,  Hurnboldt  gives  it  as  his  impression,  that 
although  they  possessed  in  a  high  degree  powers  of 
exact  reasoning  and  quickness  of  apprehension,  they 
were  of  all  races  the  most  destitute  of  imagination. 
Yet  he  wisely  observes:  "We  must  be  exceedingly 
cautious  in  pronouncing  on  what  we  are  pleased  to 
call  the  moral  and  intellectual  tendencies  of  peoples 
from  whom  we  are  separated  by  differences  of  lan 
guages,  manners,  and  customs ....  How  can  a  travel 
ler,  after  having  sojourned  some  time  in  a  distant  coun 
try,  arrogate  to  himself  the  right  to  pronounce  on  the 
various  faculties  of  soul,  and  of  the  preponderances  of 
reason,  wit,  or  imagination  among  races?" 

How  could  he  form  any  idea  of  the  capabilities  of 
the  Mexican  people  as  then  existing?  Crushed  by 
generations  of  oppression;  brutalized  by  unavailing 
toil ;  deprived  of  their  ancient  writings,  religions,  and 
priests;  and  having  appropriated  little  in  their  place— 
they  were  no  fair  examples  of  that  people  whose  civil 
ization  shines  from  the  mighty  structures,  elaborate 
sculptures,  and  curious  hieroglyphics  that  remain,  or 
that  have  been — shines  with  a  lioiit  caught  at  the  noon 

O  o 

of  Aztec  history,  and  that  flickers  yet,  though  the 
sun  of  its  glory  has  long  since  set  in  blood.  The  Az 
tecs  love  to  build  their  cabins  on  the  slopes  of  the 
lonely  mountains,  and  retire  from  the  neighborhood  of 
Europeans — from  that  social  life  with  which  a  sad  ex 
perience  has  so  disgusted  them.  They  love  the  soli 
tude  which  gives  them  again  the  freedom  of  nature, 
and  perhaps  carries  them  back  in  memory,  to  their 
antique  grandeur,  for 

"The  hills  have  no  memory  of  sorrow  or  death, 
And  their  summits  are  sacred  to  liberty. " 

There  is,  let  us  hope,  a  brighter  future  in  store  for 


126  MEXICO  IN  THE  NINETEENTH  CENTURY. 

the  Indians  in  Mexico ;  and  it  is  certain,  as  the  records 
of  the  poll-tax  prove,  that,  however,  at  an  earlier  date 
this  indigenous  population  may  have  been  diminished 
by  the  cruelties  of  the  conquerors, at  the  time  of  Hum- 
boldt's  visit,  and  for  fifty  years  before,  they  had  been 
steadily  increasing. 

Connected  with  these  peoples  are  several  great 
problems  of  origin,  antiquity,  and  civilization,  concern 
ing  which  we  shall  attempt  to  present  Humboldt's 
conclusions.  And  first,  as  intimately  connected  with 
these,  we  may  speak  of  the  age  of  the  American  con 
tinent.  He  looked  with  a  good  deal  of  quiet  ridicule 
on  the  idea  that  the  so-called  new  continent  was  in 
reality  younger  than  the  old.  Was  it  that  its  exuber 
ance  of  volcanic  action  indicated  a  modern  structure, 
the  engines  of  whose  elevation  were  not  yet  cold?  If 
so,  is  not  southern  Italy  the  twin  of  this  ultimate  off 
spring  of  chaos?  Who  asserts  this?  yet  why  should 
philosophers  put  asunder  times  and  causes  which  effect 
has  joined  ?  He  preferred  to  suppose  that  the  volca 
noes  of  America  had,  in  the  mass,  preserved  their  fires 
longer  than  those  of  the  other  continents,  because  the 
mountains  through  which  they  acted  happened  to  be 
in  general  close  to  the  sea— a  neighbor  which,  in  some 
way  yet  to  be  explained,  appears,  with  few  exceptions, 
to  influence  the  energy  of  these  subterranean  fires. 
Aside  from  this,  there  are  reasons  founded  on  hydro 
static  laws  and  geological  discoveries  which  would 
forbid  the  idea  of  any  large  part  of  America  remain 
ing  submerged  after  the  emergence  of  the  old  conti 
nent.  Lastly,  to  account  for  the  superior  climate  and 
soil  of  most  parts  of  America,  compared  with  that  of 
Africa,  for  example,  it  is  not  at  all  necessary  to  sup 
pose  a  later  birth  or  upheaval  from  the  central  dark 
ness.  Its  physical  conformation,  its  outlines,  mountains, 
and  rivers,  are  fully  sufficient  to  account  for  this. 

Nor  does  the  existence  of  man  seem  to  date,  in 
America,  from  any  more  recent  epoch  than  in  the 
other  continents.  It  is  not  necessary  to  suppose  that 


RACE  PROBLEMS.  127 

the  countries  the  most  anciently  inhabited  are  those 
which  show  the  largest  populations.  There  are  vast 
tracts  of  northern  Asia  as  scantily  peopled  as  the 
plains  of  New  Mexico  and  Paraguay.  Beneath  the 
tropics,  natural  obstacles — the  vigor  and  mass  of 
the  vegetation,  the  breadth  of  rivers,  and  the  frequency 
and  extent  of  their  inundations — fetter  the  migrations 
of  peoples. 

He  believed  in  the  unity  of  origin  of  the  human  race ; 
and  as  nearly  as  might  be  in  the  unity  of  stock  of  the 
American  aborigines,  with  the  exception  of  those  bor 
dering  the  polar  circle.  Yet,  it  is  well  to  understand 
that  a  European  who  decides  on  the  resemblance  of 
swarthy  races  is  subject  to  a  particular  illusion.  The 
uniformity  of  color  conceals  for  a  long  time  diversity 
of  features — the  eyes  are  less  fixed  on  the  expression, 
soft,  melancholy,  or  ferocious,  as  it  may  be,  than  on 
the  strange  skin,  and  the  coarse  black  hair,  so  level 
and  glossy  that  it  seems  always  moist.  Besides,  it  is 
intellectual  culture  which  individualizes  faces;  where 
this  is  wanting,  there  is  rather  a  physiognomy  of  tribe 
than  of  individual — something  which  may  be  also  ob 
served  in  comparing  domesticated  animals  with  those 
which  inhabit  the  wild  places  of  nature. 

Though  he  thus  gives  us  his  opinion  as  to  the  origin 
of  these  autochthones,  and  does  actually  discuss  the 
question  in  various  parts  of  his  works,  he  considered 
this  whole  question  of  the  first  origin  of  the  people  of 
a  continent  as  entirely  beyond  the  province  of  history, 
and  even  of  philosophy. 

It  is  evident,  from  the  whole  tone  of  his  reflections 
on  the  parentage  of  the  American  races,  that  lie  is  in 
favor  of  an  Asiatic  origin,  but  from  what  particular 
stock  he  derives  them  it  is  difficult  to  say.  On  the 
whole,  and  by  companion  of  various  passages,  he 
seems  to  lean  toward  the  opinion  that  the  Toltecs 
and  Aztecs  were  a  part  of  those  Hiongnoux,  or 
descendants  of  Hiong-nu,  known  at  different  times 
under  the  name  of  Kalkas,  Kalmuks,  and  Burattes — 


128  MEXICO  IN  THE  NINETEENTH  CENTURY. 

warlike  shepherds,  who,  under  their  name  of  Huns, 
have  laid  waste  the  fairest  regions  of  civilized  Europe, 
and  changed  more  than  once  the  face  of  eastern  Asiatic 
politics. 

He  seems  to  favor  China  as  the  point  at  which  this 
emigration  left  the  Old  World.  Let  us  not  forget  that 
we  are  discussing,  not  the  original  colonizing  of  the 
American  continent,  inhabited  as  early,  according  to 
Humboldt,  as  the  rest  of  the  world,  but  that  of  Mex 
ico.  "  It  is  historically  demonstrated  that  Bonzes  and 
other  adventurers  navigated  the  Chinese  sea,  to  seek 
a  remedy  which  should  secure  immortality  to  man. 
It  is  thus  that  under  Tschin-chi-houang-ti,  209  years 
before  Christ,  three  hundred  couples  of  young  people 
of  both  sexes,  sent  to  Japan,  established  themselves 
at  Nipon  instead  of  returning  to  China.  Might 
chance  not  have  conducted  a  similar  expedition  to  the 
Aleutian  Islands,  to  Alaska,  or  New  California  ?  The 
American  continent  and  the  Asiatic  only  approaching 
at  the  north,  and  the  distance  separating  them  in 
the  temperate  zone  being  too  considerable  for  such  a 
voyage,  we  must  suppose  this  disembarkation  to  have 
taken  place  beneath  the  inhospitable  climate  between 
the  55th  and  65th  parallels;  and  that  this  civilization 
penetrated  little  by  little  southwards,  the  usual  direc 
tion  of  American  migration,  as  all  data  would  indicate, 
at  that  time."  Remains  of  Chinese  or  Japanese 
vessels  have  even,  it  has  been  affirmed,  been  found  on 
the  American  coast  as  early  as  the  14th  century. 

He  then  seems  to  bring  his  colonists  south  by  slow 
stages  into  Mexico,  and  connects  the  monuments  of  the 
Gila  with  this  migration. 

The  Mexicans  made  use  of  hieroglyphics  in  chroni 
cling  their  migrations  and  other  historical  events; 
though  in  a  manner  very  far  from  that  perfection  to 
which  the  Egyptians  had  attained.  The  Mexican 
writings  were  principally  rough  paintings  of  events, 
eked  out  by  a  few  conventional  signs  representing  the 
elements  and  relations  of  time  and  place ;  while  the 


,  AZTEC  CULTURE.  129 

Egyptian  writings  approached  nearer  to  narratives, 
composed  of  arbitrary  and  simple  characters,  suscepti 
ble  of  being  employed  separately,  and  of  being  differ 
ently  combined.  It  is  only  by  a  refinement  of  the 
latter  method  that  the  painting  of  ideas  becomes  easy 
and  approximates  to  writing. 

The  rudeness  of  these  Mexican  paintings  no  doubt 
denotes  the  infancy  of  art;  still,  we  must  not  forget 
the  end  they  were  principally  intended  to  subserve- 
that  of  a  simple  record:  and  that  the  necessity  of 
simplicity,  and  rapidity  of  execution,  would  lead  a 
people,  who  so  expressed  their  ideas,  to  attach  as 
little  importance  to  artistic  painting  as  do  the  literati 
of  Europe,  in  their  manuscripts,  to  a  fine  handwriting. 
So  we  may  see  in  all  this  a  potent  means  of  spoiling 
the  taste  of  a  nation.  This  constant  familiarity  with 
the  most  hideous  and  disproportionate  figures,  and 
this  obligation — under  pain  of  confusion — to  preserve 
the  same  forms  without  change,  were  enough  to  root 
out  all  sense  of  delineative  grace,  all  feeling  of  the 
beautiful  in  art;  without  which  sense  and  feeling, 
painting  and  sculpture,  be  they  never  so  diligently 
followed,  cannot  rise  above  the  ranks  of  the  mechan 
ical. 

As  to  the  value  of  proofs  of  migration  or  origin,  to 
be  derived  from  languages  themselves,  whether  writ 
ten  or  spoken,  Humboldt  seems  to  have  considerably 
changed,  or  at  least  modified,  his  ideas  in  his  later 
works.  His  first  opinion  of  their  importance,  as  ex 
pressed  in  the  introduction  to  his  Personal  Narrative, 
was  extravagantly  high ;  the  most  concise  and  perfect 
idea  of  his  mature  conclusions  on  this  subject  may  be 
given  by  a  quotation  from  his  Tableaux  de  la  Nature: 
"The  analogies  of  languages  are  worthy  of  no  con 
fidence  when  they  are  limited  to  mere  accord  of  the 
sounds  in  their  roots.  It  is  necessary  to  penetrate 
into  the  organic  structure,  the  grammatical  flexions, 
and  all  that  interior  mechanism  where  traces  appear 
of  the  work  of  intelligence." 

CAL.  PAST.,  VOL.  I.    9 


130  MEXICO  IN  THE  NINETEENTH   CENTURY. 

His  only  definite  conclusion  as  to  the  languages  of 
Mexico  was  that  their  great  variety  proved  as  great 
a  variety  of  races  and  origin — a  conclusion  which,  un 
less  the  terms  race  and  origin  are  understood  in  some 
illogically  restricted  and  comparative  sense,  is  flatly 
in  contradiction  with  the  manner  in  which  he  else 
where  expresses  himself. 

We  may  here  notice  an  interesting  kind  of  record  of 
migration,  which  Humboldt  pointed  out  as  worthy  of 
attentive  examination.  He  says  identities  of  tastes 
among  various  peoples,  as  to  the  cultivation  of  certain 
plants,  indicate  either  identity  of  race  or  a  contact 
more  or  less  ancient;  so  that  vegetables,  like  lan 
guages  or  physiognomies,  may  become  historical  monu 
ments.  A  few  strange  vegetables,  a  few  foreign 
words,  either  in  the  possession  of  the  wanderers  or 
among  those  through  whom  they  have  passed,  will  often 
fix  the  road  by  which  a  nation  has  crossed  a  continent. 
Considered  thus,  the  potato  furnishes  a  problem.  Not 
known  in  Mexico  before  the  arrival  of  the  Spaniards, 
it  was  yet  cultivated  elsewhere  in  America  from  lati 
tude  40°  south  to  50°  north.  Did  the  South  Ameri 
can  tribes  succeed  in  penetrating  northward  to  the 
banks  of  the  Rappahannock  ?  or  did  the  potato  wander 
south,  like  the  successive  peoples  who  have  appeared 
on  the  plateau  of  Andhuac?  In  either  case,  how 
came  it  not  to  take  root  in  Mexico?  It  is  probable 
that  potato  cultivation  gradually  extended  itself  north 
from  Chile  by  Peru  and  the  kingdom  of  Quito,  to  the 
table-land  of  Bogota",  the  course  followed  by  the  incas 
in  their  conquests.  But  here  the  cordilleras,  which 
had  preserved  a  great  elevation  all  the  way  from  Chile, 
fall  suddenly  near  the  sources  of  the  river  Atrato. 
Now,  in  the  tropics,  potatoes  grow  only  in  the  cold  and 
foggy  climates  secured  by  elevated  grounds.  Such 
were  not  to  be  found  in  Choco  and  Darien;  but 
instead,  close  forests  inhabited  by  hordes  of  hunters, 
enemies  of  every  sort  of  civilization  and  cultivation. 
Here,  then,  is  the  barrier  which  physical  and  moral 


CHARACTER  OF  HUMBOLDT.  131 

causes  have  opposed  to  further  progress  from  this  side. 
As  to  the  north,  if  Raleigh's  settlers  really  did  find 
potatoes  there,  as  is  asserted,  we  can  hardly  refuse  to 
believe  that  this  plant  is  independently  indigenous  to 
the  northern  hemisphere. 

And  now  we  have  followed  the  distinguished  natu 
ralist  from  the  shores  of  Europe  to  that  new  continent, 
which,   if  Columbus    discovered,  he    revealed;    from 
plains  rocked  by  the   earthquake,   up  to    mountains 
where  the  lava  shaped  the  path,  and  down  again  to 
marshy  sloughs,  where  gymnoti  writhed  in  the  ooze, 
flashing  at  will  through  their  slimy  and  spotted  skins 
such  terrible  shocks  as  no  man  or  beast  could  endure 
— or    farther   south,  between    the    Orinoco    and   the 
Amazon,  where  the  soil  is  hid  by  impenetrable  forests, 
ceaselessly  echoing  the  noise  of  waterfalls,  the  roaring 
of  the  jaguar,  and  the    weird   cries   of  the    bearded 
ape,  presaging  rain,  and  sounding  itself  like  the  first 
muffled  sounds  of  a  distant   tempest.     On  the  sand 
banks  lay  the  crocodiles,  motionless  as  logs,  and  with 
gaping  mouths,  seeming  in  their  clumsy  way  to  pant. 
On  the  river  banks  the   boa  watched,   with  its  tail 
anchored  on  some  branch,  and  its  spotted  skin  coiled 
like  a  spiral ;  and  the  jaguar,  as  he  couched  along  his 
favorite  limb,  in  silent  ambush,  flattened  himself  still 
more  at  the  traveller's  step.     There  were  men,  too, 
not  less  savage,  who  could  drink  the  blood  of  their 
enemies;  or,  venomous  as  a  viper  or  a  Borgia,  kill  by 
the  scratch  of  a  thumb-nail — "men  who  revealed  to 
man    the    ferocity   of    his    species."     As    Humboldt 
passed  to  the  northern  continent  and  Mexico,  we  fol 
lowed  him  still,  no  longer  afar  off  and  vaguely,  but 
step  by  step,  and  leaving  no  notable  word  or  work 
without  its  faithful  chronicle.     For  us  his  work  is 
done,  and  if  Asia  sees  him  on  her  distant  steppes,  and 
the  Uralian  mountains,  and  the  Siberian  prison-house 
of  the  tzars,  we  follow  him  not. 


m  MEXICO  IN  THE  NINETEENTH  CENTURY. 

Humboldt  as  a  savant  and  a  man  astonishes  us,  not 
so  much  by  his  height  as  by  his  breadth.  It  is  proba 
ble  that  in  any  simple  branch  of  research  and  learning 
there  have  been  greater  men;  but  for  comprehensive 
knowledge  his  equal  had  not  at  this  time  appeared. 
Not  a  peak  piercing  heaven,  too  awful,  too  barren  for 
any  sentiment  save  awe,  but  a  mighty  table-land,  such 
as  he  loved  to  describe,  broad  as  a  continent  and  far 
above  vulgar  level ;  yet  not  so  high  but  that  golden 
grains  and  purple  fruits  dwelt  there.  Though  egotis 
tical  he  was  humble,  as  all  great  souls  are  who  have 
lifted  themselves  over  petty  men  and  things  by  stern 
and  patient  labor;  for  the  illimitable  fields  of  the 
universe  widen  as  we  climb.  There  is  a  time  when 
young  and  eager  minds  think  they  are  very  near  to 
the  most  perfect  truth — think  it  but  needs  another 
thought,  another  fact,  and  their  theory  of  cosmos  will 
be  complete,  ineluctable,  irrefragable.  But  every  new 
fact  trails  in  new  thoughts,  new  complications,  and 
new  contradictions.  Men  of  average  mind  stop  here ; 
they  become  frightened,  seize  an  opinion,  and  stick  to 
it  as  a  battered  limpit  to  a  rock;  or  worse,  become 
aggressively  bigoted.  But  Humboldt  \vas  a  great 
man,  for  he  could  always  see  two  sides  to  a  question; 
a  great  man  who  knew  what  he  did  not  know. 

Such  knowledge  seems  sadly  wanting,  for  the  most 
part,  to  his  biographers — a  race  by  whom  he  has  been 
ridiculously  overpraised,  they  either  not  knowing  or 
not  caring  to  remember  that  in  both  the  literary  and 
scientific  parts  of  his  work  were  constantly  employed 
the  revision  and  aid  of  almost  all  the  great  men  of 
his  day.  Probably  no  man  ever  enjoyed  the  intimate 
society  of  so  many  philosophers  as  Humboldt,  and 
few  appear  to  have  made  a  better  use  of  it.  It  is 
only  by  studying  his  enormous  scientific  and  friendly 
correspondence  that  a  just  idea  of  his  means  of 
information  can  be 'formed. 

He  could  not  write  of  natural  history  like  Buffon, 
nor  of  philosophy  and  physics  like  his  German  Goethe; 
he  could  not  paint  a  ruin-  or  an  antique  palace  like 


GENIUS  AND  HABITS.  133 

him  who  looked  on  Melrose  by  night;  the  setting  sun, 
a  storm  among  the  mountains,  like  the  creator  of 
Manfred;  a  primeval  forest,  a  Niagara,  like  Chateau 
briand;  or  the  glory  of  the  firmament,  the  clouds  of 
heaven,  and  the  mountain-tops,  like  the  peerless  John 
Kuskin ;  yet  he  was  not  very  far  from  the  sublime  in 
the  massive  and  square  simplicity  of  his  great  works. 
He  had  the  purity  of  uninflated  style,  preserving 
always  a  perfect  adaptability  and  fitness  to  the  end  he 
kept  in  view.  He  made  no  attempt  to  give  what  it 
pleases  Ruskin  to  call  "the  far  higher  and  deeper 
truth  of  mental  vision,  rather  than  that  of  the  physi 
cal  facts;"  and  consequently,  his  descriptions  are  of 
more  use  to  engineers  and  geographers  than  to  painters 
and  poets.  He  could  not  soar,  and  he  was  wise  enough 
not  to  court  an  Icarian  failure.  This  is  in  itself  an 
element  of  greatness  not  to  be  despised. 

Of  Humboldt's  method  of  working,  we  will  tran 
scribe  Bayard  Taylor's  account :  "The  habits  of  Hum- 
boldt  are  not  remarkable,  except  in  the  limited  number 
of  hours  necessary  to  sleep,  and  in  temperance  and 
regularity.  His  time  is  systematically  divided.  He 
rises  at  six  in  the  winter,  and  five  in  the  summer, 
studies  two  hours,  drinks  a  cup  of  coffee,  returns  to 
his  study,  and  commences  the  task  of  answering  his 
letters,  of  which  he  receives  yearly  more  than  one 
hundred  thousand.  From  twelve  until  two  he  receives 
visits,  and  returns  to  work  at  two.  At  four  he  dines, 
in  summer  with  the  king,  in  winter  at  home.  From 
four  until  eleven  he  passes  at  the  table,  and  generally 
in  company  with  the  king,  but  sometimes  at  the  meet 
ings  of  learned  societies,  or  in  the  company  of  his 
friends.  At  eleven  he  retires  to  his  study,  and  con 
tinues  there  until  one  or  two,  answering  letters,  or 
writing  his  books,  or  preparing  them  by  study.  His 
best  books  have  all  been  written  at  midnight.  He 
sleeps  four  hours."  With  such  a  brain,  for  so  long  a 
time  so  employed,  there  is  no  wonder  that  great  things 
came  of  it. 


134  MEXICO  IN  THE  NINETEENTH  CENTURY. 

It  was  Humboldt  himself  who  said  that  "  the  course 
of  the  world  refuses  to  admit  of  great  exceptions  to  its 
compensatory  system  of  pleasure  and  sadness,"  and  he 
proved  it  well.  Liberal  in  politics  and  religion,  he 
was  a  bitter  morsel,  upon  which  bigots  and  reactiona 
ries  were  always  gnawing.  Take  the  following  ex 
tract  from  his  friend  Varnhagen's  diary,  date  26th  of 
December,  1848:  "  Humboldt  has  called  ;  he  assures 
me  that  were  it  not  for  his  position  at  court  he 
would  not  be  suffered  to  remain  in  the  country,  but 
would  be  expelled,  so  strong  is  the  hatred  of  the 
ultras  and  bigots  against  him."  And  at  this  time  he 
was  in  his  eightieth  year.  In  February  1854  Hum 
boldt  writes :  "I  live  in  a  monotonous  and  sad  mood— 
et  mourant,  avant  le  principe."  His  brother  was  dead 
lonof  before,  and  he  had  no  consolation  but  in  his  own 

o  ' 

heart — a  heart  which  was  never  closed  by  envy  or 
avarice  against  any  worthy  object,  his  enemies  even 
being  judges.  His  was  a  hard  and  lonely  journey, 
without  wife  or  child;  even  though  his  path  was 
paved  with  honor.  At  the  best  of  times,  u  the  way 
to  fame  is  like  the  way  to  heaven — through  much 
tribulation."  But  since  the  beginning  of  the  world— 

"Be  the  day  weary,  or  be  the  day  long, 
At  length  it  ringeth  to  even  song. " 

And  after  bearing  up  stoutly  to  his  90th  year  against 
the  infirmities  of  age,  he  took  to  his  bed  for  the  last 
time  in  April  1859.  The  traveller  was  setting  out 
on  his  last  journey.  On  the  6th  of  May  he  died. 
Rarely  Berlin  sees  such  a  funeral;  the  princes  of  the 
royal  blood  of  Prussia  stood  bareheaded  by  his  coffin 
with  the  greatest  and  the  poorest  of  their  people. 

"He  is  gone — 

Who  never  sold  the  truth  to  serve  the  hour, 
Nor  paltered  with  eternal  God  for  power; 
Who  let  the  turbid  streams  of  rumor  flow 
Thro'  either  babbling  world  of  high  and  low; 
Whose  life  was  work,  whose  language  rife 
With  rugged  maxims  hewn  from  life; 

. .  .he  wears  a  truer  crown 
Than  any  wreath  that  man  can  weave  him. 

. . .  Speak  no  more  of  his  renown, 
Lay  your  earthly  fancies  down, 
And  in  the  vast  cathedral  leave  him, 
God  accept  him,  Christ  receive  him." 


CHAPTER  IV. 

LOTOS-LAND. 

In  the  afternoon  they  came  unto  a  land, 
In  which  it  seemed  always  afternoon, 
All  round  the  coast  the  languid  air  did  swoon, 
Breathing  like  one  that  hath  a  weary  dream. 

The  Lotos-Eaters. 

IF  ever  one  were  justified  in  rising  out  of  the  path 
of  exact  narration,  and  indulging  in  a  brief  spell  of 
the  fanciful  or  ideal,  it  is  in  thinking  of  California 
when  the  white  men  came.  A  narrow  strip  of  sea 
board,  the  air  low  breathing  and  of  tender  tone,  with 
green  and  grizzly  mountains  for  a  background,  all 
opening  toward  the  sun-waves — this  is  our  lotos-land, 
where  fancy  may  place  the  lotos-tree,  with  its  leaves 
like  the  ears  of  elephants,  and  its  branches  drooping 
down  from  heaven.  Among  these  branches  are  birds 
of  sweetest  song,  whose  strains  are  fresh,  from  para 
dise,  and  under  their  shadow  angels  pause  and  rest. 
The  seeds  of  this  tree  each  encloses  an  houri;  and  from 
its  roots  spring  the  two  rivers  which  flow  by  the  in 
visible  throne  of  Allah.  Sitting  on  a  lote-tree,  rising 
from  the  watery  mud,  the  Egyptians  picture  deity, 
while  the  great  desert  prophet  places  a  lote-tree  in 
his  seventh  heaven. 

It  is  a  winterless  earth's  end  perpetually  refreshed 
by  ocean,  a  land  surpassed  neither  by  the  island  grotto 
of  Calypso,  the  Elysian  fields  of  Homer,  nor  the  island 
valley  of  Avalon  seen  by  King  Arthur  in  his  dying 
thought.  Here  day  after  day,  and  year  after  year, 
may  come  the  stranger,  and  eat  the  lotos,  and  be 
happy;  he  may  eat  the  lotos  and  forget  the  old  home 
and  country,  forget  the  wife  and  children,  content  for- 

(135) 


136  LOTOS-LAND 

ever  to  rest  in  this  strange  land,  waking  to  fall  asleep 
again,  and  dream  day-dreams  and  night-dreams,  as 
he  floats  silently  down  the  sluggish  stream  of  time. 
Here  might  be  placed  the  Hebrew's  Eden,  or  the 
beatitude  of  the  Buddhist;  here  may  the  dark-eyed 
Italian  enjoy  his  dolce  far  niente,  and  the  sighing 
ghost  of  Charles  Lamb  find  a  region  beyond  the  do 
main  of  conscience.  And  I  doubt  not,  if  proper  search 
be  made,  that  here  may  be  found  the  singing-tree  of 
the  Arabian  tale,  the  leaves  whereof  are  mouths,  each 
one  of  which  discourses  harmonious  music. 

At  either  end  of  this  seaboard  strip  is  a  beautiful 
bay;  San  Diego,  in  the  south,  the  starting-point  in 
Alta  California  of  the  Franciscan  friars  in  their  tour 
northward,  the  initial  point  in  their  line  of  mission 
buildings,  San  Francisco  being  the  northern  terminus. 

What  shall  I  say  of  this  land,  and  not  lay  myself 
open  to  the  charge  of  hyperbole,  grosser  than  any 
ever  indulged  in  by  the  ancients?  If  they  wrote 
much  about  their  Arabys  and  Arcadias — the  world 
learning  their  stories  by  heart  and  repeating  them 
over  and  over  to  this  day — may  not  I  write  a  little 
about  a  better  country  ?  But  indeed,  there  is  no  need 
here  for  exaggeration,  even  if  I  desired  to  indulge  in 
it;  plain,  homely  prose  best  fits  this  and  all  honest 
occasions. 

Grant  that  Andalusia  is  the  garden  of  Spain, 
Amboise  of  France,  Italy  of  Europe,  and  Sicily  of 
Italy,  and  we  may  justly  claim  for  our  lotos-land  a 
place  before  them  all  as  the  garden  of  the  world. 
Grant  to  be  not  wholly  fanciful  the  great  story  of  the 
Greek  Ulysses ;  we  can  match  it  in  tangible  truth  from 
the  lips  of  the  English  Anson  and  Cook,  when  among 
the  soft  South  Sea  isles,  and  from  the  profane  mouths 
of  scores  of  ship-masters  sailing  along  the  California 
main,  who  tell  how  they  often  were  forced  to  drag 
back  their  seamen  to  the  vessel,  provided  they  were 
fortunate  enough  to  catch  them,  so  loath  were  they  to 
abandon  the  fascinations  of  the  shore. 


PHYSICAL  FEATURES.  137 

I  do  not  say  that  there  are  here  no  off  days,  no 
treacherous  rocks,  or  slimy  reptiles,  or  poisonous 
plants;  I  do  not  say  that  winds  never  blow  and 
storms  never  beat;  that  there  are  no  withering 
northern  blasts,  or  sand-whirlings  in  the  desert,  or 
snow  on  the  mountain-tops;  or  that  sometimes  when 
night  sets  in  the  eastern  ridges  do  not  subside  and 
cover  their  heads  beneath  the  fog-blankets  of  the 

o 

valleys — but  these  are  the  exceptions,  and  there  are 
scarcely  enough  such  days  to  break  the  dead  monot 
ony  of  the  warm,  misty  mornings  that  overspread  the 
happy  hills  and  echoing  canons,  forever  wooed  by  the 
enchanting  smile  of  ocean.  Here  along  we  may  be 
sure  are  no  waters  of  adversity  beneath  which  the 
sea-flower  blooms  not. 

But  I  have  seen  the  Mediterranean  angry,  spite 
fully  so;  one  would  infer  from  the  high  recorded  ex 
periences  of  the  veracious  old  Ulysses,  in  his  little 
pacldlings  thereabout,  that  he  had  been  five  times 
round  the  world,  to  have  seen  so  many  things  which 
never  existed.  When  we  have  catalogued  the  ills  of 
all  other  Edens,  the  fever-breeding  sun,  the  foul,  float 
ing  miasma,  and  other  pestilential  airs  of  Amboise  and 
Andalusia,  of  Egypt  and  Italy,  and  have  spread  them 
all  out  before  our  California  lotos-land,  we  shall  then 
see  the  poverty  of  this  place  in  death-dealing  agencies. 
To  grass  and  flowers,  indeed,  death  comes  not  in  the 
cold  and  melancholy  robe  of  autumn  ;  but  sublimated 
by  the  summer's  sun,  undecaying  they  die,  leaving 
their  part  substantial  for  the  hungry  brute,  like  the 
departing  soul  which  leaves  the  substance  of  its  life  in 
generous  deeds.  And  we  are  even  told  of  saints  de 
parted,  whose  bodies  were  preserved  by  the  gods  from 
decay,  even  as  Hector's  body  was  kept  fresh  and 
roseate  by  the  devotion  of  Venus  and  Apollo. 

Fling  yourself  in  early  morning,  the  sky  red-flush 
ing  with  the  rosy  dawn,  upon  a  point  of  land — Point 
Loma,  if  you  will — and  looking  seaward  and  shore 
ward  along  the  white,  curving  line  of  sand,  until  in 


138  LOTOS-LAND. 

the  far  perspective  shore,  sea,  and  sky  meet;  pres 
ently  you  may  see  Aurora  stealing  over  the  eastern 
mountains,  and  peeping  in  upon  her  favorite  fairy-land, 
nestling  warm  and  glowing  under  a  coverlet  of  gray 
mists,  while  with  roseate  lips  she  kisses  night  away. 

Salute  this  land,  blessed  above  all  lands!  Salute 
the  unstained  altars  and  sky-roofed  temples  of  her 
gods  I  It  is  not  the  Arcadia  of  tradition,  sung  by 
poets,  and  etherealized  by  romance  writers  as  a  golden 
refuge-land,  free  from  the  harsh  prosaic  life  of  other 
lands;  it  is  the  Arcadia  of  reality,  with  the  three 
fates  plying  their  lively  trade — Lachesis  who  spins 
the  thread  of  life,  Clotho  who  holds  the  distaff,  and 
Atropos  who  clips,  clips,  clips,  every  time-tick  ending 
an  earthly  existence  and  opening  an  eternity ;  yet  with 
sweet  vales  flowered  by  fairy  fingers,  and  watered  by 
smoky  streams  and  dew  dropped  by  departed  night, 
and  opening  through  the  mountains  vistas  far  inland 
of  a  country  where  day  is  but  night  warmed  and 
lighted  by  the  unseeing  sun,  and  night  but  shadowy 
day;  where  spring  and  winter,  life  and  decay,  fetch 
and  carry  fair  forms  and  sweet  odors,  their  coming  and 
going  being  not  birth  and  death,  but  only  change,  and 
man  most  of  all  most  unintelligibly  changeable,  per 
chance  with  daughters  who  even  now,  like  butterflies, 
lie  dreaming;  in  their  ante-natal  home. 

O 

Almost  all  the  days  are  halcyon,  wherein  upon  the 
surface  of  the  sea  the  kingfisher  may  lay  its  eggs  to 
incubate.  So  gently  slide  the  seasons  from  summer 
to  autumn,  and  from  winter  to  spring,  that  summer 
seems  but  winter  smiling,  and  winter  but  the  sum 
mer  born  anew  by  the  refreshing  rain.  So  gently 
fades  the  summer,  like  stars  before  the  rising  moon; 
so  sweetly  falls  the  winter  rain  robing  all  nature  in 
gay  livery !  Stingless  winter  with  its  freshening  rains 
spins  the  green  and  flowery  coverlid  which  spring 
spreads  over  the  hills  and  plains. 

Spring  breathing  bliss  comes,  and  holding  winter  in 
her  warm  embrace  until  his  surly  mood  is  melted, 


SEA  AND  SEASONS.  139 

spreads  the  hills  with  brilliant  tapestry,  paves  the  val 
leys  with  tender  green,  and  freights  the  gentle  winds 
with  the  melody  of  birds  and  the  fragrance  of  flowers. 
Over  the  white  shining  peaks  float  the  white  shining 
clouds,  with  a  purity  and  splendor  equalled  only  by 
the  glories  of  Bunyan's  celestial  city  Gentle  showers 
succeed  the  heavier  rains  of  winter,  and  after  the 
spring  showers  are  the  invisible  morning  dew-clouds, 
which,  after  dropping  their  celestial  moisture,  hie  at 
the  bidding  of  the  sun  to  realms  impalpable.  Then 
from  the  refreshed  earth  spring  life-sustaining  fruits, 
low  panting  to  perform  their  mission  of  martyrdom. 

Spring  skips  over  the  hills  scattering  daisies,  touch 
ing  with  a  livelier  hue  the  palpitating  vales,  distilling 
into  the  blades  of  grass  a  darker  green,  deepening  the 
crimson  on  the  robin's  breast,  while  the  lapwing  crests 
himself  anew ;  then  summer  comes  to  every  valley  and 
garden,  curing  the  grass,  and  reddening  and  yellowing 
the  luscious  fruit,  filling  the  air  with  rich  aroma. 

Soft,  warm,  billowy  sea  bordered  by  a  soft,  warm, 
billowy  shore;  billowy  green  shore  bordering  a  billowy 
blue  sea,  and  canopied  by  a  deep  blue  sky;  the 
mornings  always  young,  the  nights  soothing,  gentle 
dews  descending  wooing  fragrance  from  the  fragrance- 
breathing  flowers,  the  valleys  carpeted  with  green,  the 
plains  clothed  in  balm  and  beauty ;  while  always  toward 
the  east  the  hills  rise  and  roll  off  in  voluptuous  swells, 
like  the  heaving  breast  of  a  love-lorn  maid.  On  pin 
nacles  of  the  aged  mountain  range  stands  flushed  by 
western  light  the  aged  snow.  Over  blossoming  lawns 
rush  the  wild,  bellowing  herds,  treading  out  honey  and 
perfume,  while  the  bashful  hare,  innocently  bold,  leaps 
through  the  tall  grass.  In  the  air  are  swallows,  birds 
of  luck  and  consolation,  sacred  to  the  penates. 

Like  the  happy  valley  of  Rasselas,  it  is  compara 
tively  inaccessible  except  from  one  side;  yet  softly  on 
this  slanting  shore  falls  the  slanting  light,  gilding  the 
slanting  shore. 

The  soil  is  light  and  dry,  and  like  Attica,  it  is  a 


140  LOTOS-LAND. 

land  of  olives,  vines,  and  honey,  of  sheep  and  cattle, 
rather  than  of  corn  or  cereal  cultivation.  Low-bend 
ing  branches,  freighted  with  fruit  fair  as  any  that 
ever  tempted  Eve,  yet  all  unforbidden  seek  the  hand, 
begging  earth  and  man  to  relieve  them  of  their  fra 
grant  burden.  Sun-painted  grapes  glowing  in  rich 
purple,  green,  and  black  clusters,  fragrant  with  the 
unawakened,  care-dispelling  juice,  coquet  wantonly 
with  wind  and  leaves. 

Here  and  there  the  earth  has  clothed  herself  above 
the  dark  and  sappy  green  in  a  coat  of  many  colors— 
eschscholtzias,  yellow  as  gold ;  lupins,  blue  as  the  robe 
of  the  ephod,  or  purple  as  Caesar's  toga ;  ancient  colum 
bines,  twining  convolvuli,  and  lilies  white  and  shining 
as  snow.  -There  is  laurel  for  the  Parthian  victor's 
wreath,  wild  olive  for  the  Olympian,  green  parsley 
for  the  Nemean,  and  green  pine-leaves  for  the  Isth 
mian.  Gray  groves  of  olive,  dark  green  orange-trees 
gilded  with  golden  fruit — the  olive,  symbol  of  peace, 
emblem  of  chastity,  sacred  to  Pallas  Athene.  For 
when  the  gods  decreed  that  whoever  should  produce 
a  gift  most  useful  to  man  should  have  possession  of 
the  land,  and  Poseidon,  with  his  trident  striking  the 
ground  made  to  appear  the  horse,  Athene  meanwhile 
planting  the  olive,  did  not  the  gods  decide  that  the 
olive  was  more  useful  to  man  than  the  horse,  and  so 
gave  the  city  to  the  goddess,  from  whom  it  was 
called  Athense? 

Back  of  the  Coast  Range  our  lotos-land  reaches 
not;  but  agencies  are  there  at  work,  and  none  the  less 
influential  because  unseen.  There  is  the  proud  Sierra, 
standing  like  a  crystalled  billow  rolled  in  from  the 
ocean,  scarred  and  knotted  by  avalanche,  riven  by 
earthquakes,  rent  asunder  by  frost  and  fire,  filed 
down  by  rasping  glaciers,  cut  by  winds  into  geometric 
irregularity,  rounded  by  rain  into  symmetry  and 
rhythm,  and  topped  by  silvered  cones  and  turreted 
peaks.  Standing  there,  arrayed  in  purple  robes  of 
majesty,  with  an  immaculate  glacial  crown,  like  Atlas 


MOUNTAIN  RANGES.  141 

keeping  asunder  heaven  and  earth,  and  holding  up 
the  sky,  our  monarch  Sierra  assumes  the  dictatorship 
of  all  this  region — Father  of  all,  Dominator,  Pre 
server  ! 

The  pliocene  tertiary  period  probably  saw  the  waves 
of  the  great  ocean  forced  to  recede  from  the  base  of 
the  Sierra,  and  the  valley  of  California  lifted  from 
beneath  the  primeval  waters  by  the  same  Titanic 
power  that  upheaved  the  adjacent  acclivities.  Check 
ing  with  adamantine  walls  the  pretentious  ocean,  the 
great  range  ever  after  presides  over  our  western  sea 
board  and  its  destiny,  directing  air  currents  and  water 
currents,  regulating  temperature  and  creating  climates. 
With  its  own  garment  of  earth  it  clothes  the  plain, 
and  overspreads  its  slimy  surface  with  rich  alluvium, 
heedless  of  itself.  The  ambitious  winds  it  checks, 
compels  the  clouds  to  give  up  their  humid  freightage, 
and  drop  their  moisture  in  fructifying  rain  and  snow 
upon  its  western  slope,  while  the  cold,  dry,  wrung- 
out  air  is  permitted  to  escape  eastward  to  the  unhappy 
consolation  of  the  desert.  Rearing  its  head  above 
the  limits  of  life,  watching  the  stars  by  night  and 
flashing  back  in  proud  defiance  the  sun's  rays  by  day, 
it  lays  its  immutable  laws  on  all  flesh  and  grass. 
Turning  its  back  upon  the  east  and  all  old-time  tradi 
tions,  it  guards  our  little  newly  made  world  as  did 
Olympian  Jove  his  Greece;  folding  in  his  quickening 
embrace  our  happy  valleys. 

The  minor  ranges,  like  subordinate  divinities,  join 
also  in  controlling  nature,  oft  in  selfish  quarrelling 
mood;  one  extending  a  shielding  moisture-gathering 
barrier,  another  excluding  too  long  the  refreshing 
breeze,  and  exposing  the  basin-like  valleys  to  the 
fierce  solar  rays,  or  admitting  the  withering  northers. 
These  western  later-born  formations  of  metamorphic 
cretaceous  rock  are  embraced  by  the  Coast  Range  with 
its  numerous  spurs  and  peaks,  of  which  only  three  rise 
above  5,000  feet.  On  one  side  they  present  mostly 
an  abrupt  and  forbidding  front,  while  the  other  side 


142  LOTOS-LAND. 

melts  away  in  soft  verdant  or  tawny  hills.  Although 
less  majestic,  they  form  in  their  extent  and  location 
the  main  orographic  feature,  and  help  to  frame  the 
many  fertile  valleys  of  the  country,  with  their  waving 
wild  grass  and  native  groves  and  vines.  The  lead 
ing  chain,  interlocking  with  the  dominant  Sierra  at 
Mount  Shasta  in  the  north  and  Mount  Pinos  in  the 
south,  forms  that  huge  basin,  the  great  valley  of  Cali 
fornia,  famed  for  its  golden  wealth,  first  in  yellow 
metal,  subsequently  in  yellow  grain. 

Trickling  from  the  side  of  the  Sierra,  fed  by  the 
melting  snow,  now  hoarsely  tumbling  over  rocky  ob 
structions,  now  creeping  sullenly  through  gloomy 
canons,  settling  in  silent  crystal  pools,  and  shooting 
swiftly  on  in  broad,  shallow  rapids,  the  Sacramento 
and  San  Joaquin  wend  their  tortuous  way  down  to 
the  quiet  plains.  Under  the  influence  of  the  warm 
sun  upon  the  snow  above,  and  the  coolness  of  the 
night,  their  clear,  cold  waters  rise  and  fall  each  day 
with  the  regularity  of  the  tide.  From  the  wooded 
valleys  lying  between  the  parallel  ridges,  springs 
shoot  up  and  send  their  rivulets  to  swell  the  larger 
streams.  A  series  of  singularly  regular  table  hills, 
rising  into  mountains  farther  up,  where  they  assume 
the  form  of  battlements,  with  all  the  angles  of  regular 
fortifications  and  bastioned  wings  and  front,  mark  the 
course  of  these  headwaters  for  many  miles.  The 
table  mountains,  for  from  fifty  to  two  hundred  feet 
from  their  flat  tops,  present  a  blank,  cheerless  surface, 
with  perpendicular  sides,  then  slope  off  in  uneven 
descent,  with  here  and  there  small  indentations  con 
taining  a  few  stunted  trees  and  meagre  vegetation. 

There  are  no  outlets  offered,  aside  from  mountain 
passes,  save  the  portal  pierced  by  the  mighty  streams 
through  the  Carquinez  Straits  and  the  Golden  Gate. 
That  rush  of  waters  drained  the  inland  sea  once  left  by 
receding  ocean,  and  still  drains  its  relic  in  the  bay  of 
San  Francisco,  ever  widening  the  channels  which  are 
still  too  narrow  or  shallow  for  the  swelling  spring 


VALLEYS  AND  STREAMS.  143 

flow.  It  is  in  truth  two  valleys  merged  in  one,  with 
two  great  rivers  that  join  in  sisterly  embrace  near 
the  outlet,  forming  one  continuous  line.  Each  pre 
sents  a  beaut  jful  leaf-like  ramification  of  tributaries, 
one  hundred  and  twenty  miles  long  on  an  average, 
flowing  from  the  east  as  the  higher  slope,  owing  to 
the  greater  upheaval  of  the  Sierra  and  its  heavier 
wash.  This  system  embraces  the  main  flow  of  the 
country;  a  few  minor  streams  fall  into  the  same  bay, 
the  rest  into  the  ocean  in  great  number,  but  small  in 
importance.  For  instance,  the  only  navigable  stream 
—and  that  only  near  its  mouth — south  of  the  bay  of 
San  Francisco  is  the  Salinas ;  all  south  of  that  are  by 
autumn  lost  in  the  sands  before  reaching  the  sea. 

The  five  eastern  tributaries  of  the  basin  partake  of 
the  romantic  interest  centring  in  the  country,  passing 
as  they  do  through  so  wide  a  range  of  altitude,  scenery, 
and  wealth.  From  the  sharply  profiled  sky-line  of 
the  great  Sierra,  where  the  snow-clouds  sweep  from 
peak  to  peak  through  the  cold  dry  ether,  and  falling, 
hang  in  glistening  festoons  from  pinnacle  and  dome, 
the  brook  leaps  down  in  boisterous  play,  entering  open 
vales  all  afoam  from  their  mad  race,  pausing  in  lacus 
trine  hollows,  rippling  over  shallows,  eddying  around 
rocks,  and  splashing  against  bowlders.  Descending 
farther,  the  gnarled  and  storm-whipped  conifers  which 
hover  about  the  limits  of  plant-life  are  soon  left,  the 
thinly  scattered  pines  gather  in  aroma-shedding  clus 
ters,  the  white  rocky  summits  are  shut  out  by  the 
deepening  foliage  of  stately  groves,  and  at  length  a 
belt  of  black,  compact  forest  is  entered,  vast  in  extent 
and  wildly  sublime,  bounded  by  earth-fractures,  fan 
tastic  with  buttress,  towers,  and  bastions.  Closely 
fitting  the  mountains  like  a  vesture,  rising  and  falling 
with  their  heaving  sides,  and  wrapping  their  limbs  in 
its  warm  velvety  folds,  a  robe  of  emerald  succeeds  a 
crown  of  hoary  white.  A  belt  of  billowy  forest  in 
tervenes  between  this  and  the  prairie-plain  below. 
Ranged  in  long  vistas  of  sweeping  colonnade,  or  gath- 


144  LOTOS-LAND. 

ered  in  dense  groups,  standing  aside  from  brambled 
crags  and  tufted  bluffs  to  let  in  the  glowing  sunshine, 
are  myriads  of  barbed  arrow-shafts  and  fluted  green 
spires  piercing  the  sky,  sable  points  of  pine  flanking 
the  Sierra,  and  drooping  plumes  of  swarthy  cypress 
and  closely  interwoven  firs  and  cedars  casting  cold 
shadows  on  the  earth,  and  roofing  it  in  infinite  verdure. 

Then  the  ocean-seeking  stream  emerges  upon  a  hilly 
bench  sloping  roughly  toward  the  plain,  and  covered 
with  red  metalliferous  earth,  blushingly  conscious  of 
its  embosomed  treasures.  Here  along  this  western  base 
of  the  Sierra,  from  Siskiyou  to  San  Diego,  stretches 
the  famous  gold  belt  of  California;  with  its  thousands 
of  dead  streams,  soon  to  be  flooded  by  currents  of 
human  toilers  inflowing  from  every  corner  of  a  tributary 
world.  A  general  dryness  characterizes  this  region, 
as  if  nature,  exhausted  in  her  mightier  efforts  above, 
paused  before  entering  upon  the  more  delicate  tracery 
of  the  valley.  Rising  duskily  from  the  plain,  and 
fringing  the  background  wall  of  dark  green  firs  with 
golden-berried  manzanita  and  polished  madrono,  with 
antlered  maple  and  dogwood,  the  Sierra  foothills 
present  their  own  peculiar  aspect.  Their  rusty  vege 
tation  and  dull  gray  undergrowth,  their  groves  of 
dwarfed  pine  trimmed  with  large  broad-spreading  oak, 
accord  well  with  the  scorched  soil  and  lurid,  coppery 
tone.  Even  air  and  sky  seem  significant  of  the  met 
allurgical  processes  which  have  here  been  going  on 
since  time  began. 

Much  of  the  barrenness  is  due  to  the  age  of  frost, 
which  in  the  building  of  the  Sierra  succeeded  the  age 
of  fire.  Slowly  creeping  down  the  mountain,  its 
monster  glaciers  forced  their  way  through  earth  and 
solid  rock,  and  ribbed  the  western  slope  from  top  to 
bottom,  at  intervals  of  twenty  or  thirty  miles,  with 
eroded  canons  and  serpentine  chasms.  Lesser  furrows 
were  ploughed  between,  and  thus  the  Sierra's  base 
was  sculptured  into  a  maze  of  foothills.  Then  there 
was  the  widening  process  by  the  rains  of  winter  and 


FURTHER  CONFIGURATIONS.  145 

the  melted  snow  of  summer,  which  came  in  rushing 
brooks  and  vaulting  torrents,  freighted  with  earth  and 
rock  and  gold,  heaping  up  the  old  moraine,  and  mak 
ing  ready  for  the  grand  carnival. 

A  little  farther  and  the  streams  enter  the  level  plain, 
gliding  dreamily  past  old  and  festooned  oaks  along  the 
grassy  banks,  finally  to  merge  and  enter  all  together 
into  the  great  receptacle.  The  course  of  the  two  main 
rivers  differs  more  than  that  of  the  tributaries.  The 
San  Joaquin,  rising  in  a  vast  expanse  of  morass  cen 
tring  round  Tulare  Lake,  flows  through  marshy  soil, 
somewhat  turbid,  yet  still  free  from  the  yellow  tinge 
that  after  1848  testified  to  the  disembowelling  along 
the  eastern  base.  The  Sacramento  runs  for  a  long 
distance  in  the  midst  of  striking  mountain  scenerv  ere 

O  t/ 

it  enters  the  broad  plain  to  expand  between  the  fenny 
banks. 

The  space  enclosed  by  the  two  ranges  is  character 
ized  by  grand  beauty  of  topography,  of  uneven  har 
mony,  and  uniform  irregularities  of  surface.  For 
hundreds  of  miles  the  great  central  plain,  fertile  as  the 
valley  of  the  Nile,  extends  flat  as  a  prairie  and  almost 
without  a  break,  swaying  from  side  to  side,  narrowing 
between  the  low  red  hills  and  bolder  headknds  thrown 
out  from  either  range ;  then  widening  so  as  to  embrace 
the  ever-moving  landscapes,  the  rusty  ridges  and  flu- 
viatile  ravines,  and  clusters  of  piquant,  saucy  hills  and 
circular  glens.  Mark  its  meandering  watercourses 
winding  round  the  green-enamelled  glacis,  and  creeping 
with  gentle  murmurs  through  the  tules,  or  round  sol 
itary  buttes,  with  crests  wreathed  in  soft  silvery  cloud- 
mantles,  which  rise  abruptly  from  a  plain  carpeted 
with  long,  wavy  grass !  It  sweeps  round  the  arena, 
rising  here  and  there  in  long  undulations,  and  throw 
ing  itself  in  angry  waves  upon  the  base  of  the  Sierra, 
and  finally  breaks  into  a  chain  of  open  plains  whose 
links  are  formed  by  forest-clad  promontories,  which 
sometimes  extend  half-way  across  the  valley,  and  cut 
it  into  transverse  sections  of  successive  ridges  and  in- 

CAL.  PAST.,  VOL.  I.    10 


146  LOTOS-LAND 

tervening  glades,  their  sides  fretted  with  rivulets  and 
flashing  cascades  winding  in  successive  leaps  and  rests 
down  to  a  base  garnished  with  blazing  yellow  and 
purple  flowers,  arid  expanding  into  smiling  vales,  like 
isle-dotted  estuaries  of  the  ocean.  The  Coast  Range 
with  its  series  of  ranges  is  full  of  these  long  valleys, 
running  parallel  with  the  coast,  some  exposed  to  the 
winds  and  fogs  of  the  ocean,  others  so  sheltered  as  to 
enjoy  an  almost  tropical  climate.  All  of  them  may 
be  classed  among  the  loveliest  spots  of  earth,  our  lotos- 
land  still  remaining  apart,  unapproachable. 

Round  the  whole  circumference  of  the  valley  of 
California,  clustered  like  a  great  diamond  set  in  a  circle 
of  diamonds,  this  system  of  minor  valleys  extends,  in 
tricate  and  confusing  at  the  northern  end,  but  more 
simple  toward  the  south.  Most  of  the  smaller  ones 
are  oblong  in  shape,  and  have  a  level  surface.  Far 
up  the  sides  of  the  Sierra,  even,  hundreds  of  them  are 
found,  well-watered,  fertile,  and  exceedingly  beautiful. 
The  soil  in  fche  great  valley  consists  chiefly  of  rich, 
deep  loam,  covered  in  places  by  beds  of  drift.  At  the 
northern  end,  where  the  plain  rises  and  blends  with  the 
foothills,  the  surface  is  red  and  gravelly ;  but  south 
ward,  and  throughout  almost  the  entire  area  of  the 
great  and  small  valleys,  for  purposes  of  agriculture 
the  soil  exceeds  in  richness  the  most  favored  districts 
of  France,  Italy,  or  the  Rhine. 

Much  is  idyllic,  park-like  land,  with  natural  mead 
ows  arabesque  with  tawny  wild-oat  fields,  patches  of 
blossoming  pea,  and  golden  mustard  beds  sown  and 
husbanded  by  nature,  and  interspersed  with  indige 
nous  vineyards,  fruit  thickets,  and  fairy  flower-gardens 
laid  out  in  exquisite  pattern,  stars  and  crosses  and 
chaplets  of  yellow,  purple,  white,  and  red;  all  varie 
gated  with  scraggy,  scattering  oaks,  clustering  groves, 
and  clumps  of  undergrowth,  freckled  by  the  shadows 
of  floating  clouds,  and  lighted  by  trembling  lakes  and 
lakelets,  shining  tule  lagoons,  and  rivers  which  now 
race  through  the  canons  like  frightened  herds,  then 


CLIMATIC  FEATURES  147 

with  muffled  feet  roam  the  low-lying  Lombardy  plains; 
canopies  of  glistening  foliage  flushed  with  misty  sun 
shine,  with  branches  densely  matted  into  a  smooth, 
continuous  belt  of  russet  gold  and  green.  Warm,  sen 
suous  life  is  filling  lowland,  lawn,  and  meadow,  and 
fringing  the  foothills  which  here  and  there  crop  out 
in  little  zones  of  timbered  land,  crowned  by  beech  and 
birch,  ash,  myrtle,  and  laurel,  or  garlanding  with 
tulips  and  wild  onion,  flax  and  prickly  chaparral,  the 
smooth-browed  hills  that  rise  from  these  seas  of  ver 
dure. 

The  foggy  district,  or  seaward  side  of  the  northern 
section  of  the  Coast  Range,  is  clad  in  majestic  forests 
of  redwood,  which  overspread  its  sides  like  the  shadow 
of  the  Eternal;  while  the  southern  section,  and  inner 
ridges  and  valleys  of  the  range,  are  smooth  and  bare, 
and  dotted  at  intervals  with  orchard-like  oak  gather 
ings,  groves  of  stately  arbutus,  azalea,  and  royal 
laurel,  and  red  hills  covered  with  maple,  hazel,  berry- 
bearing  bushes,  red-stalked,  glistening  manzanita,  sub 
dued  pines  of  balsamic  odor,  and  tangled  solitudes  of 
annual  and  perennial  plants  and  sweet-smelling  shrubs, 
mustard  plains,  heather  wastes,  and  meadows,  all 
drinking  in  the  morning  vapors.  Trailing  through 
the  valleys  are  long  lines  of  sycamore,  garnished  with 
mistletoe,  and  on  every  side  lakelets  of  blue  lupine, 
golden  buttercups,  fleurs-de-lis,  white  lilies,  and  dainty 
hare-bells,  tessallated  beds  of  purple  larkspur  and 
thistle-blossoms,  white  and  variegated  convallaria  and 
wild  honeysuckles  woven  in  fairy  network,  crypto- 
gamous  and  delicate  ferns,  and  over  all  presiding  vener 
able  oaks,  bearded  with  long  flowing  moss  of  silver- 
gray.  The  madrono,  with  its  smooth  bronze  trunk  and 
curling  bark,  its  blood-red  branches  and  varnished, 
waxen  leaves,  fit  garniture  for  a  murderer's  grave,  is 
at  Monterey  a  stately  tree,  but  northward  dwindles 
to  a  shrub.  Here,  also,  nature  spreads  her  green  car 
pet  in  autumn  and  takes  it  up  in  summer. 

The  animal  kingdom  is  no  less  profuse.     Pelican 


148  LOTOS-LAND 

and  sea-gull  fish  together  in  the  bays;  seals  and  sea- 
lions  bask  and  bark  upon  the  islands  of  the  shore; 
myriads  of  noisy  wild  fowl  fill  the  lakes  and  tule- 
marshes ;  the  streams  and  ocean  swarm  with  salmon- 
trout  and  cod  and  herring;  lions,  panthers,  and  the 
great  grizzly  bear  roam  the  forests,  preying  upon 
elk  and  deer;  hares  and  rabbits  fill  the  underbrush; 
coyotes  howl  upon  the  hillside  at  night,  and  by  day 
sneak  around  the  edges  of  watercourses;  the  plains 
are  perforated  by  ground-squirrels;  and  larks,  robins, 
and  tufted  quail  make  the  luxuriant  wild  oats  their 
covert. 

Here  birds  and  beasts  may  rest  content  and  never 
migrate,  their  little  journeys  between  valley  and  moun 
tain  being  scarcely  more  than  an  afternoon's  ramble. 
Piping  on  the  tangled  hillside  is  heard  the  soft  note  of 
the  curlew,  likewise  the  rustling  of  the  pheasant,  the 
chirrup  of  the  blackbird,  the  whistling  of  the  par 
tridge,  and  the  sweet  songs  of  the  robin  and  meadow- 
lark.  Even  the  prudent  bee,  careless  for  the  future, 
sometimes  leaves  neglected  the  honey-bearing  flowers 
and  fails  to  lay  in  a  winter's  store.  To  elk  and  ante 
lope,  deer  and  bear,  hill  and  plain,  scorched  by  summer 
sun  or  freshened  by  winter  rains,  are  one ;  bounteous 
nature  brings  forth  the  tender  verdure,  cures  the 
grass,  and  provides  the  acorns.  Here  is  no  frozen 
winter,  and  before  the  white  man  came  to  stir  the 
ground,  no  damp,  malarious  summer;  cool,  invigorat 
ing  nights  succeed  the  warmest  days.  Ice  and  snow, 
banished  hence,  sit  cold  and  stolid  on  distant  peaks, 
staring  back  into  the  face  of  the  sun  his  impotent 
rays,  and  throwing  its  eternal  glare  over  the  perspir 
ing  earth  and  back  to  mother  ocean. 

In  the  survey  of  grand  scenery,  distance  always 
lends  enchantment;  in  California,  distance  covers  the 
naked  earth,  fills  up  spaces  which  intervene  between 
clumps  of  foliage,  mats  the  thin  grass  into  lawns  invit 
ing  to  repose,  tones  down  rugged  deformities,  bridges 
aDDalling  chasms,  blends  colors,  veils  the  hills  in  purple 


WONDERS  OF  NATURE.  149 

gauze,  and  casts  a  halo  over  the  remoter  mountains; 
until  the  landscape,  cold  and  forbidding  perhaps 
under  closer  scrutiny,  fades  away  in  warm,  dreamy 
perspective.  Nowhere  on  earth  do  landscapes  display 
so  great  a  variety  of  tints  and  shades.  Italy  may 
boast  the  blue  haze,  but  only  Californian  skies  disclose 
the  golden. 

Besides  these  qualities  of  land  and  sky  and  water, 
ever  varying  and  inspiring,  ever  revealing  fresh  re 
sources  and  new  blessings,  there  are  natural  wonders, 
the  show-grounds  of  our  lotos-land,  unsurpassed  for 
their  beauty,  grandeur,  and  marvel.  Instance  the 
Yosemite  chasm,  with  its  series  of  stupendous  domes 
and  peaks,  of  perpendicular  walls  nearly  a  mile  in 
height,  of  rushing  cascades  fed  by  glaciers,  and  its 
succession  of  waterfalls  matchless  in  height  and  strik 
ing  features.  Within  the  radius  of  less  than  half  a 
dozen  miles  is  here  presented  a  combination  of  magnifi 
cence  which  lures  travellers  from  every  corner  of  the 
globe,  and  leaves  them  impressed  with  ineffaceable 
awe  and  admiration.  And  this  plateau-rent  has  its 
counterpart,  or  nearly  so,  in  the  Hetch-hetchy. 
Along  the  approaches  to  both  are  numerous  groves  of 
mammoth  trees  that  rise  from  pedestals  of  more  than 
thirty  feet  in  diameter,  into  majestic  proportions  and 
height,  or  lie  in  petrified  masses.  There  are  natural 
arches  and  bridges,  three  hundred  feet  in  span,  formed 
by  burrowing  rivers,  and  caves  with  stalactite  and 
tortuous  chambers;  and  there  are  bubbling  lakes  and 
springs  of  miraculous  virtue,  among  them  the  world- 
famed  geysers,  fuming  and  spurting  their  steam  and 
heated  water,  hissing  and  roaring  under  the  volcanic 
forces  that  impel  them;  weird  in  aspect,  and  Plutonic 
in  their  many  local  appellations. 

Everything  is  great  and  glorious,  compact  and 
peculiar,  in  this  favored  country;  in  soil  and  climate, 
resources  and  enjoyments,  it  more  than  verifies  the 
glowing  scenes  ascribed  to  an  ever-retreating  Hes- 
perides,  even  to  the  doubling  of  the  golden  apples,  in 


150  LOTOS-LAND. 

glittering  rnetal,  and  in  fruit  of  orange  groves  and 
orchards.  Here,  at  the  world's  end,  nature  has  in 
truth  made  the  last  and  supreme  effort  toward  a  mas 
terpiece. 

Thus  dreamily  the  Pacific  had  slept  the  sleep  of  the 
ages,  its  waters  unploughed  save  by  whale  and  por 
poise,  its  sunny  islands  breaking  into  ripples  the  sea's 
lazy  swells,  or  frowning  back  the  laboring  tempest. 
Thus  ages  have  rolled  along,  centuries  have  come  and 
gone,  while  no  stranger  approached  the  gilded  shore. 
And  now,  silent  as  a  snow-bound  canon  of  the  Sierra, 
lonely  as  night  on  a  moon-lit  lake,  beautiful  as  un 
folding  womanhood  upon  whose  face  the  rude  gaze  of 
man  hath  never  brought  a  blush,  sits  California,  on 
the  shore  of  a  great  sailless  sea,  the  world's  divinest 
poem,  all  unsung  save  by  the  waters  that  murmur 
their  presence  at  her  feet,  save  by  the  mountain  birds 
and  wild  fowl,  the  land  beasts  and  water  beasts,  that 
raise  their  voices  to  scare  away  the  stillness;  all  hid 
den  and  unknown  her  blushing  beauties  and  her 
treasures,  save  to  the  native  men  and  women,  who, 
clothed  in  the  innocence  of  Eden,  creep  through  the 
chaparral,  or  lie  listless  on  the  bank  beside  their  rustic 
rancheria. 

"Let  us  swear  an  oath,  and  keep  it  with  an  equal  mind, 
In  the  hollow  Lotos-land  to  live,  and  lie  reclined 
On  the  hills  like  gods  together,  careless  of  mankind." 


CHAPTEE    V. 

OPPOSING  FORCES. 

The  visage  of  the  hangman  frights  not  me! 
The  sight  of  whips,  racks,  gibbets,  axes,  fires, 
Are  scaffoldings  on  which  my  soul  climbs  up 
To  an  eternal  habitation. 

Massinger. 

WHILE  the  happy  wild  man  lay  outstretched  upon 
the  softly  rounded  promontory,  lay  and  sunned  him 
self,  lulled  by  the  low,  murmuring  tones  of  ocean, 
dreaming  half  awake  of  the  fishing  presently  to  be 
done,  of  the  early  morrow's  hunt,  the  periodic  raid 
upon  his  neighbor,  too  long  postponed;  his  faithful 
wives  meanwhile  catching  grasshoppers,  and  curing 
savory  reptiles  for  the  future  food-supply — while  these 
and  other  necessary  measures  in  the  aboriginal  econ 
omy  were  being  carried  out,  there  came  to  these 
Arcadian  shores  men  from  afar,  from  beyond  the 
great  waters,  men  of  fairer  skins,  and  subtler  brains, 
and  more  determined  purpose  than  the  isolated  Indian 
could  hope  to  have — they  came  to  tell  the  happy 
wild  man  that  it  was  all  a  mistake:  a  mistake  first 
that  he  had  not  been  created  differently,  arid  secondly, 
that  he  had  been  made  at  all.  In  any  event,  he  was 
in  the  wrong  place,  and  in  fact  was  altogether  wrong 
himself. 

He  had  his  gods,  other  men  had  theirs;  other  men 
were  stronger  than  he,  and  their  gods  were  stronger 
than  his  gods.  If  he  would  abandon  the  gods  of  his 
fathers,  and  disclaim  all  ownership  to  the  land  of  his 
fathers,  then  the  incoming  and  more  righteous  men 

151 


152  OPPOSING  FORCES. 

and  gods  would  permit  them  to  live,  and  walk  upon 
the  ground,  and  breathe  the  air,  and  feel  the  sunshine, 
otherwise  they  should  be  killed,  they  and  their  wives 
arid  their  little  ones;  for  it  is  thus  that  the  stronger 
men  and  gods  decree,  even  as  these  wild  men  bear 
themselves  toward  one  another.  The  difference  be 
tween  them  was  only  on  the  surface.  All  men  at 
heart  are  still  brutes. 

This  was  the  lesson  these  gentle  savages  were  now 
to  be  taught;  they  had  never  known  it  else.  Hitherto, 
on  their  hills  and  in  their  canons,  these  lords  aborigi 
nal  had  themselves  dwelt  like  Olympian  deities,  con 
tent  with  their  nectar  and  ambrosia,  and  careless  of 
the  joys  or  woes  of  the  busy  world  without,  careless  of 
the  meanings  of  mankind,  careless  of  the  weariness 
and  heaviness  of  heart  of  others,  of  wars  and  revolu 
tions,  of  biting  want  and  pestilence,  of  seas  tumultuous 
and  deserts  scorching,  of  Christian  butcheries,  of  politi 
cal  snarlings,  of  joy-dispelling  books,  of  inquisitions,  of 
murky,  reptile-breeding  prisons,  of  penitential  castiga- 
tions,  of  hunger,  cold,  and  heat,  of  wars  on  evil,  the 
moanings  of  progress,  and  the  creaking  wheels  of  civil 
ization. 

All  that  was  bright  and  sunny,  all  that  savored  of 
out-of-doors,  belonged  to  them.  They  were  cheerful 
and  thoughtless  and  trifling,  but  they  were  not  morose, 
or  melancholy,  or  sad.  They  were  human  and  child 
like  as  Homeric  heroes  in  their  petulance  and  tears. 
Enough  they  had  both  of  gods  gloomy  and  gods  sunny ; 
but  though  the  evil  spirits  cried  aloud,  there  was  al 
ways  at  hand  a  certain  escape.  Sure  I  am  the  gods 
of  their  warm,  billowy  shore  were  sunny  deities,  how 
ever  black  the  priests  may  have  painted  them. 

Hitherto  the  savage  had  supposed  himself — if  in 
deed  he  thought  at  all — one  with  his  environment;  of 
hills  and  vales,  of  ocean  and  sky,  of  trees  and  fruits 
and  game,  a  part.  He  had  his  theory  of  how  all  these 
came  about,  how  the  world  was  made — though  not 
imagining  that  it  extended  far  beyond  the  mountains 


COMING  OF  THE  MISSIONARIES.  153 

yonder — how  man  was  created,  and  whither  he  goes 
when  he  leaves  this  world.  His  conceptions  were  cruder 
than  those  of  the  Europeans;  nevertheless,  he  had  the 
same  right  to  them  that  the  Europeans  had  to  theirs, 
and  who  shall  say  where  none  know  which  was  right 
or  wrong? 

Whosoever  his  creator,  and  for  whatsoever  purpose 
made,  the  California  savage  was  fulfilling  the  design 
of  that  being  concerning  him.  He  was  not,  as  the 
incoming  strangers  would  say,  an  interloper  in  this 
world,  and  occupying  ground  which  should  be  put  to 
better  use;  the  same  agency  or  being  that  made  this 
charming  lotos-land  placed  in  it  these  dark-skinned 
children  of  nature,  perhaps  to  develop  into  something 
fairer  and  better,  perhaps  to  be  slain  by  men  from 
other  lands,  or  civilized  and  christianized  out  of  this 
world  into  happier  realms. 

However  this  may  have  been,  it  was  while  nature 
was  warm  and  fragrant,  and  humanity  here  was  free, 
uncursed  by  conventionalisms,  that  these  men  came— 
holy  men,  they  called  themselves,  men  of  God,  priests, 
padres,  friars,  monks,  at  all  events,  missionaries,  in 
long  gray  gowns,  with  shaven  head,  slightly  bent 
in  attitude  of  circumspection,  with  book  and  beads 
whereby  to  hold  communion  with  the  great  Jehovah 
who  lives  beyond  the  sky,  on  the  other  side  of  chaos, 
in  the  realm  of  the  illimitable.  There  were  also 
others,  not  holy,  but  bearing  firelocks  and  swords  and 
spears,  to  kill  men  with ;  one  clan  being  by  profession 
soul-savers,  the  other  destroyers  of  men's  bodies. 

"Why  come  they  hither?"  the  wondering  wild  man 
asks.  "What  do  they  desire?"  "What  would  they 
have  us  do?"  "Why  did  they  leave  their  homes  if 
they  are  honest  folk  and  have  honest  homes?" 

"Peace,  savage!  What  should  you  know  of  the 
great  doctrines  of  salvation,  the  nature  and  attributes 
of  the  trinity,  of  mediation,  transubstantiation,  im 
maculate  conception,  and  the  rest  ?  What  should  you 
know  of  missionary  labor — you  whose  mission  it  is  to 


154  OPPOSING  FORCES. 

eat  and  sleep,  hunt  a  little,  fight  a  little,  but  in  all 
things  taking  God  at  his  word,  not  trying  to  interfere 
with  his  plans,  or  improve  his  handiwork? 

Like  you,  these  men  have  their  traditions  regard 
ing  the  origin  and  end  of  things,  tales  told  when  the 
world  was  young,  and  intellect  clouded,  and  men  were 
very,  very  ignorant — as  ignorant  as  you,  poor  shock- 
head  !  Yet  it  is  from  these  poor  and  ignorant  men 
who  lived  many  thousand  years  ago,  and  who  knew 
much  less  than  men  know  now,  but  who  believed  all 
the  more  knowing  so  little,  and  whose  imaginative  and 
inventive  faculties  were  quite  good  for  filling  gaps- 
it  is  from  such  as  these  that  we  are  supposed  to  receive 
all  our  knowledge  of  the  creator  of  the  universe,  his 
character  and  attributes,  his  ways  and  works,  and  of 
heaven,  his  dwelling-place,  and  of  hell,  where  lives  his 
great  enemy  Satan,  whom  the  omnipotent  cannot 
wholly  overcome,  though  he  be  called  omnipotent, 
still  being  unable  fully  to  cope  with  this  adversary. 

These  who  are  now  wending  their  way  hither, 
round  through  the  canons  and  over  the  rolling  hills, 
sleeping  under  the  madrono,  or  in  the  clustered  man- 
zanita,  eating  their  frugal  meal  by  the  clear  running 
water,  and  praying  into  the  inhabited  heavens — these 
sainted  strangers  are  coming  hither  to  do  you  good, 
to  tell  you  what  the  ignorant  and  superstitious  of  ages 
past  said  of  the  supernatural,  and  to  ask  you  to  be 
lieve  it.  They  bring  their  formulas  and  ceremonials, 
and  tell  you  thus  and  so;  if  you  accept  their  state 
ments — which  I  grant  is  somewhat  difficult  for  a  rea 
sonable  savage  to  do — well ;  then  you  shall  be  permitted 
to  wait  upon  them,  and  work  for  them,  build  houses, 
tend  cattle,  and  till  lands  for  them;  you  shall  pray 
like  them,  and  bless  and  curse  as  do  they;  and  when 
you  all  die,  you  shall  follow  them  to  the  happy  heaven 
they  tell  about,  and  wait  upon  them  there.  If  you  re 
fuse  their  proffered  benefits,  which  they  have  come  so 
far  and  suffered  such  tribulation  to  bestow,  then  these 
with  the  firelocks  and  steel  will  shoot  you  dead,  and 


THEORY  OF  PROSELYTISM.  155 

cut  you  in  pieces,  you  and  your  wives  and  little  ones ; 
for  so  their  masters  bid  them  do. 

They  have  come  to  tell  you  that  you  are  very 
wicked,  while  they  are  very  good;  to  tell  you  that  the 
maker  of  this  universe  is  their  particular  friend,  that 
they  know  him  well,  and  all  about  him — his  impulses, 
thoughts,  desires,  and  purposes;  and  that  they  are 
specially  commissioned  by  this  almighty  one  to  come 
to  this  lotos-land  and  tell  the  people  here  that  they 
are  all  bad,  altogether  bad,  vile,  miserable  sinners, 
fit  only  to  be  cut  in  pieces,  unless  they  will  say  that 
they  believe  what  is  now  being  told  them,  in  which 
case  they  shall  some  day  go  to  heaven,  there  to  sit 
and  sing  the  praises  of  their  masters  throughout  all 
eternity,  while  watching  with  holy  satisfaction  the 
writhings  of  the  tortured  who  never  had  so  said. 

It  was  quite  a  mistake  on  the  part  of  the  creator 
to  have  made  you  at  all,  redskin  brother,  and  unless 
we  can  improve  his  handiwork  we  shall  murder  you. 
We  do  not  know  how  a  perfect  being  can  produce 
imperfect  work,  but  we  know  that  it  is  so — and  be 
sides,  we  want  this  land,  and  we  must  have  it;  so 
speak  quickly,  for  we  must  know  whether  we  are  to 
kill  you,  or  only  cultivate  you  to  death. "  Thus  came 
the  serpent  civilization  into  this  Eden,  and  the  inhabi 
tants  thereof  from  that  moment  were  doomed. 

Again  the  wild  man  asks,  "What  benefit  should 
flow  from  this  serene  and  heavenly  life?"  And  the 
answer  is,  "Besides  religion,  your  beasts  and  reptiles 
and  birds  of  prey  will  be  exterminated,  the  wilderness 
will  be  turned  into  a  garden,  famines  will  cease,  pesti 
lence  will  be  controlled,  physical  forces  now  antago 
nistic  to  your  well-being  will  be  subjugated,  and  you 
will  be  less  dependent  on  fitful  nature. 

"You  do  not  want  them,  you  say,  or  their  religion. 
You  are  better  off  as  you  are,  as  the  real  and  true 
creator  made  you  and  placed  you,  and  you  do  not 
believe  that  their  traditions,  or  knowledge  of  the  un 
knowable,  are  better  than  vours,  or  that  they  know 


156  OPPOSING  FORCES. 

more  than  you  of  what  they  have  never  seen,  of  what 
no  one  has  ever  seen — for  surely  they  could  not  ask 
you,  you  say,  ignorant  and  superstitious  though  you 
are,  to  accept  as  true  what  other  ignorant  and  super 
stitious  men  said  they  saw  ages  and  ages  ago.  And 
if  the  strong  white  man  has  the  right  to  take  the 
lands  of  the  weak  red  man  because  he  does  not  make 
the  best  use  of  them,  may  not  any  one  who  is  able 
take  the  possessions  of  another  on  the  same  ground  ? 
And  why  do  they  wish  to  persuade  or  force  you  to 
accept  their  faith ;  and  what  would  they  say  were  you 
to  cross  the  ocean  and  endeavor  to  thrust  your  religion 
down  their  throats?" 

Ah!  gentle  savage,  these  are  pertinent  questions. 
There  are  several  reasons  why  they  wish  you  to  accept 
their  faith.  The  principles  upon  which  proselyting 
stand  are  benevolence,  superstition,  and  selfishness. 
Probably  the  last  named  should  be  placed  first.  These 
men  firmly  believe  that  by  making  converts  to  their 
faith,  as  they  call  it,  they  will  be  most  liberally  paid 
for  it  after  their  death.  They  have  many  maxims  to 
this  effect.  They  will  shine  as  stars;  they  will  have 
a  high  seat  in  heaven;  they  will  in  many  ways  be 
specially  favored  by  their  heavenly  father,  all  the  while 
having  the  satisfaction,  as  I  have  said,  of  seeing  those 
who  would  not  listen  to  them  broiling  in  regions  below. 

Again,  if  you  accept  their  religion  you  accept  them, 
and  their  earthly  master,  the  king  of  Spain;  you  must 
give  up  your  liberties  and  your  lands,  and  work  for 
them,  thereby  making  them  rich  and  comfortable 
even  in  this  life,  so  that  they  secure  a  foretaste  of 
heaven  here.  Piety  with  property  is  great  gain,  my 
good  savage. 

Then,  too,  strange  as  it  may  seem,  believing  what 
they  tell  you  is  true,  it  is  natural,  not  only  for  reli 
gionists  but  for  scientists  and  all  who  have  any  enthu 
siasm  in  what  they  think  and  do,  to  endeavor  to  win 
over  to  their  way  of  thinking  as  many  as  possible. 
This  proselyting  spirit  is  all  well  enough  within  proper 


MISSIONARY  WORK.  157 

limits;  it  is  well  enough  so  long  as  sound  reasoning 
only  is  employed,  and  not  steel  and  gunpowder.  Co 
ercion  in  this  direction  is  the  greatest  of  crimes.  In 
propagating  creeds,  or  in  moral  conquest,  conversion, 
or  proselyting,  men  are  secured  more  easily  being  led 
than  driven.  Argument  has  little  to  do  with  conversion 
in  savage  minds,  but  example  much,  and  food  and  trink 
ets  more.  Let  a  superior  race  practise  pompously 
any  tenets,  I  care  not  what  they  are,  among  savage 
peoples,  and  the  doctrines  so  promulgated  will  prove 
catching.  See  how  radically  in  political  matters  a 
leading  mind  can  change  opinion  throughout  the  entire 
community.  So  a  strong-minded  missionary  will  con 
vert  his  thousands  and  make  them  do  his  bidding  by 
sheer  force  of  will. 

These  missionaries  are  men  of  sublime  heroism,  of 
unbounded  faith,  of  limitless  credulity.  In  their 
devotion  to  their  faith  they  are  as  firm  as  Abdiel, 
upon  whom  Satan's  eloquence  urging  heaven  to  revolt 
fell  powerless.  They  have  been  told  that  it  is  the 
thing  to  do  to  convert  the  heathen,  to  make  them 
stand  still  while  they  mumble  dogmas  and  scatter 
water  over  them.  Therefore  they  do  not  fear.  Man 
can  do  them  no  harm,  for  if  killed  they  enter  heaven 
at  once.  And  in  truth,  some  of  them  seemed  as 
hard  to  kill  as  Saint  Cecilia,  who,  kept  of  Christ, 
felt  it  no  woe  to  be  shut  in  a  hot  bath,  and  whose  fair 
neck  the  executioner  could  by  no  chance  smite  in  two. 

Muscular  strength  was  the  Greek  ideal  of  manly 
character;  strength  through  weakness,  that  of  the 
Christian.  Anaesthetic  fanaticism  does  much  for  those 
called  to  suffer  martyrdom.  The  dull,  unintellectual 
nature  of  the  extreme  bigot  renders  him  in  some 
measure  insensible  to  suffering. 

Regarding  the  matter  after  the  manner  of  men,  the 
aboriginal  inhabitants  of  our  lotos-land  have  existed 
long  enough.  They  have  accomplished  their  destiny 
and  are  ready  to  die.  Their  work  is  done.  That  for 
which  they  are  here  is  upon  the  original  basis  con- 


158  OPPOSING  FORCES. 

eluded;  there  is  nothing  further  for  them  to  do,  and 
they  can  accomplish  nothing  on  a  new  basis — for  they 
cannot  shift  their  position. 

The  early  conquerors  believed  themselves  divinely 
inspired  to  discover  lands  and  christianize  the  people; 
we  of  to-day  see  in  it  all  the  natural  product  of  his 
torical  antecedents.  The  power  of  the  almighty  tem 
pered  their  steel.  "Ah!  thou  my  good  sword,  hail, 
bright  Toledo,  soul-saver,  slave-maker,  land-giver, 
gold-finder,  I  worship  thee !  Of  all  things,  what  can 
give  me  so  much  as  thou?  Sensuality  and  salvation, 
wealth  and  worship,  lust,  avarice,  and  immortal  glory. 
God  and  Satan  recompense  me  for  doing  devilish 
deeds  in  Christ's  name.  Cut  and  slash,  thou  sweet 
blood-letter,  thou  holy  hewer  of  quivering  flesh!  I 
bow  to  thee ! " 

In  the  solitude  and  gloomy  shade  of  their  wilder 
ness,  although  alone,  no  one  knowing  their  where 
abouts,  the  missionaries  felt,  at  all  events,  that  the 
eyes  of  God  were  upon  them — the  eyes  of  the  om 
nipotent  Jehovah,  of  the  Lord  Christ,  and  of  the  holy 
virgin,  stealing  through  soul  and  sense  like  the  gaze 
of  a  tender  mother,  which  penetrates  with  such  strong 
magnetic  influence  the  breast  of  her  not  wholly  uncon 
scious  sleeping  child.  Their  faith,  like  Mambrino's 
helmet,  rendered  them  invulnerable  to  evil.  They 
could  pray  for  a  safe  and  prosperous  journey  to  what^ 
ever  spot  God  pleased,  for  thither  were  they  bound, 
and  then  strike  out  boldly  and  confidently  into  the 
unknown,  trackless  wild.  To  them  the  loss  of  a  life 
was  insignificant  compared  to  the  loss  of  a  soul. 
Teaching,  as  they  did,  with  the  doctrines  of  their 
faith  the  arts  of  civilization,  these  missionaries  were 
in  the  strictest  economical  sense  productive  laborers. 
In  their  mission  were  united  all  the  utilities,  material, 
moral,  and  ideal.  And  every  opportunity  is  given 
heaven  to  bless  them;  they  always  leave  a  handle  for 
providence  to  take  hold  of,  as  the  Mussulman  leaves 
upon  his  shaven  crown  a  lock  for  the  angel's  hand  to 
grasp  while  being  borne  aloft  to  paradise. 


POWER  OF  PROSELYTING.  159 

Happy  combination !  Soldiers  for  Christ  and  soldiers 
for  the  king.  Christ  for  men,  and  men  for  souls, 
the  devil  helping,  taking  his  chance  of  securing  even 
some  of  the  elect  We  can  understand  how  the  king 
of  Spain  might  employ  soldiers;  but  that  the  Lord 
Christ  should  want  such  scrubby  things  as  these  going 
up  and  down  the  earth  killing  savages  for  him  is  past 
the  comprehension  of  all  wisdom.  A  little  learning 
made  priest  and  secretary  pretentious,  puffed  up  with 
proud  superiority.  And  in  their  own  eyes  the  Mexi 
can  soldiers  were  ever  cool,  gallant,  patriotic,  and  of 
inflexible  courage.  Their  hearts  swelled  with  high 
devotion  to  a  cause. 

In  the  new-comers  were  united  the  attributes  of 
settler  and  saint.  Like  Ulysses,  they  were  men  of 
pious  wiles,  these  missionary  fathers;  they  were  wise 
as  serpents,  though  not  always  as  harmless  as  doves. 
They  knew  how  to  captivate  and  capture  the  wild 
men.  First  they  entered  into  intimate  relationships 
with  them,  material  and  mental,  placing  themselves 
in  their  stead,  seeing  with  their  eyes,  thinking  their 
thoughts,  and  weighing  and  measuring  their  every 
idea  and  idiosyncrasy. 

At  the  outset  their  material  condition  must  be  im 
proved.  A  savage  can  understand  that  religion  is  a 
good  thing  when  it  feeds  and  clothes  him.  In  pro 
portion  to  the  presents  given  will  his  faith  be.  The 
St  Simonian  society  of  Jesuits  in  Paraguay,  uniting 
with  religion  a  community  of  worldly  interests,  brought 
the  minds  of  the  natives  under  such  control,  that  not 
withstanding  their  abhorrence  of  work,  they  submitted 
themselves  with  reverence  to  the  new  authority,  and 
labored  faithfully  for  the  community. 

Wealth  is  ever  the  precursor  of  civilization.  More 
than  that,  wealth  is  the  foundation-stone  of  religion. 
Of  all  intellectual  and  aesthetic  culture,  poverty  is  the 
enemy.  To  send  missionaries  among  the  savage 
heathen  with  empty  hands  avails  little.  Abstract  fu 
ture  good  they  cannot  understand,  but  food  and  proxi- 


160  OPPOSING  FORCES. 

mate  comforts  appeal  to  their  strongest  reason,  the 
seat  of  which  is  the  stomach.  Little  reaping  there 
will  be  if  with  the  word  there  be  not  also  sown 
wheat,  corn,  and  barley.  Little  fruit,  if  with  the 
formulas  of  faith  there  be  not  also  potatoes  planted, 
or  orange-trees,  or  olives.  To  civilize  poverty  is  im 
possible.  To  christianize  savage  ignorance  is  impos 
sible.  Feed  and  clothe  if  you  would  educate  and 
elevate.  Educate  and  elevate  if  you  would  christianize. 
Plant  the  valleys  and  cover  the  hills  with  herds ;  give 
savages  material  benefits  if  you  would  see  them  enjoy 
spiritual  comforts.  These  material  benefits  are  wealth, 
and  with  them  wealth  is  religion.  But  here  the 
blessed  strangers  are  upon  us.  And  the  pathway  of 
their  holy  zeal  is  as  beautiful  as  the  rainbow-bridge 
let  down  from  heaven  for  a  pathway  for  Iris  when  on 
an  errand  of  discord. 

Ave  Maria!  Santisima  madre  de  dios;  virgen  san- 
tisima !  Bells  wag  their  discordant  tongues  and  call 
to  prayers;  prayers  everywhere;  in  the  church  and 
over  the  hills,  about  the  granaries  and  gardens,  the 
storehouses  and  corrals;  prayers  by  the  padre,  by  the 
blooming  damsel,  and  the  shrivelled  old  woman,  by 
comandante,  hidalgo,  and  vaquero.  Pray,  brothers, 
pray!  Beseech  him  who  made  this  universe  to  finish 
it,  and  do  better  work  than  formerly;  beseech  him 
who  made  us  bad  now  to  make  us  good,  and  to  do  a 
a  little  better  by  us  every  way.  Pray,  and  peradven- 
ture  the  great  creator  will  change  his  mind  and  pur 
pose  because  we  ask  it — -we,  who  know  so  much  better 
what  this  world  should  be,  who  could  make  so  much 
better  a  world  had  we  the  power.  Then  pray,  broth 
ers,  pray !  and  we  shall  see  come  of  it  what  we  shall 
see. 

Hail,  holy  virgin!  Hail,  holy  child!  Hail,  father  of 
all,  omnipotent  regulator !  One  father  in  heaven ;  many 
fathers  on  earth — holy  fathers,  sole  agents  and  repre 
sentatives  of  our  father  in  heaven ;  fathers  of  every 


MEDITATIONS  OF  THE  SAVAGE.  161 

nation,  tongue,  and  color;  fathers  of  the  black  gown, 
Augustinian  and  Dominican;  fathers  Franciscan,  blue 
and  gray;  Carmelite  fathers  of  the  white  gown,  and 
all  the  rest;  fathers  true  and  fathers  false;  fathers 
pure  and  impure;  fathers  who  are  not  fathers,  and 
fathers,  alas,  too  much!  Twelve  children  crowned 
the  joys  of  happy  Father  Gabriel,  missionary  president 
of  the  two  Californias,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  1819— 
so  it  is  said,  and  a  wise  father,  he. 

Further  the  red  man  ruminates:  "If  all  that  they 
do  and  say  be  good  for  white  people,  it  must  be  good 
for  the  red;  for  we  are  told  if  we  pray  enough,  and 
in  the  right  way,  the  almighty  will  revise  his  work, 
and  we  shall  all  be  made  white,  and  cunning,  and  have 
great  good  here,  and  a  better  place  than  others  in 
heaven;  though  why  a  repentant  sinner  should  be 
made  more  of  by  the  select  society  above  the  clouds 
than  one  who  has  never  sinned,  it  is  difficult  to  under 
stand." 

Doubtless  heaven  is  a  happy  place;  but  earth  is 
more  substantial.  Doubtless  the  joys  of  heaven  are 
very  fine;  but  few  care  to  leave  earth's  sunshine  to 
go  there.  Doubtless  Christianity  is  a  great  boon ;  the 
native  Americans  are  willing  that  Europe  should  have 
the  whole  of  it.  Doubtless  angels  dislike  leaving  the 
comforts  of  the  celestial  city  to  do  drudgery  work  here 
on  earth;  but  in  self-sacrifice  there  is  happiness — in 
which  case  it  is  not  self-sacrifice. 

There  are  earthly  angels  as  well  as  heavenly;  they 
are  ofttimes  indeed  of  earth  earthy,  and  not  always 
very  clean;  spiritually  minded,  but  gross  and  material 
on  the  surface — very.  Two  or  three  hundred  years 
ago  there  were  more  angels  on  this  earth  than  now; 
there  were  too  many;  men  had  to  labor  too  hard  to 
feed  and  house  them;  the  way  to  heaven  can  now  be 
pointed  out  more  briefly  and  with  fewer  words;  so 
some  of  them  went  to  heaven,  while  others  went — to 
work. 

There  is  more  to  Christianity  than  monks  and  nuns 

GAL.  PAST.,  VOL.  I.    11 


162  OPPOSING  FORCES. 

— for  example,  the  bell,  invented  by  Paulinus  of  Nola, 
about  the  year  400;  the  organ,  brought  from  the 
Greek  church  to  the  western  one  in  the  seventh  or 
eighth  century;  the  gothic  cathedral,  which  sprang 
from  the  religious  efflorescence  of  the  twelfth  century 
—all  these  were  powerful  aids  to  make  men  fit  for 
heaven,  to  make  many  fit  for  heaven  who  were  not  fit 
to  live  on  this  earth. 

The  Franciscan  fathers  who  kindly  came  to  our 
lotos-land,  who  came  from  afar  to  our  lotos-land  to 
drive  out  Satan,  were  astonished  to  learn  that  no 
devils  were  here  before  they  came.  Why  do  devils 
so  beset  good  men;  and  why  did  not  these  fathers 
stay  at  home  and  fight  them  there?  "I  have  seen 
and  defied  innumerable  devils,"  says  the  truthful  and 
refined  Martin  Luther. 

St  Bonaventura  tells  a  story  of  St  Francis  of  As- 
sisi,  our  San  Francisco,  who  died  a  victim  of  asceti 
cism,  of  which  performance  he  should  be  reasonably 
ashamed.  Raising  himself  and  gazing  upon  his  ema 
ciated  limbs,  "I  have  sinned  against  my  brother,  the 
ass!"  he  cried;  then  sinking  back  he  fell  into  a  trance, 
in  which  a  voice,  attributed  by  the  holy  man  to  the 
devil,  spake  to  him  and  said,  "  Francis,  there  is  no 
sinner  in  the  world  whom,  if  he  be  converted,  God 
will  not  pardon;  but  he  who  kills  himself  by  hard 
penances  will  find  no  mercy  in  eternity."  This  was 
very  kind  of  the  devil,  who  seemed  to  possess  the 
better  sense  of  the  two.  Many  priests  about  this 
time  whipped  themselves  into  eternity,  who  awaking 
there  were  no  doubt  surprised  at  their  former  folly. 
The  natives  of  the  New  World  used  to  commit  suicide 
to  get  away  from  these  same  hated  Christians,  who 
could  stop  them  only  by  threatening  to  kill  themselves 
and  follow  them  to  the  next  world.  Significant  of 
sorrow  and  of  terror  were  the  words  de  imitatione 
Christi,  and  de  contemptu  omnium  vanitatum,  breathing 
as  they  did  the  inspiration  of  mediaeval  religion.  To 
the  dogs  with  this  world  and  all  its  beauties  and  bless- 


RELIGION-MAKERS.  163 

ings  I  Let  selfishness  be  refined  and  sublimated ! 
Fast,  pray,  scourge,  and  sit  in  sackcloth,  for  so  shall 
the  soul  find  plenty  and  joyous  honors  hereafter. 
Human  nature  is  fitting  an  immortal  soul  predestined 
to  eternal  damnation  by  a  beneficent  creator  only  as  a 
sacrifice  to  be  offered  up  for  the  subsequent  benefit  of 
the  spiritual  nature.  Hence  the  holy  fathers  cry,  Be 
ware  of  the  devil!  and  Dante  revels  in  purgatorial 
pictures. 

To  the  church  and  clergy  of  Spain,  America  is  in 
debted  for  woes  unnumbered.  The  struggle  against 
the  ineradicable  principle  of  evil  within  the  heart, 
against  the  fascinating  demon  of  wrong-doing,  began 
with  the  race.  Grecian  philosophers  attempted  its 
analysis,  and  formed  codes  of  ethics,  by  which  the 
highest  destinies  of  man  were  attainable:  but  with 

\3  * 

the  advent  of  Christianity,  asceticism  found  a  richer 
soil.  In  order  to  crush  out  natural  passions  to  free 
the  mind  from  bare  and  material  things,  and  restore 
the  original  purity  of  the  soul,  Christians  sought  in  the 
solitude  of  the  desert,  or  apart  upon  the  mountain,  or 
in  the  close  seclusion  of  the  monastery,  the  companion 
ship  of  God  and  holy  angels.  Or  it  may  be,  a  van 
quished  warrior  in  life's  battle  retires,  heart-sick,  for 
penitence ;  it  matters  not  whither  so  that  he  be  alone 
—alone  to  lay  bare  the  secret  workings  of  the  heart 
before  the  intelligence  that  created  it.  Thus  the  patli 
of  the  believer  was  a  Jeremiad,  a  lamentation,  a  tale 
of  woe.  Hating  life,  the  body  a  loathed  encumbrance, 
he  would  anticipate  death  and  enter  at  once  a  glorified 
existence 

Emulation  is  excited ;  admiring  crowds  gather  around 
the  hermit's  hut;  monasteries  are  built,  and  thus  the 
inward  spiritual  life  finds  outward  expression  Aus 
terity  and  discipline,  having  attained  perfection,  grow 
haughty.  The  humble  saint  becomes  proud  of  his 
humility.  For  a  time  he  still  denies  himself  sensual 
indulgence,  but  only  in  order  the  better  to  gratify  the 
more  subtle  vices  of  pride  and  power.  He  accepts 


164  OPPOSING  FORCES. 

proffered  adulation,  assumes  authority,  levies  tribute 
for  his  godliness,  waxes  fat,  and  enjoys  religion.  No 
more  caves  or  shaky  huts,  or  midnight  vigil,  fast,  or 
penance ;  but  stately  castles,  broad  fields,  and  well-filled 
larder.  Crowds  now  flock  for  admittance  to  the  church 
that  gives  her  votaries  both  sensual  and  celestial  joys. 
Mendicant  orders  overspread  the  land  like  locusts. 
To  escape  starvation  or  violence,  paupers  become 
monks.  The  lean  and  ghostly  hermit  is  now  a  portly 
abbot,  and  in  place  of  stony  cavern  and  scanty  herbs, 
rich  viands,  generous  wines,  voluptuous  revels;  and  to 
grace  their  pleasures,  if  we  may  credit  Draper,  ''visions 
of  loveliness  were  converted  into  breathing,  blushing 
realities,  who  exercised  their  charms  with  better  effect 
than  of  old  their  phantom  sisters  had  done."  Behold 
the  end  of  righteousness  overmuch ;  so  hard  it  is  for 
man  to  re-create  himself  1 

Is  not  the  philosophy  of  living  to  avoid  extremes  ? 
The  golden  mean  is  the  rosetta  stone  of  social  hiero 
glyphics.  The  man  who  through  all  the  waves  of 
passion,  by  the  craggy  walls  of  prejudice,  and  through 
the  tortuous  paths  of  reason,  holds  nearest  a  mediunl 
course,  lives  nearest  a  perfect  life,  and  nowhere  does 
excess  appear  more  offensive  than  in  religion.  In*  the 
earlier  stages  of  the  church,  many  of  her  votaries,  in 
spired  by  the  examples  of  the  apostles  who  lived  with 
simplicity  and  suffered  with  resignation,  labored  to 
outdo  their  exemplars  in  virtue,  and  render  their 
lives  yet  more  simple  and  self-denying.  To  such  an 
extent  was  this  conceit  carried  that  self-abnegation, 
which  in  the  first  instance  was  a  necessity,  became  in 
the  eyes  of  enthusiasts  a  positive  excellence.  If  in 
difference  to  wealth  is  commendable,  abject  poverty  is 
more  praiseworthy;  if  fortitude  under  trials  is  well, 
self-flagellations  and  bodily  torture  is  better. 

Christ  inculcated  on  the  mind  of  his  followers  es 
trangement  from  the  world,  fasting,  meditation,  prayer. 
The  earlier  zealots  went  further,  and  for  meditation 
retired  to  hermitages,  built  monasteries  for  prayer, 


EVOLUTION  OF  SAINTS.  165 

and  spent  their  lives  in  keeping  their  body  at  death's 
door  by  starvation  and  torments.  These  anchorites, 
by  rigid  fasting  and  sleepless  and  incessant  contempla 
tion,  wrought  their  imagination  into  a  frenzy  not 
unlike  the  deliriums  of  opium,  of  alcohol,  or  of  fever. 
They  saw  visions  and  dreamed  dreams.  The  sensibil 
ity  of  the  body  was  blunted,  and  strange  phantasms 
floated  through  the  brain.  Thus  the  apparitions  and 
miracles  of  the  church  are  not  in  every  instance  as 
some  would  have  them,  inventions  of  designing  priests. 
Numberless  instances  are  recorded  of  struggles  with 
emissaries  of  Satan,  of  fierce  wrestlings  with  imps 
and  diabolic  monsters,  of  visions  and  revelations  of 
heavenly  or  hellish  import,  in  which  the  sincerity 
of  the  visionary  was  beyond  question.  The  victims 
of  these  hallucinations  may  have  been  insane,  but  they 
were  not  impostors. 

To  doubt  the  sincerity  of  the  monks  and  friars  who 
came  as  missionaries  to  the  New  World  is  to  doubt 
religion,  and  give  the  lie  to  humanity.  Schooled  in 
the  discipline  of  the  cloister,  the  old  nature  with  the 
old  life  is  eradicated.  By  their  vows,  the  world  with 
its  passions  and  ambitions  is  forever  denied  them. 
Laying  aside  their  apparel  and  adopting  that  of  their 
order,  giving  up  their  vely  name  for  some  simple  or 
saintly  appellative,  identity,  personality,  that  which 
generous  minds  most  highly  prize,  and  which  consti 
tutes  the  most  powerful  incentive  to  noble  actions,  is 
lost.  Honors  and  rewards  await  them  not  here  but 
hereafter.  They  have  nothing  to  hope  for  from  man, 
nothing  to  fear;  for  earthly  ignominy  and  pain  only 
add  to  their  future  joys,  and  death  itself  is  but  a  re 
lease  from  toil  and  suffering  to  the  eternal  joys  of 
paradise.  Nicolini  tells  us  that  when  the  citizens  of 
Vienna  threatened  to  throw  Le^ay  into  the  Danube 
for  promulgating  the  reforms  of  Ignatius  of  Loyola,  he 
scornfully  replied:  "What  care  I  whether  I  enter 
heaven  by  land  or  water?" 

And  Motley  says:  "Priesthood  works  out  its  task, 


166  OPPOSING  FORCES. 

age  after  age;  now  smoothing  penitent  death-beds, 
consecrating  graves,  feeding  the  hungry,  clothing  the 
naked,  incarnating  the  Christian  precepts  in  an  age 
of  rapine  and  homicide,  doing  a  thousand  deeds  of  love 
and  charity  among  the  obscure  and  forsaken — deeds 
of  which  there  shall  never  be  a  human  chronicle,  but 
a  leaf  or  two,  perhaps,  in  the  recording  angel's  book; 
hiving  precious  honey  from  the  few  flowers  of  gentle 
art  which  bloom  upon  a  howling  wilderness." 

The  power  of  the  priesthood  is  invariably  in  propor 
tion  to  the  ignorance  and  superstition  of  the  people. 
The  greater  the  ignorance,  the  greater  is  the  honesty 
and  sincerity  in  religion,  and  consequently  the  more 
easily  is  the  mind  led  to  perceive  a  special  interposition 
of  supernatural  powers  in  human  events.  To  the 
forces  of  nature,  and  the  apparent  prevalence  of  chance 
in  human  affairs,  a  cause  must  be  assigned,  and 
without  a  knowledge  of  the  true  and  natural  cause, 
extraordinary  events  are  attributed  to  supernatural 
agencies.  As  the  causes  which  govern  natural  phe 
nomena  are  known,  that  which  before  was  supernatural 
in  nature  disappears.  Eclipses,  comets,  and  earth 
quakes  are  no  longer  evidences  of  divine  displeasure. 
But  so  long  as  the  people  remain  in  poverty  and  igno 
rance,  so  long  will  they  blindly  follow  their  religious 
teachers. 

At  this  time,  not  only  were  men  taught  to  believe, 
but  forced  to  believe.  Proselytism  is  an  essential 
element  of  every  religion ;  and  as  teachers  are  possessed 
of  power,  so,  whether  priest  or  puritan,  will  they  en 
force  their  teachings.  To  persuade  if  possible,  if  not 
to  coerce;  to  win  by  love,  or  terrify  by  punishments; 
to  compel  the  intellect  to  receive  what  reason  rejects: 
to  make  men  believe  to  be  true  what  they  know  to  be 
false ;  to  constrain  to  a  life  of  hypocrisy,  or  doom  to 
martyrdom ;  to  force  by  violence  convictions  that  can 
not  be  carried  by  arguments;  to  torture  men  in  accept 
ing  forms  and  creeds  which  conscience  teaches  them  to 

O 

reject — or  failing  in  this  to  kill  them.     These  were 


SPANISH  CHRISTIANITY.  167 

the  instruments  with  which  religion  wrought  in  the 
fifteenth  century. 

Thus  it  was  that  not  alone  nobles  and  prelates,  but 
the  illiterate  dregs  of  old  Castile,  were  lofty  in  their 
loyalty,  exalted  in  their  piety,  fearless  of  any  danger 
save  the  gods  and  devils  of  their  own  creation.  As 
adventurers  to  the  New  World,  without  a  murmur 
they  would  encounter  the  inhospitable  climate,  inhale 
the  malarious  air,  wade  through  tangled  morasses, 
climb  rugged  mountains,  swelter  under  a  tropical  sun, 
and  all  for  the  love  of  God,  and  gold,  and  glory; 
traversing  the  trackless  wilderness,  scourging,  bap 
tizing,  working  miracles,  scorning  pain,  disease,  and 
death  in  their  mad  efforts  to  save  from  hell  men  not 
half  so  near  that  place  as  themselves.  Carried  away 
by  a  ferocious  enthusiasm,  they  became  devilish  in  their 
desires  to  make  men  Christians;  butchering  their  fel 
low-men  by  scores,  thousands,  converting  and  killing— 
meanwhile  ravishers  of  maids,  murderers  of  old  men 
and  children,  perfidious  liars  and  cheaters,  laying  a  fair 
land  waste  in  the  name  of  peace.  Their  heroism  was 
as  high  for  plunder  as  for  piety;  for  lands  and  captive 
slaves  they  could  wrestle  as  fervently  as  for  souls,  and 
their  unscrupulous  severity  in  the  accomplishment  of 
their  desires  was  only  equalled  by  their  versatility  in 

V  J.  •/  */ 

the  choice  of  means.  Why  they  were  so,  what  made 
them  so,  it  is  easy  enough  to  see  in  the  ignorance  and 
blind  fanaticism  growing  out  of  their  religious  teach 
ings,  and  in  their  social  maxims. 

Nor  were  these  heterogeneous,  discordant  elements, 
though  thrown  together  by  a  conjunction  of  classes 
and  clans,  destined  to  remain  apart,  some  in  one  and 
some  in  another;  on  the  contrary,  they  combined  in 
greater  or  less  degree  in  the  individual,  and  formed 
the  basis  of  Spanish,  more  particularly  of  Castilian, 
character.  In  the  same  person  we  see  united  enthu 
siastic  piety  with  cruel  avarice;  indeed,  we  need  not 
go  back  four  centuries,  nor  look  alone  upon  the  Span 
ish  Peninsula,  for  unions  of  ill-assorted  and  badly  min- 


168  OPPOSING  FORCES. 

gled  traits  of  human  character;  for  even  now  in  Anglo- 
Saxon-puritan  stock,  in  every  adventurous  crew  turned 
loose  into  a  wilderness  in  search  of  gold,  away  from 
the  inquisitorial  influences  of  social  life,  may  be  seen 
cropping  out  the  fruits  of  excessive  liberty,  the  same 
lustful,  venal,  infernal  spirit  which  possessed  the  Span 
ish  conquerors  of  the  New  World. 

Father  Junipero,  blessed  and  just!  While  on  the 
Atlantic  side  of  our  present  domain  Anglo-Ameri 
cans  were  fighting  for  deliverance  from  the  paternal 
chains,  Hispano-Americans  on  the  Pacific  were  bring 
ing  to  a  benighted  though  happy  race  that  civilization 
and  Christianity  which  always  sends  native  nations  to 
earth.  Those  first  pure  priests  who  came  hither, 
devoted  ministers  of  the  living  God,  who  really  de 
sired  the  welfare  of  the  aboriginals,  desired  them  to 
live  and  not  die;  these  with  their  comforts  and  their 
kindness  killed  as  surely  as  did  Cortes  and  Pizarro 
with  their  gunpowder,  steel,  and  piety. 

Scion  of  the  conquerors,  a  conqueror  himself;  they 
fighting  naked  savages,  he  fighting  fiends;  they  con 
quering  for  Charles,  he  for  Christ;  Christ  and  Charles, 
both  all-powerful,  yet  both  needing  fighters;  both  be 
nignant,  yet  both  requiring  the  slaughter  of  some 
millions  of  God-made  men  to  add  to  their  general 
glory  and  particular  comfort  and  happiness !  So  these 
saints  and  soldiers  would  have  us  believe. 

Junipero  was  a  conqueror,  and  his  greatest  achieve 
ment  was  the  conquest  of  self;  as  Publius  Syrus  used 
to  say,  "Bis  vincit,  qui  se  vincit  in  victoria" — he  con 
quers  twice  who  conquers  himself  in  victory.  Though 
outwardly  mild  and  humble,  a  fire  of  devoted  enthu 
siasm  burned  within ;  but  with  self  sacrificed — so  sub 
ordinated  that  he  envied  his  divine  master  but  one 
thing,  crucifixion — this  fire  shot  forth  occasionally, 
when  he  fancied  his  redeemer  slighted  or  insulted, 
but  never  for  slight  or  insult  placed  upon  himself. 

Hear  how  a  brother  friar  tells  in  orthodox  tones 


THE  PADRE  PRESIDENT.  1C9 

the  story  of  his  life:  "Junipero  Serra  was  born  on 
the  24th  of  November,  1713,  at  the  villa  de  Petra, 
island  of  Mallorca,  belonging  to  Mediterranean  Spain. 
His  .parents  were  people  in  humble  circumstances,  but 
of  devout  and  pious  faith  according  to  the  catholic 
church.  His  father's  name  was  Antonio  Serra,  his 
mother  Margarita  Ferrer.  From  his  childhood  he 
was  of  a  grave,  benevolent,  serious  character,  and  his 
greatest  pleasure  was  in  attending  the  church  of  San 
Bernardino  in  his  native  town. 

"These  habits  impressed  upon  his  mind  the  duty  of 
devoting  himself  to  the  service  of  the  church,  and  he 
accordingly  assumed  the  habit  of  a  Franciscan  friar  at 
the  age  of  sixteen.  His  zeal  and  exemplary  conduct 
endeared  him  to  his  superior,  and  the  brethren  of  the 
order,  who  vied  with  each  other  in  forwarding  his 
views,  and  perfecting  his  theological  studies.  His 
affectionate,  earnest,  and  devout  spirit  led  him  to  seek 
the  conversion  of  the  American  Indians  to  the  faith 
of  Christ,  and  he  accordingly  became  a  missionary  of 
the  Society  for  the  Propagation  of  the  Faith.  In 
accordance  with  the  functions  of  his  new  office,  and 
with  the  benedictions  of  his  friends  and  those  of  the 
brotherhood  of  San  Francisco,  he  proceeded  to  Mex 
ico,  and  for  many  years  officiated  in  the  Indian  mis 
sions  of  the  Sierra  Gorda,  and  of  Saba  on  the  frontiers 
of  that  country.  But  moved  by  the  accounts  received 
about  this  time  of  the  expulsion  of  the  Jesuits  from 
Lower  California  by  the  Spanish  government,  his 
heart  was  drawn  by  the  ardor  of  a  fervent  zeal  to  de 
vote  his  life  to  the  conversion  of  the  Indians  of  these 
remote  regions,  who  he  believed  were  now  about  to 
be  abandoned  to  their  savage  and  brutal  habits.  Ac 
cordingly,  encouraged  by  the  viceroy  and  authorities 
of  Mexico,  and  with  the  assistance  of  many  devout 
catholics  of  that  country,  he  embarked  with  a  band  of 
brother  missionaries  of  the  Franciscan  order  at  San 
Bias,  meeting  at  that  port  the  exiled  Jesuits  from 
Lower  California.  Arrived  in  that  distant  province, 


170  OPPOSING  FORCES. 

and  finding  the  religious  establishments  there  placed 
under  the  control  of  the  Dominicans,  with  the  aid  of 
the  officers  of  the  Spanish  government  at  Loreto  he 
projected  two  expeditions  to  Alta  California,  one  by 
land  on  the  shore  by  the  gulf,  and  the  other  by  sea. 
The  one  by  land  brought  the  first  live-stock,  about 
600  in  number  of  all  kinds,  to  this  country;  and  in  a 
comparatively  short  space  of  time,  from  the  fineness 
of  the  climate  and  richness  of  the  pastures,  they  were 
numbered  by  tens  of  thousands. 

"At  San  Diego,  on  the  meeting  of  the  two  compa 
nies,  was  founded  in  1769  the  first  mission  of  Alta 
California.  In  the  year  following  was  founded  the 
presidio  of  Monterey,  and  the  mission  of  Carmelo.  By 
the  year  1784,  he  had  founded  and  settled  with  priests 
the  establishments  of  San  Francisco  Dolores  and 
Santa  Clara  in  the  north,  and  those  of  San  Luis 
Obispo,  San  Antonio,  San  Buenaventura,  San  Ga 
briel,  and  San  Juan  Capistrano  in  the  south;  at  each 
of  which  places  were  also  retained  small  companies  of 
the  king's  soldiers. 

"Gradually  the  priests,  under  the  energetic  but 
paternal  direction  and  care  of  the  venerable  president, 
gathered  into  their  missions  the  wild  Indians  of  the 
valleys  of  the  coast.  His  and  their  lives  were  of  great 
exposure,  labor,  and  perpetual  risks  and  disadvantages, 
through  which  they  persevered  with  an  indefatigable 
zeal,  known  only  to  men  imbued  with  direct  purposes, 
and  a  lively,  ardent  faith,  which  knew  no  quenching 
in  a  new  field  for  the  reaper's  sickle,  and  laborers  dis- 
proportioned  to  the  work.  They  built  houses,  conse 
crated  churches,  planted  vineyards  and  orchards,  sowed 
fields,  stocked  the  pastures,  taught  the  gentiles  labor 
and  the  consolation  of  Christ's  religion,  and  finally 
triumphed  over  all  difficulties  of  the  first  settlement 
of  a  frontier  wilderness,  which,  after  their  sacrifices 
and  privations,  sprung  to  life  and  bloomed  and  blos 
somed  as  the  rose. 

"But  this  was  not  the  only  reward  of  the  devoted, 


DEATH  OF  JUNIPERO  SERRA.  171 

energetic,  and  pious  life  of  the  founder  ot  our  state. 
His  aim  was  the  crown  of  glory,  the  possession  of 
which  animates  the  devoted  catholic  to  lay  down  his 
life,  if  necessary,  when  he  remembers  for  all  trials 
and  sufferings  that  he  that  converteth  a  soul  to  God 
shall  shine  as  a  star  in  the  firmament  of  heaven. 

"And  now,  age  creeping  on  apace,  and  privations 
and  exposures  having  had  their  natural  effect  on  his 
frame,  he  was  taken  sick  in  the  month  of  August, 
with  a  severe  complaint  of  the  throat  and  lungs,  at 
the  mission  of  Carmelo.  Long  and  anxiously  did  the 
friends  and  companions  of  the  venerable  founder  of 
California  nurse  and  attend  him  with  the  most  tender 
care ;  but  he  told  them  from  the  first,  with  serenity 
and  calmness,  that  God  was  about  to  call  him  to  him 
self,  and  entreated  their  prayers  for  the  salvation  of 

J-  V 

his  soul,  and  that  he  might  be  permitted  through 
Christ  to  enter  into  the  enjoyment  of  heaven,  and  of 
those  who  had  devoted  their  lives  to  the  glory  of  God 
and  the  conversion  of  the  gentiles  His  Indian  chil 
dren  bewailed  with  groans  and  tears  the  melancholy 
approach  of  the  time  which  was  to  separate  him  for 
ever  from  their  sight,  who  had  left  all  to  rescue  them 
from  barbarism  and  the  lives  of  brute  beasts. 

"At  last  his  body,  spent  with  exhaustion  and  weak 
ness,  but  his  mind  clear  to  the  last,  the  father  of  Cal 
ifornia  sank  to  rest  in  the  arms  of  his  beloved  friend 
and  disciple,  Francisco  Palou,  as  gently  as  an  infant 
on  its  mother's  breast. 

"  This  event  took  place  on  the  day  of  San  Augustin 
at  the  mission  of  Carmelo,  near  Monterey,  in  the  year 
1784,  at  the  age  of  seventy-one,  lacking  a  few  weeks. 
Fifty-four  years  of  his  life  had  he  officiated  as  a 
priest,  thirty-five  of  which  were  spent  among  the  In 
dians  of  California  and  Mexico,  as  a  missionary  of  the 
catholic  church.  His  body  was  buried  near  the  last- 
mentioned  mission,  in  one  of  the  most  beautiful  vales 
of  California,  within  sound  of  old  ocean's  solemn  re 
quiem,  and  amid  the  tears  and  mournings  of  the  con- 


172  OPPOSING  FORCES. 

verted  heathen  whom  he  and  his  companions  had 
trained  to  the  enjoyment  of  Christian  habits  and  con 
solations.  Great  was  the  sorrow  felt  by  the  mission 
aries  and  simple  people  of  those  days,  in  our  then 
remote  country,  at  the  loss  of  the  venerable  founder 
and  president  of  the  missions — a  feeling  which  ex 
tended  even  to  Mexico,  where  his  memory  was  revered 
by  all  classes  of  people. 

"  Junipero  Serra  was  a  man  of  great  benevolence 
and  amiability  of  character,  charity,  and  generosity, 
combined  with  a  fervent  zeal  in  his  high  duties,  which 
attached  to  him  with  strong  affection  all  who  came 
within  the  sphere  of  his  influence.  He  was  a  man  of 
the  most  indefatigable  and  industrious  habits,  of  great 
perseverance,  enterprise,  and  personal  courage ;  and  it 
may  be  said  that  no  man  with  a  different  character 
could  have  accomplished,  in  those  days,  objects  sur 
rounded  with  such  perverse  difficulties.  Before  his 
death,  after  fourteen  years'  labor,  he  had  founded  the 
presidio  of  Monterey  and  pueblos  of  San  Josd  and  Los 
Angeles,  .and  gathered  nearly  6,000  savage  Indians 
into  nine  of  the  [afterwards]  wealthiest  missions  of  the 
country. 

"His  government  was  frugal,  thrifty,  and  full  of 
well-directed  energy;  for  at  his  death  the  live-stock 
of  these  establishments  numbered  nearly  20,000  head, 
and  the  teaching  of  the  priests  was  taking  deep  root 
in  the  minds  of  the  wild  Indians  who  had  not  yet  ac 
knowledged  the  sway  of  the  Spanish  government.  His 
life  was  published  in  Mexico,  in  1787,  under  the  fol 
lowing  title;  and  a  highly  curious  and  interesting 
book  it  is  to  those  whose  souls  are  not  altogether 

o 

given  to  gain.  Relation  Historica  de  la  Vida  y  Apos- 
tolicas  Tareas  del  Venerable  Padre  F.  Junipero  Serra  y 
de  las  Misiones  que  fundo  en  la  California  septentrional 
y  Nuevos  Establecimientos  de  Monterey:  escrita  por  Fr. 
Francisco  Palou.  Impresa  en  Mexico,  por  Don  Felipe 
de  Zilniga  y  Ontiveros,  1787, 

"  To  one  great  mind,  imbued  with  the  loftiest  prin- 


MISSION  OF  SAN  CARLOS.  173 

ciples  of  conduct,  and  directed  with  great  circumspec 
tion  and  energy,  do  we  owe  the  foundation  of  the 
structure  of  our  Pacific  empire,  which  has,  within  four 
years,  shaken  to  the  roots  old  systems  and  principles, 
crusted  and  hardened  by  the  past  6,000  years.  He 
sowed  the  seed,  and  we  reap  the  fruit;  but  who  can 
tell  what  a  day  will  bring  forth? 

"  We  now  conclude  a  feeble  attempt  to  sketch  the 
life  of  a  great  and  good  man,  but  at  the  same  time  an 
humble  catholic  missionary.  To  him  is  California 
forever  indebted  for  a  perpetual  monument  in  the  af 
fections  of  her  people ;  for  though  hitherto  known  by 
fame  to  but  few  of  the  present  new  race  inhabiting 
her  beautiful  valleys,  and  digging  in  her  snow-capped 
mountains,  and  scarcely  heard  of  out  of  the  records 
of  the  Spanish  catholic  church  of  Mexico  and  Cali 
fornia,  the  more  necessary  is  it  to  hold  up  to  men,  in 
these  greedy  times,  the  imitation  of  so  rare  a  person. 

"Since  the  present  bishop  of  Monterey  has  assumed 
his  office,  search  has  been  made  in  the  Carmelo  mission 
for  the  place  where  the  body  of  Jumpero  Serra  was 
laid;  but  from  the  loss  of  many  of  the  mission  records, 
and  none  now  living  in  Monterey  who  were  alive  at 
the  time  of  his  death,  it  has  been  without  success  up 
to  the  present  period.  The  spot  where  our  venerable 
founder  first  said  mass  in  Monterey  in  1769  is  still 
traditionally  pointed  out  by  the  old  Spanish  natives 
of  the  town." 

Thus  simply,  though  not  wholly  witiiout  redundancy 
and  undue  assumption,  one  brother  recites  the  praises  of 
another.  It  was  in  1852  that  this  sketch  was  printed 
in  the  San  Francisco  Herald,  edited  by  that  bright 
little  Irish  catholic,  John  Nugent.  One  hundred 
years  after  Serra's  death,  his  devoted  brethren  are 
at  work  endeavoring  to  restore  the  old  mission  church 

O 

of  San  Carlos,  in  the  Carmelo  valley,  under  whose 
stone  flags  the  body  of  the  venerable  president  was 
laid  at  rest. 

"Of  the  twenty-one  missions/'  these  brethren  go  on 


174  OPPOSING  FORCES. 

to  say,  "established  in  California,  a  few  are  well  pre 
served,  others  are  in  ruins,  and  of  some  not  a  vestige 
is  left  to  mark  the  spot  where  they  once  stood.  The 
most  picturesque  and  poetic  of  these  historic  land 
marks  of  our  state,  and  the  noblest  work  of  Padre 
Serra,  is  the  old  stone  church  of  San  Carlos,  at  Car- 
melo ;  and  it  is  a  sad  spectacle  and  a  reproach  to  Cali 
fornia  to  see  this  venerable  pile  sharing  the  common 
fate  and  slowly  crumbling  into  dust." 

Serra  was  a  good  and  great  man ;  some  of  his  suc 
cessors  were  good  men;  some  of  them  were  not  so 
good.  The  climate  of  California  is  dangerous  to  pas 
sive  piety.  The  gold  of  California  is  never  found 
perfectly  pure.  There  was  no  mistaking  the  material 
of  which  Serra  was  made.  A  furnace  cannot  emit  a 
fervent  heat  and  not  be  glowing  hot  within.  However 
mild  his  heart  and  mind,  in  his  veins  ran  not  altogether 
milk  and  honey.  Early  piety  is  not  always  the  most 
lasting.  Though  he  could  not  boast  a  life  sanctified 
by  youthful  sins,  or  even  youthful  sufferings,  there 
was  something  more  than  piety  in  Serra's  California 
life — there  was  wealth  and  power,  power  and  wealth 
for  the  church,  of  course — the  almighty  not  having 
retained  as  much  property  on  this  planet  when  he 
made  it  as  he  now  desired  to  have — and  for  Junipero 
himself,  the  promised  transformation  into  600  firma 
ment  stars,  or  one  of  the  best  positions  in  heaven,  at 
his  option. 

The  indifference  of  the  Spaniards  early  in  America 
to  suffering,  and  to  women,  may  be  traced  directly  to 
their  long  religious  war.  They  must  accustom  them 
selves  to  cruelty,  war  being  so  cruel;  and  accustomed 
to  inflict  cruelty,  they  must  accustom  themselves  to 
bear  it.  And  as  for  women,  tame,  indeed,  must  be 
earthly  forms,  fit  only  for  earthly  use,  beside  her  whom 
they  worship  in  heaven — her  for  whom  they  fight  and 
die. 

But  this  religious  loyalty,  which  in  California  was 
of  the  first  consequence  in  promoting  the  discipline  of 


JUNIPERO'S  SUCCESSORS.  175 

both  priests  and  soldiers,  and  so  securing  unanimity 
of  purpose  and  unity  of  action,  we  would  hardly  look 
for  it  to  continue  throughout  the  century,  being  so  far 
removed  from  the  source  of  supply,  and  the  authors 
of  all  this  wilderness  magnificence  being  dead. 

Time  was  when  a  man's  morals,  or  his  religious  be 
lief,  affected  his  pecuniary  credit,  and  still  more  his 
ability  to  hold  office;  but  now  the  banker  does  not 
ask  of  his  customer  who  wishes  to  borrow  money  what 
his  opinion  may  be  in  regard  to  the  immaculate  con 
ception.  Divorced  by  science,  religion  and  govern 
ment  are  no  longer  allies.  Morality  and  religion  were 
Junipero's  stock  in  trade;  and  every  fibre  of  his  nature 
was  so  imbued  with  them  that,  in  the  subjugation  oi 
the  wilderness,  a  handful  of  men  under  his  guidance 
was  equal  to  an  army  under  the  direction  of  another. 
Northward  he  marched,  high,  holy,  and  serene,  his 
mind  and  attitude  as  God's  Gabriel,  planting  at  inter 
vals  those  great  monuments  to  his  faith,  which  hence 
forth  were  to  stand  there  in  their  monotonous  influence 
like  the  breaking  of  time  waves  on  the  shore  of  eter 
nity's  great  ocean. 

But  alas!  Junfpero's  successors  were  not  all  like 
him.  As  a  rule,  they  could  not  be  called  handsome 
men,  or  men  of  refined  feelings,  or  great  intellect,  or 
superfine  morality.  But  in  the  eyes  of  their  flock 
what  were  they  ?  Whatever  they  chose  to  be.  Over 
their  whitewashed  wild  ones  they  exercised  a  too 
powerful  influence.  In  their  features  earth's  defor 
mity  and  heaven's  divinity  met;  so  that  although  they 
might  be  the  most  ill-favored  of  men,  they  were  yet 
the  most  beautiful  of  beings.  By  their  looks  and 
life  and  teachings,  and  by  these  alone  in  the  minds 
of  the  simple  savages,  must  be  shaped  heaven's  eter 
nal  glory,  just  as  cosmogonic  conceptions  are  shaped 
by  climate  and  configuration. 

Junipero  wTas  a  man  of  great  will-power  and  energy. 
Yet  who  could  not  exercise  will  and  energy,  knowing 
that  the  almighty  walked  by  his  side  to  bear  him  up 


176  OPPOSING  FORCES. 

or  pitch  him  into  heaven  in  case  he  fell.  Charmed 
and  awed  as  we  are  by  the  active  manifestations  of 
force  in  nature,  we  are  none  the  less  interested  in 
watching  the  energy  of  action  in  man.  Eloquence  is 
intellect  ablaze;  and  what  is  lacking  in  intellect  may 
often  be  made  up  in  dogmatic  declamation,  in  loud 
mouthed  nothings,  and  whiningly  winning  ways,  at 
tended  by  muscular  outspreading,  air-beating,  and 
sweating.  Boys  will  run  to  see  a  dog-fight,  and  men 
and  women  will  flock  to  see  a  man  fight,  even  though 
he  have  no  other  adversary  than  an  imaginary  devil. 
Nevertheless,  they  were  pelicans  in  their  piety,  these 
self-sacrificing  fathers  of  the  church,  and  were  always 
ready  if  necessary  to  feed  their  young  with  their  own 
blood. 

Priests  and  piety,  as  a  subject,  must  ever  present  a 
chapter  of  contradictions.  Imagination  is  more  often 
powerful  than  reality.  The  fathers  were  schooled  in  the 
mysteries  of  the  imagination,  and  now  they  must  teach 
their  disciples.  By  the  overheated  zeal  of  the  Chris 
tian  light  their  souls  were  scorched  as  their  skins  had 
been  by  the  glorious  sun's  effulgent  brightness.  Min 
gled  with  his  prayers  were  groans,  tears,  convulsions. 
Closing  his  eyes  to  this  world,  he  opened  them  upon 
a  world  of  illusions.  An  apocalyptic  vision  was  the 
reward  of  every  fasting.  Hell  and  heaven  opened  to 
them;  angels  tuned  their  lyres  to  earthly  strains,  and 
fiends  whispered  in  their  ears.  Paul  and  John  and 
their  patron  father  appeared  and  held  converse  with 
them.  The  hopping  of  a  toad  was  as  significant  to 
them  of  God's  will  as  was  the  kneeling  of  his  camel 
to  Mohammed.  The  laws  of  God  they  could  inter 
pret  and  act  upon  as  they  pleased;  hence  it  was  the 
law  of  exigency,  and  the  laws  of  nature  held  greater 
sway  over  the  actions  of  the  missionaries  than  the 
laws  of  Spain  or  Mexico.  The  history  of  that  civili 
zation  to  which  we  belong  is  a  history  of  seculariza 
tions.  The  church  wraps  ancient  learning  in  a  napkin 


CHARACTER  OF  THE  MISSIONARIES.  177 

and  lays  it  away;  since  which  time  the  ingenuity  of 
man  has  been  employed  to  strip  off  the  coverings,  and 
let  the  light  shine  forth.  All  things  desirable  having 
been  pronounced  sacred  and  appropriated  by  the 
clergy,  there  must  be  restitution.  Hence  we  have  the 
secularization  of  everything,  from  the  convents  of 
Europe  to  the  missions  of  Alta  California. 

The  minds  of  God's  ministers  were  constructed 
upon  the  ghastly  skeleton  of  abstract  religious  con 
templation  and  ceremonious  homage  as  propitiatory  of 
offended  deity.  As  to  real  knowledge,  they  had  none. 
The  oracles  of  the  church,  the  precepts  of  the  fathers, 
were  to  them  poetry,  philosophy,  and  science.  In 
worldly  wisdom  they  were  wise  to  salvation.  Poor  in 
this  world's  goods  they  were  rich  in  heavenly  treasures. 
Nor  were  they  without  a  godly  pride.  They  were 
proud  in  their  humility,  proud  of  their  self-abasement, 
grateful  in  their  contemplations,  inflexible  in  their 
penitence,  and  sagacious  in  their  passion.  Soft  as 
Araby's  air  before  their  maker,  they  were  cruel  as 
blood-hounds  to  his  disobedient  subjects.  Of  the  light, 
ministering  angels;  of  the  darkness,  fiends.  They 
were  cruel  to  be  kind,  at  least  so  they  fancied,  as 
kindly  cruel,  these  soul-savers,  as  the  surgeon  who 
cuts  and  kills  his  victim  in  no  blood-thirsty  or  revenge 
ful  rnood.  And  to  this  end  emotion  must  be  sacrificed 
to  motive.  Heroic  and  courageous  as  they  were, 
these  qualities  were  often  seen  to  fade  before  the  sym 
pathetic  and  humane. 

They  had  come  from  afar,  and  by  a  toilsome  way; 
never  men  struggled  so  hard  to  achieve  martyrdom. 
Were  there  no  angels  at  their  own  doors  to  entertain, 
no  whiter,  nearer  souls  to  save?  Or  is  it  that  the  re 
ward  is  in  proportion  to  the  effort  rather  than  to  suc 
cess?  Surely  there  were  worse  men  in  Spain  for 
whom  Christ  died  than  these  harmless  lote-eaters. 
But  in  Spain  every  man  whose  soul  was  worth  saving 
might  have  a  priest  of  his  own  if  he  liked.  They 
were  plenty  enough,  and  idle  enough.  But  that  was 


o 
CAL.  PAST.,  VOL.  I.    1? 


178  OPPOSING  FORCES. 

too  easy;  there  were  lands  where  Christianity  was 
not  so  overdone.  Too  great  prosperity  is  accounted 
rather  an  evil  than  a  blessing  ,  if  God  does  not  punish 
he  is  nursing  his  wrath.  Like  Rodrigo,  king  of 
Spain,  whom  by  way  of  penance  the  hermit  consigned 
to  a  cave  filled  with  snakes  and  lizards,  which,  mirac 
ulously  restrained,  for  days  would  not  touch  him; 
God  would  not  accept  the  sacrifice,  would  not  even 
permit  his  servant  the  pleasure  of  being  eaten  by  holy 
reptiles;  but  finally  one  day,  as  the  hermit,  who  had 
been  passing  the  night  in  prayer,  came  to  him,  he  joy 
fully  exclaimed,  "They  eat  me  now  I  they  eat  me  now! 
I  feel  the  adder's  bite!"  And  so  forgiven,  his  sins 
atoned,  rejoicingly  he  dies. 

It  was  the  Augustan  age  of  missions,  this,  when  the 
good  Junipero  lived  and  died ;  all  savagedom  must  be 
placed  on  the  stool  of  repentance.  And  theirs  was 
the  Benedictine  motto,  Ora  et  iabora.  Pray  and 
work — especially  pray.  If  work  was  too  fatiguing, 
prayer  was  easy  and  always  effectual;  for  if  it  brought 
not  the  desired  blessing,  it  seemed  none  the  less  satisfy 
ing  to  the  suppliant.  They  who  invoked  the  aid  of 
heaven  averted  calamities,  and  brought  down  ven- 

'  O 

geance  upon  the  enemies  of  the  nation.  It  was  they 
who  soothed  the  dying,  brought  pardon  for  sins,  and 
procured  eternal  happiness  for  the  soul.  But  muffled 
be  your  joy,  let  your  triumph  be  low  toned,  your  bells 
ring  out  their  peals  in  whispers,  and  your  guns  bellow 
in  noiseless  puffs,  for  the  souls  that  here  should  most 
rejoice  have  shot  beyond  the  ether ! 


CHAPTER  VI. 

GOLDEN  AGE  OF   CALIFORNIA. 

And  ever  against  eating  cares 
Lap  me  in  soft  Lydian  airs. 

— L' Allegro. 

FIRST  the  Golden  Age,  and  then  the  Age  of  Gold. 
How  different!  And  yet  between  the  end  and  be 
ginning  of  a  decade  California  gives  us  a  specimen 
of  each,  which  brief  period  presents  two  episodes 
of  society  the  history  of  the  world  cannot  parallel. 
Both  were  original,  both  phenomenal;  and  so  closely 
upon  the  heels  of  one  followed  the  other,  that  for  an 
instant  both  were  on  the  ground  at  the  same  time. 
But  only  for  an  instant.  The  lamb  may  lie  down 
with  the  lion,  and  perad venture  escape  being  eaten; 
not  so  with  the  mild  and  nerveless  inhabitant  of 
southern  California,  and  the  wild,  tigerish  gold-seeker 
scenting  the  metal  from  afar. 

It  was  when  the  gold-seekers  came  that  tnis  golden 
age  of  California  was  destined  to  be  alloyed  with  brass ; 
for  not  the  age  of  gold  was  California's  true  golden  age. 
The  age  of  gold  was  the  age  of  avarice,  the  age  of  bru 
tal  murders,  of  wild  rudeness  and  insane  revellings. 
More  nearly  resembling  the  euthanasia  of  the  ancients 
was  the  pastoral  life  preceding  the  finding  of  the 
Sierra's  treasures.  Never  before  or  since  was  there 
a  spot  in  America  where  life  was  a  long  happy  holi 
day,  where  there  was  less  labor,  less  care  or  trouble, 
such  as  the  old-time  golden  age  under  Cronos  or 
Saturn,  the  gathering  of  nature's  fruits  being  the 

179 


180  GOLDEN  AGE  OF  CALIFORNIA. 

chief  burden  of  life,  and  death  coming  without  decay, 
like  a  gentle  sleep. 

To  constitute  a  true  golden  age,  there  must  be  pres 
ent  certain  conditions.  Though  there  need  be  no 
great  riches,  there  must  be  enough,  so  that  all  may 
live  in  plenty.  Never  were  so  many  men  in  America 
so  rich  as  now ;  yet  no  one  would  think  of  calling  this 
a  golden  age.  We  lack  the  true  sources  of  happiness — 
innocence  and  contentment — essential  to  a  golden  age. 
We  indulge  too  much  in  luxury  and  vice  to  please  the 
gods,  and  so  we  are  cursed  with  crimes,  political  and 
social.  A  golden  age  must  be  a  time  of  truth,  of 
right,  and  reason,  and  universal  moderation.  Men 
must  be  satisfied  and  women  virtuous.  Women  must 
be  satisfied  and  men  honest. 

Half-way  between  savagism  and  civilization,  Cali 
fornia's  pastoral  days  swept  by,  midst  the  dreamy  rev 
eries  of  a  race  half-way  between  the  proud  Castilian 
and  the  lowly  root-digger  of  the  Coast  Range  valleys. 
How  much  of  culture,  wealth,  refinement,  morals,  and 
religion  does  it  take  to  make  men  the  most  miserable  ? 
Gold  for  use  must  have  alloy ;  in  the  golden  age  there 
is  no  alloy.  It  is  not  for  use,  a  golden  age,  but  for 
enjoyment.  Savagism  suffers  too  greatly  from  heat 
and  cold,  from  hunger  and  a  too  deep  debasement. 
Savagism  has  no  golden  age ;  if  it  had,  it  would  not 
be  savagism;  yet  the  naked  wild  man,  when  he  is 
happy,  is  very  happy ;  he  has  his  periods  of  heavenly 
bliss,  but  they  are  too  short  and  fitful,  and  the  inter 
vals  are  filled  with  a  too  deep  despondency. 

But  let  not  civilization  boast  overmuch.  What 
though  savages  are  ignorant  and  lazy  lotos-eaters, 
there  is  not  a  fancied  benefit  civilization  has  that  is 
not  dearly  paid  for.  As  for  ignorance,  there  is  plenty 
of  it  left;  they  who  read  writings  in  the  sky  are  not 
half  so  learned  as  they  fancy.  And  as  for  energy, 
had  we  less  of  it,  smaller  penitentiaries  would  answer, 
and  there  would  be  fewer  people  at  large  who  ought 
to  be  in  them.  A  man  rolls  up  his  five  or  fifty  million 


WEALTH  AND  WISDOM.  181 

and  dies;  what  is  he  the  better  for  it  all,  or  any  one 
else?  Peupeumoxmox,  the  savage,  struggled  nobly 
for  the  welfare  of  his  people,  and  died.  Peter  Funk, 
the  millionaire,  struggled  bravely  for  himself,  for  Mrs 
Funk,  and  the  little  Funks,  arid  they  all  died.  There 
are  many  Funks  abroad,  and  they  are  getting  thicker 
and  less  worshipful  every  day;  but  only  once  in  a 
lifetime  do  we  meet  with  a  Peupeumoxmox,  either 
savage  or  civilized. 

The  human  race  is  yet  in  its  childhood.  This  planet, 
which  for  thousands  of  ages  has  been  preparing  for 
man,  is  but  just  now  ready — is,  indeed,  not  wholly 
finished  The  six  thousand  or  sixty  thousand  years 
of  infancy  have  barely  sufficed  to  rid  the  best  of  us  of 
our  swaddling-clothes ;  a  large  portion  of  mankind  yet 
wear  them,  or  wear  none.  Manhood,  with  its  earnest 
labors,  is  dawning  upon  us;  the  mind  is  just  beginning 
to  think,  and  the  hands  to  work.  Nature  in  some 
slight  degree  is  being  laid  under  contribution;  already 
we  annihilate  space,  walking  by  steam  and  talking  by 
electricity.  Yet  everything  to  man  is  crude,  unde 
veloped,  and  ill  defined.  Our  religion  is  mixed  with 
superstition,  our  politics  with  selfishness,  our  morality 
with  fashion,  and  of  ^science  we  know  next  to  nothing. 
It  is  only  in  a  simple  and  quiet  life  that  the  soul  finds 
an  antidote  to  the  materialism  of  engrossing  intercourse 
with  the  world,  and  is  able  to  place  itself  en  rapport 
with  nature  and  the  supernatural. 

After  California's  golden  age  and  age  of  gold  comes 
the  age  of  silver,  into  the  mysteries  of  which  we  will 
not  attempt  at  this  time  to  penerate.  What,  then,  is 
there  here  a  deterioration  ?  In  many  respects,  yes. 
Men  have  enough  in  the  silver  age,  but  they  are  not 
satisfied.  The  bronze  age  is  a  time  of  violence,  of 
wars  and  misdeeds.  Is  it  progress  when  social,  poli 
tical,  and  commercial  morals  sink  into  the  depths?  Is 
it  progress  when  men  rise  from  the  ground  and  through 
lying  and  chicanery  get  hold  of  the  people's  money, 
organize  iniquitous  and  grinding  monopolies  for  the 


182  GOLDEN  AGE  OF  CALIFORNIA. 

purpose  or  extorting  from  a  too  long  suffering  and 
patient  people  more  money?  Is  it  progress  when  all 
the  world,  like  silly  sheep,  rush  to  the  gambling  pools 
of  swindling  manipulators  of  shares  ? 

The  heroic  age — none  such  has  yet  appeared  on 
these  shores.  We  have  had  heroes  enough,  braver 
and  better  than  any  who  lead  armies  to  battle,  or  in 
dividually  excel  in  the  art  of  manslaughter — heroes 
who  conquer  self,  who  put  under  foot  their  baser  pas 
sions,  who  toil  on  all  through  a  weary  life,  self-denying, 
self-sacrificing  for  some  good  and  worthy  object,  for 
wife  and  children,  God  bless  them,  for  the  right, 
for  humanity,  for  something  better  than  the  mere 
heaping  up  of  money  as  a  soul-substitute.  An  age  of 
heroes,  yes ;  but  beware  the  age  heroic ;  likewise  the 
brazen  age,  still  more  the  ages  of  iron,  stone,  and  clay, 
ages  of  deep  debasement  to  w  ich  we  know  not  but 
we  may  be  unconsciously  drifting. 

The  shepherd  of  the  pastoral  age  is  not  the  shep 
herd  of  to-day.  On  the  gently  sloping  hillside,  under 
the  outspread,  bearded  oak,  sat  the  shepherd  of  pastoral 
days,  gazing  out  upon  the  liquid  crystal,  and  watching 
his  flocks  as  month  after  month  they  continued  to  wax 
fat  and  increase.  Serene  his  thoughts,  and  some 
times  mighty ;  mighty  and  serene  as  those  of  their 
herds,  as  they  lay  upon  the  warm,  dry  grass  ruminat 
ing.  The  shepherds  of  to-day  are  wolves;  the  people 
are  their  silly  sheep,  which  they  fatten  but  to  devour. 
Shepherds  of  the  pastoral  times  knew  something  of 
astronomy,  and  were  full  of  piety  to  the  gods.  The 
shepherds  of  to-day  know  how  to  salt  a  mine,  how  to 
discriminate  in  freights  and  fares,  how  to  keep  up  the 
price  of  sugar,  of  flour,  how  to  swindle,  cheat,  and  lie ; 
they,  too,  are  full  of  piety;  there  is  no  god  like  their 
god,  and  his  name  is  Mammon. 

It  was  in  rather  humble  guise  that  church  and 
state  came  marching  hand  in  hand  up  along  the  ocean 
border,  two  or  three  priests  representing  the  one,  and 
twice  or  thrice  as  many  soldiers  the  other.  It  was 


MISSION-PLANTING.  183 

enough,  however,  considering  the  power  behind  and 
the  impotence  before  them;  not  to  mention  the  al 
mighty  maker  of  the  universe  and  the  king  of  Spain, 
or  their  legions  in  heaven  and  in  Europe,  there  were 
colleges  and  convents  enough  in  Mexico  to  quite  con 
found  Satan,  who  flourished  in  a  mild  form  in  these 
parts.  There  was  the  college  of  Zacatecas,  with  mis 
sions  in  Chihuahua  and  Durango;  the  college  of  San 
Fernando  in  Mexico,  with  missions  in  Alta  Califor 
nia.  The  Franciscans  also  had  missions  in  Sonora, 
Sinaloa,  and  Texas;  the  Dominicans  in  Guadalajara, 
Durango,  and  Zacatecas ;  and  the  Augustinians,  Car 
melites,  and  Mercenaries,  with  the  others,  over  nearly 
all  Spanish  America. 

After  several  expeditions  by  water  and  a  thorough 
examination  of  the  country  along  the  shore,  sites 
about  fifteen  leagues  apart  were  selected  for  missions, 
which  should  be  heavenly  mile-stones  and  temples  of 
God  in  the  wilderness,  resting-places  of  hospitality  and 
devotion  for  the  wayfarer;  and  for  the  fat  padres  who 
should  dwell  therein,  acting  as  middle-men  between 
God  and  his  creatures,  they  were  marks  of  merit  for 
stripes,  humility,  and  services  rendered,  and  foretastes 
of  heaven.  Thanks,  cowled  priests;  but  ages  before 
you  brought  hither  your  not  too  lovely  persons,  there 
was  not  a  foot  of  this  lotos-land  from  San  Diego  Bay 
to  San  Francisco  that  had  not  its  living  temple  to 
God,  be  it  a  pebble,  a  flower,  or  a  horned  toad. 

In  the  selection  of  mission  sites,  care  was  taken  to 
be  not  far  from  a  landing  for  ships,  and  yet  not  so 
near  that  their  Indians  would  be  contaminated  by 
the  evil  influence  of  soldiers  and  sailors.  There  must 
be  water  at  hand,  some  tillable  land,  and  a  fair  extent 
of  pasturage. 

The  work  of  conversion  was  quickly  begun  and 
went  bravely  on.  In  due  time  mission  buildings  were 
erected,  and  settlers  came  in  and  clustered  near  the 
presidio,  thus  forming  towns,  many  of  which  remain 
to  this  day,  some  having  grown  into  respectable  cities. 


184  GOLDEN  AGE  OF  CALIFORNIA. 

To  the  first  one  built  in  this  northernmost  section 
of  Spain's  heathen  fields  was  given  the  name  of  San 
Diego,  probably  in  honor  of  San  Diego  de  Alcala, 
who  was  a  saint  sprung  from  the  Franciscan  order. 
It  was  founded  on  the  16th  of  July,  1769,  according 
to  the  record  of  the  foundation  appearing  on  its  first 
book  of  baptisms,  "at  the  expense  of  the  catholic 
monarch.  Don  Carlos  III.,rey  de  las  Espanas,  whom 
God  prosper,  defrayed  under  most  ample  authority 
from  his  Excellency  Don  Carlos  Francisco  de  Croix, 
Marques  de  Croix,  present  viceroy,  governor,  and 
captain-general  of  this  New  Spain,  by  the  most  Illustri 
ous  Don  Joseph  de  Galvez,  of  the  council  and  chamber 
of  his  Majesty  in  the  royal  and  supreme  of  the  Indies, 
intendent  of  the  army,  and  visitador  general  of  this 
Nueva  Espafla,  by  the  religious  of  said  apostolic  col 
lege,  San  Fernando  of  Mexico." 

Its  first  ministers  were  the  father  preacher  Friar 
Junipero  Serra,  president,  and  the  father  preacher 
Friar  Fernando  Parron,  apostolic  preachers  of  said 
college  of  San  Fernando  of  Mexico,  associated  with 
the  father  preacher  Friar  Juan  Vizcayno,  appointed 
to  the  foundation  of  another  mission. 

The  book  from  which  these  extracts  were  taken 
replaced  the  originals  commenced  at  the  foundation, 
and  which  were  destroyed  during  an  Indian  revolt 
in  1775,  together  with  other  books  and  papers,  the 
church  ornaments,  sacred  vessels,  houses,  and  uten 
sils  of  the  mission.  It  appears  that  up  to  the  5th  of 
November,  1775,  470  adults  and  children  had  been 
baptized. 

The  mission  was  first  established  on  the  hill  or 
beach  afterward  occupied  by  the  presidio  at  the  port 
of  San  Diego,  which  the  natives  called  Cosoy.  It 
was  subsequently  transferred,  in  August  1774,  to 
another  site  up  the  river,  two  leagues  distant,  known 
among  the  natives  as  Nipaguay,  where  the  destruc 
tion  took  place.  The  authors  of  the  revolt  were  gen 
tiles  and  neophytes  from  upwards  of  70  rancherias 


MISSION  SAN  DIEGO.  185 

or  villages,  and  in  overwhelming  numbers  assaulted 
the  mission,  which  they  partly  plundered,  and  mostly 
burnt,  wounding  the  corporal  and  three  soldiers  of 
the  mission  guard,  and  killing  a  carpenter,  Jose  Ur- 
selino,  a  blacksmith,  Jose  Manuel  Arroyo,  and  the 
missionary  Friar  Luis  Jdume;  his  fellow-missionary, 
Friar  Vicente  Fuster,  and  another  blacksmith,  Felipe 
Romero,  miraculously  escaping  with  life.  Fathers 
Serra  and  Parron  had  charge  of  the  mission  to  about 
the  middle  of  April  1770,  when  Serra  departed  to 
found  a  mission  at  Monterey,  leaving  in  his  place 
Friar  Francisco  Gomez,  Father  Vizcayno  having  re 
turned  to  Mexico  via  Lower  California.  Parron  and 
Gomez  administered  the  religious  and  temporal  affairs 
of  the  mission  for  more  than  a  year,  when,  owing 
to  sickness,  one  returned  to  Lower  California,  and  the 
other  went  away  by  sea  to  Mexico.  It  was  then  that 
the  president  appointed  to  succeed  them  Friar  Fran 
cisco  Dumetz  and  Luis  Jdume,  who  had  recently 
arrived  in  California,  together  with  eight  others,  by 
sea.  Dumetz  remained  there  a  year,  and  was  then 
transferred  to  Monterey,  being  succeeded  by  Friar 
Juan  Crespi,  who  had  been  till  then  Serra's  compan 
ion  at  the  San  Cdrlos.  In  September  1772,  Crespi 
was  returned  to  Monterey,  and  replaced  by  Friar 
Tomds  de  la  Pena,  who  remained  in  the  mission  till 
September  1773,  when  Father  Fuster  took  his  place 
by  appointment  made  by  the  vice-president  of  the 
mission,  Father  Francisco  Palou,  who  acted  in  the 
place  of  Father  Serra,  absent  in  Mexico.  Jaume  was 
murdered,  as  we  have  seen.  It  seems  that,  besides 
the  fathers  already  named,  Friars  Pablo  Mugdrtegui, 
Miguel  Sanchez,  Gregorio  Amurrio,  and  Fermin 
Francisco  de  Lasuen  had  visited  the  mission  and  oc 
casionally  officiated.' 

It  was  the  river  of  San  Diego  on  which  the  mis 
sion  was  placed,  a  brave  enough  stream  when  flushed 
with  the  rains  of  winter,  but  sinking  into  the  sands  of 
humility  in  summer.  If  there  is  anywhere  a  fairer 


186  GOLDEN  AGE  OF  CALIFORNIA. 

patch  of  earth  and  sea  than  here  extends  for  fifty  miles 
in  every  direction,  it  has  yet  to  be  found.  The  soil, 
though  not  so  rank  as  to  fill  the  air  with  noxious  va 
pors  arising  from  redundant  vegetation,  is  still  rich 
enough  for  the  breeding  of  a  noble  race.  The  ocean 
sits  here  in  calm  majesty,  unruffled  by  the  cold  winds 
of  the  north,  or  the  sweltering  fumes  of  the  steam 
ing  south,  while  the  sky  above  offers  the  shortest 
open  roadway  to  heaven.  An  area  forty  miles  square 
was  placed  under  tribute,  and  soon  the  flocks  of  the 
missionaries  in  charge  of  the  whitewashed  savages 
covered  the  rocky  hills.  All  was  serenity  hereabout 
for  the  fat  and  sanctified  cattle  until  the  year  of 
grace  1830. 

According  to  the  records  of  the  mission,  the 
number  of  baptisms  of  all  classes  therein  and  in  the 
presidio  to  the  14th  of  June,  1846,  of  which  any  evi 
dence  appeared,  was  7,126,  including  those  effected 
prior  to  the  5th  of  November,  1775,  when  the  church 
and  books  were  destroyed;  the  number  of  marriages  to 
April  30,  1846,  the  date  of  the  last  entry,  2,051,  from 
the  date  of  the  foundation.  Friar  Vicente  Pascual 
Oliva,  the  last  priest  at  San  Diego,  went  to  San 
Luis  Rey  when  the  forces  of  the  United  States  land 
ed  at  the  port  in  1846;  when  they  reached  San  Luis, 
he  transferred  himself  to  San  Juan  Capistrano,  where 
he  died.  The  last  entry  of  deaths  was  in  May  1831, 
to  which  date  the  number  of  burials  was  4,156;  the 
second  book  of  the  mission  was  not  in  the  parish 
church  toward  the  end  of  1877,  and  must  have  been 
lost.  The  book  of  interments,  which  replaced  the  one 
burnt  by  the  Indians  in  1775,  shows  on  its  first  entry 
the  following  facts:  "  Of  the  crews  of  said  vessels/'  San 
Antonio,  alias  El  Principe,  and  the  San  Carlos,  alias  El 
Toysan,  "  and  chiefly  of  the  second,  many  arrived 
severely  suffering  from  scurvy,  or  mal  de  loanda, 
and  of  them  died  one  half  of  the  detail  of  twenty -five 
volunteer  soldiers  of  Catalonia,  who  with  their  lieu 
tenant,  Don  Pedro  Fdges,  had  come  by  sea  upon  the 


FROM  THE  MISSION  BOOKS.  187 

said  San  Cdrlos ;  so  that  with  in  a  few  months  after  the 
foundation  of  the  mission  the  account  of  deaths  showed 
the -number  of  them  to  have  exceeded  sixty,  to  all  of 
whom,  but  one  boy,  were  administered  the  sacraments 
of  penitence,  communion,  and  extreme  unction." 
Father  Serra,  not  being  able  to  remember  all  the 
names,  omitted  to  mention  any,  contenting  himself 
"with  praying  to  God,  our  Lord,  that  the  names  of 
all  of  them  be  inscribed  in  heaven,  and  their  souls  per 
Misericordiam  Dei  requiescant  in  pace,  Amen.  " 

Good  men  died  there,  and  were  buried  in  the  mis 
sion  church,  for  all  good  men  die,  though  all  may  not 
be  buried  in  sanctified  ground.  On  the  19th  of 
December,  1784,  they  buried  Juan  Figuer;  January 
30,  1800,  Juan  Mariner;  August  29,  1807,  Nicola's 
Ldzaro;  July  2,  1812,  Pedro  Panto,  supposed  to  have 
been  poisoned  by  his  cook;  October  19,  1838,  Fernando 
Martin.  Father  Vicente  Pasqual  Oliva,  the  last  of 
the  missionaries  who  officiated  at  San  Diego,  died 
at  San  Juan  Capistrano  January  2,  1848,  and  was 
solemnly  buried  on  the  29th. 

I  find  that  on  October  30,  1824,  an  Indian  was  ex 
ecuted  by  shooting  for  some  crime  not  stated.  Savages 
were  not  usually  honored  by  a  special  shot,  with  fire 
lock,  powder,  and  ball.  On  April  23,  1826,  an  Indian 
was  executed  who  was  an  accomplice  in  killing  three 
soldiers  and  a  neophyte,  all  of  whom,  as  well  as  the 
executed  one,  were  buried  by  Father  Fernando  Mar 
tin.  A  commander  did  San  Diego  mission  the  honor 
to  die  and  be  buried  there,  namely,  Captain  Jose 
Maria  Estudillo,  on  the  9th  of  April,  1830. 

It  was  a  great  event  at  Mission  San  Diego,  the  con 
secration  of  a  new  church,  the  one  latest  existing,  on 
the  12th  of  November,  1813,  the  day  of  San  Diego. 
The  benediction  took  place  on  the  12th  by  Father  Jose 
Barona,  Father  Geronimo  Boscana  preaching  the  ser 
mon.  On  the  following  day  were  transferred  thereto 
the  remains  of  the  missionaries  Jaume,  Figuer,  Mari 
ner,  and  Panto.  The  sermon  was  delivered  by  Friar 


188  GOLDEN  AGE  OF  CALIFORNIA. 

Tomds  Ahumada,  a  Dominican  from  Mission  San 
Miguel  in  Lower  California.  The  ministers  of  the 
mission  at  the  time  were  Friars  Jose  Sanchez  and 
Fernando  Martin. 

A  magnificent  pile  for  one  reared  in  the  heart  of 
savagedom,  and  not  by  the  hands  of  experienced  arti 
sans,  was  that  of  San  Luis  Rey,  north  of  San  Diego, 
and  at  a  little  distance  from  the  sea.  It  was  founded 
by  Father  Peyri  in  1798.  The  buildings  surrounded 
a  large  square,  in  the  centre  of  which  played  a  foun 
tain,  while  the  gardens  were  filled  with  fruits,  and 
the  fields  with  grain  and  cattle.  This  Padre  Antonio, 
as  Peyri  was  called,  on  his  departure  from  the  coun 
try,  took  with  him  two  or  three  Indian  boys,  one  of 
whom  turned  priest  and  lived  in  Rome,  lived  a  sainted 
savage  near  the  Vatican. 

Northward  the  good  men  go,  and  on  the  site  called 
by  the  natives  Sajirit,  and  also  appearing  as  Quanis 
Savit,  found  San  Juan  Capistrano,  Father  President 
Junipero  Serra  officiating  on  the  1st  of  November, 
1776,  assisted  by  Father  Gregorio  Amurrio  at  royal 
expense  during  the  rule  of  Viceroy  Bucareli,  yclept 
"  insigne  favorecedor  de  estos  nuevos  establecimien- 

o 

tos."    Its  first  ministers  were  fathers  Pablo  de  Mugfdr- 

O 

teM-ui  and  the  aforesaid  Amurrio.     The  mission  held 

O 

fifteen  leagues  of  and  along  the  seaboard,  extending 
back  to  the  mountains,  which  area  was  interspersed 
with  shady  groves  and  fertile  ravines,  and  covered 
with  herds  of  stock  and  fields  of  waving  grain. 

On  the  7th  of  September,  1806,  was  consecrated  to 
the  service  of  God  a  new  church  built  by  the  neo 
phytes  of  stone  and  lime,  with  vaults.  The  con 
struction  was  begun  on  the  2d  of  February,  1797, 
and  terminated  in  1806.  The  benediction  took  place 
on  the  day  aforesaid  by  Father  Estevan  Tapis,  presi 
dent  of  the  missions,  assisted  by  fathers  Jose  de  Mi 
guel  and  Jose  Antonio  de  Urresti,  ministers  of  Mission 
San  Miguel;  Mdrcos  Antonio  de  Victoria  of  Mission 
Santa  Barbara;  Jose  M.  de  Zalvidea  of  Mission  San 


CHURCH  CONSECRATION.  189 

Fernando;  Antonio  Peyri  of  Mission  San  Luis  Key; 
Pedro  de  ta  Cueva  of  Mission  Sari  Jose;  and  Juan 
Norberto  de  Santiago  and  Jose  Fdura,  ministers  of 
San  Juan  Capistrano.  There  were  also  present  at 
the  imposing  ceremonies  Lieutenant-colonel  Jose  Joa- 
quin  de  Arrillaga,  governor  of  California,  Manuel 
Rodriguez,  captain  commandant  of  San  Diego,  Lieu 
tenant  Francisco  Maria  Ruiz  of  the  presidial  com 
pany  of  San  Diego,  Joaquin  Maitorena,  alferez  of 
Santa  Barbara,  besides  a  large  concourse  of  soldiers, 
civilians,  and  neophytes  of  San  Juan  and  the  neighbor 
ing  missions.  On  the  9th  of  the  same  month  were 
transferred  to  the  new  church,  from  the  former  one, 
the  bones  of  Father  Vicente  Fuster,  minister  of  the 
mission,  who  died  on  the  21st  of  October,  1800.  He 
wTas,  it  will  be  remembered,  the  companion  of  Father 
Jaume  at  San  Diego  in  November  1775,  at  the  time 
the  soul  of  Jaume  was  set  free  by  the  natives.  All 
this  was  not  enough  to  intimidate  a  terrible  earth 
quake,  which  cracked  the  walls  and  rattled  down  the 
rafters  and  stones,  killing  forty -three  persons,  and  se 
riously  injuring  a  much  larger  number.  This  mark 
of  the  Almighty's  displeasure  occurred  on  the  8th  of 
December,  1812. 

Here  let  me  relate  a  miracle.  No  one  who  ever 
lived  and  worshipped  God  in  California  better  deserves 
a  name  in  history  and  a  place  in  heaven  than  Padre 
Jose  Maria  Zalvidea.  He  was  a  missionary  Martin 
Luther,  if  such  a  monstrosity  could  be  conceived  of, 
eminent  in  talents,  virtues,  and  efficient  services,  par 
ticularly  in  the  development  of  the  material  resources 
of  San  Gabriel  and  other  mission  districts.  He 
greatly  loved  to  engage  in  hand-to-hand  conflict  with 
his  archenemy,  Satan,  at  whom  he  would  scream, 
kick,  and  incontinently  spar  with  his  fists,  until  the 
devil  was  so  frightened  he  dare  not  come  near  him. 

O 

After  that  he  would  mellow,  like  a  great  lump  of  sweet 
cream,  into  the  rich  milk  of  human  kindness. 

One   day  in   the   spring    of  1841,  while  the  pious 


190  GOLDEN  AGE  OF  CALIFORNIA. 

father  was  blessing  San  Juan  Capistrano  by  his  pres 
ence,  he  walked  out  among  the  cattle,  his  eyes  fixed 
upon  his  holy  book,  his  soul  communing  with  heaven. 

"  Have  a  care,  good  father,"  shouted  a  vaquero. 

"He  for  whom  God  cares,  my  son,  himself  need 
have  no  care,"  calmly  replied  the  priest,  as  he  raised 
his  eyes  and  encountered  the  threatening  attitude  of  a 
mad  bull.  Then  lowering  them  to  his  book  again,  he 
continued  his  reading,  turning  neither  to  the  right 
hand  nor  to  the  left.  The  beast  bellowed  lustily ;  the 
father  began  to  sing  a  hymn.  The  beast  tore  up  the 
earth  with  its  feet,  throwing  dirt  upon  the  sacred  ves 
tures  of  the  priest.  Then  the  animal  charged  upon 
the  padre,  while  all  who  saw  it  held  their  breath  in 
horror,  feeling  sure  that  the  next  moment  the  good 
man  would  be  gored  to  death. 

"Peace,  peace,  malignant  spirit!"  the  father  said 
and  smiled;  "come,  come,  wouldst  thou  throw  dirt 
on  me?" 

The  mad  bull  paused,  then  raised  its  head,  dropped 
its  tail,  arid  trotted  away  to  another  part  of  the  field, 
overcome  by  the  power  of  God  and  the  rnagic  of  a 
good  man's  voice. 

The  mission  Sari  Gabriel  Arcangel,  near  Los  An 
geles,  was  founded  at  royal  expense,  pursuant  to  orders 
of  Viceroy  Marques  de  Croix  and  the  visitador-general 
of  New  Spain,  Joseph  de  Galvez,  by  Father  Junipero 
Serra,  president  of  the  missions,  on  the  8th  of  Sep 
tember,  1771.  Its  first  ministers  were  fathers  Pedro 
Benito  Cambon  and  Joseph  Angel  Somera.  The 
number  of  baptisms  of  all  classes  from  the  foundation 
to  the  29th  of  December,  1850,  was  quite  large,  reach 
ing  9,123.  The  number  of  marriages  is  unknown,  the 
record  being  incomplete  from  1840  to  1849.  After 
October  1850,  the  town  of  San  Gabriel  was  in  charge 
of  parish  priests.  The  last  certificate  of  interment, 
dated  December  28,  1850,  bears  the  number  6.117,  of 
which  1,707  were  prior  to  the  end  of  1800.  Among 
the  gente  de  razon  buried  are  included  those  who  were 


MISSION  SAN  GABRIEL.  191 

inhabitants  of  the  town  of  Los  Angeles.  Several 
missionaries  of  the  college  have  died,  and  been  in 
terred  in  the  church  of  this  mission,  to  wit:  July  28, 
1803,  Miguel  Sanchez;  October  12,  1804,  Antonio 
Cruzado,  who  had  served  22  years  in  Sierra  Gorda 
and  33  in  this  California ;  January  15,  1811,  Francisco 
Dumetz;  June  16,  1821,  Roman  Ullibarri;  December 
21,  1821,  Joaquin  Pascual  Nuez;  July  6,  1831,  Ge- 
ronimo  Boscana;  and  on  July  16,  1833,  Jose  Bernardo 
Sanchez,  ex-president  of  the  missions.  Thomas  Eleu- 
terio  Estenaga  died  some  time  in  1847,  while  on  the 
llth  of  November,  1850,  Bias  Ordaz  breathed  his 
last. 

This  mission  occupied  one  of  the  most  charming 
spots  in  California.  Its  gardens  abounded  in  oranges, 
grapes,  figs,  pomegranates,  peaches,  apples,  limes, 
pears,  and  citrons,  and  the  air  was  perfumed  with  its 
trees  and  flowers.  Wine,  brandy,  and  cattle  were 
here  produced  in  great  abundance. 

People  are  apt  to  tell  and  believe  great  stories  about 
money.  Large  sums  in  specie  have  been  reported  as 
existing  at  the  missions,  especially  at  San  Gabriel, 
but  such  statements  should  be  taken  with  allowance. 
Where  was  such  money  to  come  from?  Most  of  the 
transactions  with  merchants  were  exchange  of  goods. 
There  was  some  coin  in  the  country,  of  course — more, 
indeed,  in  the  northern  missions  than  at  the  south, 
owing  to  trade  with  the  Russians,  who  usually  paid 
for  the  wheat  they  bought  partly  in  money.  There 
fore,  let  it  be  understood  that  when  I  give  the  amount 
of  specie  at  a  mission,  I  only  repeat  from  the  record, 
but  without  fully  believing  it  myself. 

To  drink  and  not  get  drunk;  to  teach  temperance 
and  keep  the  world  sober  while  manufacturing  rum  at 
a  good  profit ;  these  are  vital  questions  alike  for.  good 
livers,  priests,  and  political  economists.  Janssens  tells 
a  story  showing  how  the  liquor-loving  savages  of  San 
Gabriel  used  to  outwit  him  while  making  into  wine 
and  brandy  the  grape  crop  of  the  mission.  It  was  in 


192  GOLDEN  AGE  OF  CALIFORNIA. 

1840,  while  Don  Juan  Bandini  was  in  charge.  Jans- 
sens  observed  that  the  Indians  at  work  about  the 
stills  wrere  always  more  than  half  drunk,  and  well 
swollen  out  in  face  and  belly;  the  question  was,  How 
did  they  get  hold  of  the  liquor?  In  vain  was  every 
thing  closely  watched  night  and  day,  and  every  imagi 
nary  loop-hole  kept  under  lock  and  key.  In  vain 
liberal  rations  of  wine  were  dealt  out  to  them  morn 
ing,  noon,  and  night.  The  mysterious  intoxication 
increased,  and  bellies  and  faces  waxed  bigger  and 
bigger.  Finally  it  all  came  out,  and  no  thirsty  Maine 
man  or  Boston  anti-prohibitionist  showed  more 
shrewdness  in  evading  the  law  than  these  so  lately 
gentle  heathen,  thus  whitewashed  by  civilization. ' 

It  was  Janssens'  custom,  after  he  had  fed  the  stills, 
to  leave  the  Indians  tending  the  fires,  while  he  retired 
to  his  room,  through  which  ran  the  tubes  of  the 
brandy  stills  and  the  water,  the  only  exit  the  fluid  had 
from  the  stills.  It  was  a  comparatively  easy  matter 
to  watch  the  master,  and  while  he  was  not  looking, 
raise  the  cover  of  the  stills  and  help  themselves.  This, 
however,  was  soon  detected,  and  padlocks  put  on  the 
covers,  while  the  offenders  were  ironed.  Then  fol 
lowed  a  neater  trick.  The  wine  was  conveyed  from 
the  fermenting  vats  in  barrels,  with  one  of  the  heads 
off,  the  head  being  carried  at  the  end  of  a  long  stick 
by  the  hindermost  man.  The  burden  was  heavy,  and 
the  poor  carriers  wTere  permitted  to  set  it  down  and 
rest  occasionally.  "  O,  if  this  stick  were  only  hollow ! " 
sighed  the  hindermost.  "A  cane  would  do,"  answered 
the  foremost,  "and  we  could  then  take  our  turn  carry 
ing  the  barrel-head."  And  so  it  all  came  about;  after 
which  manifestation  of  the  power  of  mind  over  matter, 
it  were  calumny  to  say  that  these  heathen  could  not 
be  christianized. 

In  a  beautiful  plain  north  of  San  Gabriel  was  the 
mission  of  San  Fernando,  founded  in  1797,  where  was 
distilled  annually  two  thousand  gallons  each  of  wine 
and  fine  brandy.  In  1826,  besides  large  herds  of 


SAN  FERNANDO  AND  SAN  BUENAVENTURA.     193 

cattle,  sheep,  horses,  mules,  and  swine,  it  had  in  store 
$50,000  worth  of  merchandise,  and  $90,000  in  specie. 

The  mission  of  San  Buenaventura  owned  about 
1,500  square  miles,  sixteen  leagues  north  of  San  Fer 
nando.  Besides  stock,  orchards,  and  vineyards,  it  had, 
ten  years  before  its  secularization  in  1835,  $35,000  in 
merchandise,  $27,000  in  specie  and  church  ornaments, 
and  clothing  to  the  value  of  $61,000. 

Saint  Bonaventura,  cardinal-bishop,  was  one  of  the 
great  doctors  of  the  church,  and  ex-minister-general  of 
the  Franciscans.  This  establishment,  with  the  Santa 
Barbara  channel  at  its  door,  was  founded  at  royal 
expense  on  the  31st  of  March,  1782,  by  the  father- 
president,  Junipero  Serra,  associated  with  Father 
Pedro  Benito  Cambon — both  priests  remained  in 
charge  temporarily  until  the  arrival  of  the  royal  ship, 
which  brought  out  more  missionaries.  A  new  church 

O 

was  dedicated  to  the  service  of  God  in  the  mission  on 
the  9th  of  September,  1809,  by  its  ministers,  friars 
Jose  Senan  and  Marcos  Antonio  de  Victoria,  assisted 
by  the  clergyman,  Jose  Ignacio  Argiiello,  a  son  of  ex- 
governor  pro  tern.  Joseph  Dario  Argliello  of  this  Cal 
ifornia,  and  subsequently  governor  of  Lower  California, 
and  friars  Luis  Gil  de  Taboada,  Jose  Antonio  Calzada, 
Jose  Antonio  Urresti,  and  Jose  Maria  de  Zalvidea, 
ministers  respectively  of  Santa  Bdrbara,  Santa  Ines, 
San  Fernando,  and  San.  Gabriel.  On  the  llth  of  the 
same  month  were  transferred  thereto  from  the  old 
church  the  remains  of  Father  Vicente  de  Santa  Ma 
ria,  ex-minister,  who  died  on  July  16,  1806.  This 
church  was  greatly  damaged  by  earthquakes,  which 
rendered  it  necessary  to  erect  a  temporary  hut  of  straw 
at  San  Joaquin  and  Santa  Ana,  about  three  quarters 
of  a  league  away,  to  serve  as  a  temple.  The  people 
had  been  obliged  to  move  from  the  mission  buildings, 
fearing  from  the  agitation  of  the  sea  that  a  tidal  wave 
would  flood  it.  In  November  1818,  there  was  another 
flight  from  the  mission,  during  the  presence  of  three 
weeks  and  three  days  on  the  coast  of  two  insurgent 

CAL.  PAST.    13 


194  GOLDEN  AGE  OF  CALIFORNIA. 

ships  of  Buenos  Aires,  which,  under  Bouchard,  had 
bombarded  and  plundered  Monterey.  There  is  an 
entry  in  the  book  of  baptisms  of  the  mission,  on  the 
30th  of  December,  1827,  in  which  the  minister,  Friar 
Josef  Altimira,  formerly  of  San  Francisco,  and  who 
first  planted  the  symbol  of  Christianity  in  the  Sonoma 
valley,  certifies  having  christened  Papenajda,  a  half- 
breed  from  the  Hawaiian  islands,  "whose  natives  live 
without  knowing  the  true  God,  in  a  most  dark  and 
diabolical  superstition,  practising  idolatrous  rites,  and 
paying  a  cult,  '  muy  animal  6  bestial  que  dan  al  padre 
pe  la  mentira,  y  gefe  de  los  abismos/"  The  zealous 
father  stated  this  upon  information  given  him  by  his 
steward,  an  Englishman  named  George  Colman,  who 
had  lived  ten  years  on  those  islands,  and  had  lately 
joined  the  catholics.  Among  the  notable  burials  here 
recorded  were  three  soldiers,  in  1810,  murdered  by 
Mojaves,  who  visited  the  mission;  of  three  Indian 
centenarians,  all  women,  one  of  100,  another  of  105, 
and  the  third  of  114,  and  supposed  to  be  even  older. 
Also,  besides  Father  Santa  Maria,  were  buried  in  the 
mission  church  August  25,  1823,  Jose  Senan,  vice- 
prefect,  and  twice  president  of  the  missions;  June  18, 
1831,  Francisco  Suiier. 

Santa  Barbara,  famous  for  its  choice  wines  and  pro 
fuse  hospitality,  was  located  some  nine  leagues  north 
of  San  Buenaventura,  upon  a  picturesque  elevation 
about  three  miles  inland.  The  mission  buildings  were 
of  stone  walls,  with  two  towers  at  one  end,  between 
which  was  a  high  gable,  and  two  wings,  all  of  stone. 
The  roof  was  covered  with  tiles  laid  in  cement,  and 
in  the  towers  were  several  richly  toned  bells  from 
Spain.  In  one  of  the  wings  lived  the  padres;  the 
other  was  the  prison,  while  rows  of  adobe  huts  near 
by  were  occupied  by  the  Indians.  Near  the  church 
was  a  beautiful  garden,  surrounded  by  a  high  fence  of 
stone  and  cement,  yielding  a  variety  of  choice  fruit. 
In  front  of  the  church  were  constructed  of  solid  ma 
sonry  a  series  of  tasteful  fountains,  a  pool,  and  a  res- 


MISSION  SANTA  BARBARA.  105 

ervoir  seventy  feet  long.  Water  was  brought  from 
an  adjoining  hill  through  an 'open  stone  aqueduct,  and 
near  it  were  the  grist-mill  and  bath-house,  the  latter 
a  stone  structure  six  by  ten  feet,  over  the  door  of 
which  a  beautiful  jet  of  water  was  thrown  from  a 
stone  lion's  head.  The  water,  after  performing  divers 
duties,  was  carried  to  the  tannery,  and  finally  dis 
persed  over  the  soil  in  irrigating  canals.  The  church 
was  sixty  by  one  hundred  and  sixty  feet,  forty  feet  in 
height,  and  the  walls  eight  feet  in  thickness.  Paint 
ings  adorned  the  walls,  and  sepulchral  vaults,  the 
final  resting-place  of  the  clergy,  underlaid  the  floor. 
Richly  furnished  dressing-rooms  opened  into  the 
church,  and  the  ususl  paraphernalia  of  worship  adorned 
the  altar.  From  the  chancel  a  door  opened  into  a 
walled  cemetery  consecrated  to  the  burial  of  baptized 
Indians.  Within  this  enclosure  was  a  general  tomb, 
six  feet  in  depth,  with  heavy  walls  six  feet  apart,  in 
which  the  Indians  were  first  buried.  As  the  place 
became  filled,  the  bones  were  removed  to  a  spot  within 
the  enclosure. 

According  to  a  certificate  of  the  father-president, 
religious  ceremonies  were  held  by  him  on  the  spot 
where  the  presidio  was  established  on  the  21st  of 
April,  1782.  The  foundation  of  a  mission  was  sus 
pended  till  toward  the  end  of  1786,  when  it  was  car 
ried  out  half  a  league  to  the  northwest.  Notable 
events:  January  10,  1795,  Ignacio  Rochin,  soldier, 
executed  for  murder;  February  4,  1798,  was  buried 
Captain  Jose  Francisco  Ortega,  who  was  a  sergeant 
of  the  troops  at  the  foundation  of  San  Diego  in  1769, 
a  most  efficient  officer;  February  11,  1801,  Jose  An 
tonio  Rosas,  a  soldier,  born  in  Los  Angeles,  convicted 
of  bestiale peccatum,  and  sentenced  to  be  burnt,  together 
with  the  beast,  was  shot;  his  body  was  passed  over 
fire,  and  then  given  Christian  burial;  February  24, 
1824,  there  was  an  Indian  revolt,  and  some  twenty- 
nine  of  the  rebels  were  killed,  thirteen  of  whom  were 
buried  by  the  missionary,  and  the  rest  by  their  com- 


196  GOLDEN  AGE   OF  CALIFORNIA. 

panions;  December  28,  1848,  Joseph  Lynch,  Peter 
Remer,  and  Peter  Quinn,  murderers  of  the  Reed  fam 
ily  in  the  mission  San  Miguel,  were  executed  at  Santa 
Barbara,  and  buried  in  the  city  cemetery;  Ramon 
Rodriguez,  who  lost  his  life  in  the  pursuit  of  these 
malefactors,  had  been  buried  on  the  13th  of  the  same 
month;  February  26,  1852,  Carlos  Antonio  Carrillo, 
who,  in  1838,  received  from  Mexico  the  appointment 
of  governor  of  California,  but  was  not  permitted  to 
act  as  such  by  the  northern  Californians,  was  buried 
here  to-day.  It  is  known  that  the  remains  of  Gov 
ernor  Figueroa  were  deposited  in  the  mission  in  1835. 
though  no  record  of  the  fact  appears  in  its  books. 
There  is  no  evidence  that  they  were  taken  away  again. 
The  following  missionaries  were  buried  in  the  mission 
church,  to  wit:  February  14,  1793,  Antonio  Paterna; 
December  2,  1829,  Antonio  Jayme,  who  had  served 
upwards  of  30  years  in  California;  Antonio  Menendez, 
a  Dominican,  who  was  acting  as  chaplain  of  the  pre 
sidio  by  permission  of  the  father-president,  Narciso 
Duran ;  November  1834,  Francisco  Javier  de  Uria; 
December  18,  1840,  Buenaventura  Fortuny;  May  3, 
1846,  Francisco  Garcia  Diego,  first  bishop  of  the  Cal- 
ifornias,  who  died  on  the  30th  of  April,  at  the  age  of 
sixty  years;  June  3,  1846,  Narciso  Duran,  president 
of  the  missions,  one  of  the  guardians  of  the  vacant 
diocese,  who  had  been  vicar-forain  of  the  bishop  of 
Sonora,  and  twice  prefect  of  the  missions. 

The  missionary,  Friar  Luis  Gil  de  Taboada,  said 
that  on  the  8th  of  December,  1812,  while  he  was  at 
the  presidio  of  Santa  Barbara,  the  earth  shook  most 
violently,  and  the  sea  receded,  forming  a  high  hill. 
He,  with  all  the  people,  ran  toward  the  mission, 
chanting  the  litany  to  the  virgin  Mary.  Suddenly 
there  was  a  great  calm.  And  yet  all  was  not  calm. 
For,  upon  setting  up  in  the  ground  a  pole  with  a  ball 
upon  the  top,  in  a  place  where  no  wind  blew  upon  it, 
the  ball  was  constantly  in  motion  during  eight  days. 
After  that,  the  ball  would  keep  still  for  two  or  three 


SANTA  INriS.  197 

hours,  and  then  move  again.  This  lasted  about  a 
fortnight.  Hundreds  of  miracles  went  unrecorded 
hereabout,  because,  first,  they  were  too  frequent  to  be 
startling,  and  secondly,  the  fat  priests  were  too  lazy 
to  write  them  down. 

It  was  an  even  thing  between  them  sometimes— 
Christ  and  Belial — as  represented  by  the  army  chap 
lain  and  the  soldiers,  though  when  it  came  to  the 
darker-skinned  natives — for  that  of  the  Mexican  was 
dark  enough — both  Christ  and  Belial  were  against 
them. 

There  was  Father  Antonio  Menendez,  at  one  time 
chaplain  at  Santa  Barbara,  a  Dominican  of  gay  feather 
even  for  an  army  chaplain  of  the  olden  time.  Men's 
souls  for  heaven,  but  women  for  himself,  he  loved, 
and  wine  and  cards.  This  good  man  was  once  sta 
tioned  at  San  Diego,  at  the  time  when  Pio  Pico  as  a 
young  man  was  trading  between  that  point  and  Lower 
California.  One  day  Pico  arrived  with  a  fine  lot  of 
sugar,  upon  which  the  good  priest  cast  his  eye  covet 
ously. 

"What  say  you,  Don  Pio,  let  me  deal  you  a  little 
monte  this  evening?" 

"With  pleasure,  holy  father,  and  may  Saint  Domi 
nic  help  us." 

Game  after  game  continued,  until  when  the  short 
hours  were  reached,  all  of  Pico's  sugar  had  melted 
into  the  priest's  capacious  maw.  And  with  this  lot 
of  sugar  was  gone  young  Pico's  entire  capital,  none  of 
which  the  priest  offered  to  return.  On  the  contrary, 
he  reviled  his  victim. 

"  Know  you,  Pio  amigo,  that  you  just  now  reminded 
me  of  our  Saviour's  visit  to  this  world  ? " 

"  How  so  ? "  growled  Pico. 

"Listen,"  said  the  priest: 

"  '  Cristo  vino  al  mundo  £  redimir  el  pecado; 
Vino  por  lana  y  se  fue  trasquilado! ' " 

Which  is  to  say : 

Christ  came  to  ransom  man  of  woman  born; 
He  sought  his  sheep,  himself  departed  shorn. 


198  GOLDEN  AGE  OF  CALIFORNIA. 

The  mission  of  Santa  Ines,  thirteen  leagues  north 
of  Santa  Barbara,  held  less  land  than  any  of  the  oth 
ers,  but  it  possessed  beautiful  horses,  and  vast  herds 
of  other  stock.  In  1823,  the  property  of  this  mission 
was  valued  at  $800,000. 

The  natives  called  the  place  Alajulapu.  It  was  on 
the  17th  of  September,  1804,  that  it  was  formally  taken 
from  them  by  Father  Estevan  Tapis,  president  of  the 
missions,  associated  with  three  other  missionaries.  Its 
first  ministers  were  fathers  Jose  Antonio  Calzada  and 
Jose  Romualdo  Gutierrez.  Among  others  buried 
here  were  the  missionaries,  Jose  Antonio  Calzada, 
December  24,  1814,  whose  remains  were  transferred 
on  July  4,  1817,  to  the  new  church  this  day  dedicated 
to  divine  service;  July  26,  1836,  Marcos  Antonio 
Saizardo  Yitoria  y  Odriozola;  September  20,  1840, 
Felipe  Arroyo  de  la  Cuesta;  May  24,  1842,  Ramon 
Abella;  December  28,  1845,  Juan  Moreno.  An  ec 
clesiastical  seminary  was  established  here  on  the  4th 
of  May,  1844. 

In  1836,  when  Colonel  Mariano  Chico,  the  new  jefe 
politico  and  comandante  general,  was  in  Santa  Barbara, 
on  his  way  to  Monterey  to  take  formal  possession  of  his 
offices,  Father  Antonio  Jimeno,  then  chief  missionary  cf 
Santa  Ines,  provided  a  meal  for  him  and  suite  at  the 
Tecolote,  where  lived  the  neophyte  Cristobal  Manojo, 
an  Indian  sixty  years  old,  but  lively  and  witty,  and  with 
Spanish  speech  peculiarly  quaint.  The  savage  was  di 
rected  by  the  father  to  be  present,  and  attend  on  the 
great  man,  who  was  apprised  of  the  Indian's  peculiar 
wit  and  ways.  But  the  fellow  failed  to  present  himself, 
and  only  turned  up  after  Chico  had  departed.  Being 
asked  to  account  for  his  failure  to  come  and  present 
his  respects  to  the  jefe  politico,  he  answered: 

"O,  father,  it  did  not  suit  me  to  be  in  company  with 
a  bad  man.  He  is  a  rascal.  Don't  you  see  he  is  a 
boy,  and  wears  spectacles?  I  saw  him  when  he  was 
coming,  and  noticed  his  eyes  looking  from  under  his 
spectacles.  I  am  afraid  of  him." 


PURISIMA  AND  SAN  LUIS.  199 

"Nay,  not  so,"  said  the  other,  "he  is  a  good  gentle 
man;  he  is  our  general." 

"Wait  a  while,  and  you  will  see,"  said  the  savage. 
"A.  ver  quien  gana,  tu  6  yo" — tell  me  by  and  by  if  he 
be  good  or  bad. 

It  is  a  matter  of  history  that  this  jefe  politico  was 
one  of  the  most  despotic  rulers  who  ever  came  to  the 
Californias. 

Then  there  was  Purisima,  and  the  regal  San  Luis 
Obispo,  and  fourteen  leagues  away  San  Miguel,  whose 
lands,  sixty  leagues  in  circumference,  contained  many 
farming  tracts  of  remarkable  fertility. 

La  Purisima  was  first  founded  on  the  valley  of  the 
Santa  Rosa  river,  in  the  place  called  by  the  natives 
Algsacupi,  on  the  8th  of  December,  1787,  by  Father 
Fermin  Francisco  de  Lasuen,  president  of  the  mis 
sions.  Its  first  ministers  were  fathers  Vicente  Fuster 
and  Joseph  Arroita.  The  mission  was  transferred, 
on  April  23,  1813,  to  the  Canada  de  los  Berros,  and 
the  site  called  Amuu  by  the  Indians.  Its  ministers 
then  were  Mariano  Payeras  and  Antonio  Ripoll.  The 
former,  while  prefect  of  the  missions,  died,  and  was 
buried  in  this  mission  on  the  29th  of  April,  1823.  On 
the  1st  of  January,  1836,  there  were  in  this  estab 
lishment  192  men  and  130  women. 

The  mission  named  Gloriosisimo  Principe  Arcdngel 
Senor  San  Miguel  was  placed  on  the  site  known  by 
the  natives  as  Raticd,,  or  Vaticd.  The  date  of  foun 
dation  was  the  25th  of  July,  1797,  and  the  founder, 
President  Lasuen.  Its  first  ministers  were  friars 
Buenaventura  Sitjar  and  Antonio  de  la  Concepcion. 

The  mission  of  San  Luis  Obispo,  one  of  the  wealthi 
est  in  California,  was  situated  three  miles  from  the 
coast,  and  about  eighteen  leagues  north  from  La 
Purisima.  Luis  Martinez,  under  whose  charge  the 
agriculture  and  industry  of  this  mission  assumed  the 
grandest  proportions,  was  a  man  of  no  common  energy 
and  ability.  Every  mountain  stream  was  made  tribu 
tary  to  his  rich  lands,  which  covered  a  wide  area  along 


200  GOLDEN  AGE  OF  CALIFORNIA. 

the  ocean.  He  planted  cotton,  grew  olives,  taught 
his  Indians  to  catch  otter,  and  navigate  a  launch  to 
Santa  Bdrbara.  At  Santa  Margarita  was  a  well-filled 
granary  190  feet  long.  Upon  his  table  were  always 
found  the  choicest  delicacies,  rich  wines,  and  game ; 
and  his  guests  were  welcomed  and  entertained  in  a 
princely  manner.  When  obliged  to  abandon  his 
work,  upon  its  secularization  in  1834,  it  is  said  that 
he  returned  to  Spain  with  piety  and  industry  well 
rewarded  in  the  shape  of  money  to  the  amount  of 
$100,000.  This  the  good  father  no  doubt  thought 
better  than  taking  his  chances  on  everything  in  the 
next  world. 

San  Luis  Obispo  de  Tolosa,  this  mission  is  called, 
and  it  dates  from  the  1st  of  September,  1772,  when 
it  was  formed  by  Junipero  Serra  on  the  Canada  de 
los  Osos,  called  by  the  natives  Tixlini.  The  first 
ministers  who  took  charge  of  the  spiritual  and  tem 
poral  affairs  of  its  neophytes  were  I)omingo  Juncosa 
and  Joseph  Cavalier.  The  records  of  this  mission  are 
incomplete.  The  number  of  baptisms  therein  from 
the  date  of  foundation  to  September  21,  1821,  was 
2,549.  The  original  book  of  marriages  was  burnt 
on  November  29,  1776,  at  which  time  there  had 
been  56,  and  to  the  end  of  1784,  163.  The  num 
ber  of  deaths  to  the  7th  of  November,  1838,  includ 
ing  a  few  not  neophytes,  were  2,441. 

Jose  de  Jesus  Pico,  speaking  of  gold  found  near 
the  mission  early  in  the  century,  says:  "To  several 
of  us  Father  Luis  A.  Martinez,  in  1829,  gave  gold; 
to  myself,  Raimundo,  and  Gabriel  de  la  Torre,  and 
Francisco  Soto,  he  made  a  present  of  about  twenty 
ounces  of  gold,  not  coined,  but  in  little  balls  of  one 
ounce  each ;  because  he  had  much  affection  for  us, 
who  had  been  his  pupils  and  acolytes  here  in  the  mis 
sion  where  we  learned  to  chant  church  music.  The 
two  brothers  Raimundo  and  Gabriel  and  I  had  been 
with  the  padre  over  a  year  before  we  enlisted  as 
soldiers.  This  gold  must  have  been  found  at  the 


SOLEDAD.  201 

place  called  San  Jose,  near  the  mission.  There  were 
tli  en — we  being  little  boys — about  twelve  Spaniards 
within  the  site  proper  of  the  mission,  who,  as  I  be 
lieve,  were  engaged  in  cleaning  silver  and  gold;  and 
-I  ground  my  belief  on  this,  that  the  father  had  many 
flasks  of  quicksilver,  together  with  tools  and  materials 
for  cleaning  these  metals.  I  know  this,  that  we  often 
desired  to  go  in  and  see  what  these  men  were  doing, 
and  never  were  permitted.  It  was  only  some  Indian 
alcalde  that  was  allowed  to  enter  the  quarters  under 
menace  of  severe  punishment  if  he  divulged  any 
secret.".  .  /'When  Jose  Mariano  Bonilla  took  charge 
of  the  mission  he  still  found  a  room  full  of  flasks  of 
quicksilver  and  cotton,  and  it  was  he  who  sold  the 
quicksilver  to  a  vessel." 

This  Martinez  once  travelled  from  San  Luis  Obispo 
to  San  Carlos  in  a  fine  coach,  with  coachman  and  pos 
tillion.  The  two  savages  who  served  in  the  latter 
capacity  were  gorgeously  attired,  silver  and  gold  trap 
pings  shining  resplendent.  Now  when  this  came  to 
the  ears  of  the  father-prefect,  Sarria,  who  was  humil 
ity  itself,  he  was  wroth,  and  Martinez  was  severely 
reprimanded  for  his  violation  of  the  rules  of  the 
Franciscans,  as  in  this  carriage  ride,  however  much 
he  may  have  enjoyed  it,  there  was  about  it  little  pov 
erty  or  humility. 

It  was  customary  for  the  prelate  and  the  mission 
aries  to  assemble  from  time  to  time  at  the  San  Carlos 
mission  for  the  purpose  of  consultation.  On  such 
occasions  the  missionaries  proceeded  to  Monterey  in 
carriages,  while  others  rode  on  horseback.  From 
Monterey  to  the  Carmelo,  some  four  or  five  miles,  all 
walked,  proceeding  in  double  file,  the  Indian  servants 
in  charge  of  the  carriages  and  animals  brinorino;  up 

O  o  O       D          x 

the  rear. 

In  the  plain  called  Llano  del  Rey,  fifteen  leagues 
south-west  from  Monterey,  stood  Soledad,  the  inde 
fatigable  father  of  which  mission,  in  order  to  obtain  a 
plentiful  supply  of  water,  constructed  with  Indian 


202  GOLDEN  AGE  OF  CALIFORNIA. 

labor  an  aqueduct  fifteen  miles  in  length,  by  means 
of  which  20,000  acres  of  fertile  land  was  every  year 
redeemed  for  the  summer  drought.  So  rapidly  did 
horses  breed  at  this  mission  that  they  were  given 
away  at  times  in  order  to  preserve  pasturage  for 
cattle. 

Nuestra  Senora  de  la  Soledad  was  placed  on  the 
site  named  by  the  natives  Chuttusgelis,  the  9th  of 
October,  1791,  by  the  father  president.  Lasuen,  who 
made  Friars  Diego  Garcia,  and  Mariano  Rubi  its  first 
ministers.  The  records  show  that  there  were  2,290 
baptisms  to  1841,  738  marriages,  and  1887  deaths  in 
the  same  period.  This  mission  holds  the  remains  of 
Colonel  Jose  Joaquin  de  Arrillaga,  governor  and 
commander  of  the  forces  of  California,  who  died  there 
on  the  24th  of  July  1814,  and  was  buried  the  26th; 
also  those  of  the  missionary  Florencio  Ibanez,  who 
was  buried  on  November  18,  1818. 

Mrs  Ord  states  that  the  mission  San  Miguel  was 
visited  by  her  in  1833,  when  it  still  retained  its 
wealth,  Father  Cabot  showing  her  the  warehouses 
full  of  produce  and  goods;  there  was  also  a  consider 
able  amount  of  money.  When  she  was  there  again 
in  1835,  she  did  not  see  even  a  tumbler  to  drink  out 
of,  and  had  to  use  a  small  jicara  that  she  had  with 
her.  All  the  effects  of  the  mission,  the  cattle  inclu 
sive,  had  disappeared. 

The  mission  San  Antonio  de  Padua  was  begun  on 
the  14th  of  July  1771.  It  is  situated  in  the  sierra  of 
Santa  Lucia  and  Canada  de  los  Osos.  Its  founder 
was  Serra,  and  its  first  ministers  were  Friars  Miguel 
Pieras  and  Buenaventura  Sitjar.  The  number  of 
baptisms  effected  in  it  to  the  14th  of  June  1850  was 
4,571;  of  marriages  to  June  18,  1846,  1,282;  of 
deaths  to  April  22,  1849,  4,063.  Interred  in  this 
church  were:  March  15,  1801,  Francisco  Puyol,  min 
ister  of  San  Carlos,  and  September  3,  1808,  Buena 
ventura  Sitjar,  both  of  whose  remains  were  on  the 
14th  of  June,  1813,  placed  in  one  grave  in  the  pres- 


MISSION  SAN  ANTONIO.  203 

bytery;  February  8,  1830,  Juan  Bautista  Sancho, 
who  with  Father  Pedro  Cabot  left  Spain  in  company 
and  lived  together  for  a  period  of  twenty-six  years  in 
this  mission;  May  24,  1835,  Vicente  Francisco  de 
Sarria,  minister  of  La  Soledad,  and  who  had  served  as 
prefect  of  the  missions  two  terms  of  six  years  each. 
On  the  death  of  the  president,  Father  Seiian,  who 
named  Sarria  his  successor  in  August  1823,  the  latter 
assumed  the  duties,  calling  himself  vice-president  of 
the  missions.  Through  his  mediation  the  Indian 
revolt  at  Santa  Ines,  La  Purisima,  and  Santa  Barbara 
in  1824,  was  terminated.  When  the  mission  San 
Antonio  was  in  charge  of  fathers  Juan  Cabot  and 
Juan  B.  Sancho,  the  latter  directed  agricultural  oper 
ations,  and  also  attended  to  the  music,  the  mission 
having  a  good  orchestra.  He  always  kept  near  his 
person  a  handsome  Indian  boy  named  Josafat,  who 
was  charged  to  give  timely  warning  of  the  venomous 
ants  abounding  in  that  region.  Nevertheless  the 
padre  was  often  bitten,  and  then  Josafat  received  a 
whipping  at  the  hands  of  the  mestizo,  Antonio  Rosas. 
Later  Josafat  became  a  good  cook,  whereupon  the 
pious  Sancho  gormandized,  and  in  consequence  often 
had  the  stomach  ache,  for  which  Josafat  was  blamed, 
and  given  six  or  eight  lashes,  which  caused  the  latter 
to  ruminate  on  the  mysterious  ways  of  providence. 
These  facts  were  obtained  from  Josafat  himself  in 
1847,  when  he  was  still  living  in  San  Antonio  at  an 
advanced  age. 

A  redeemed  red  man,  named  Jacinto,  was  once  de 
tected  by  Father  Ambris,  the  parish  priest,  carrying 
off  some  fruit  from  the  mission  orchard  at  San  An 
tonio  hidden  in  a '  corner  of  his  blanket.  On  being 
called  a  thief  and  a  shameless  fellow,  he  answered, 
"No  Senor,  I  am  no  thief;  those  trees  were  sprinkled 
by  my  father  and  myself  with  the  blood  of  our  loins 
and  buttocks.  They  did  not  cost  you  anything;  and 
you  claim  them  as  your  own  simply  because  you  say 
to  us  'Dominus  Vobiscum."  Whereupon  he  turned 


204  GOLDEN  AGE  OF  CALIFORNIA. 

away,  imitating  the  padre's  lame  walk  and  laughing 
at  him.  Oh,  the  beast,  the  backslider!  But  was 
there  not  here  in  this  benighted  brain  more  of  mani 
fest  thought  and  originality  of  ideas  than  are  found 
in  twenty  scores  of  pulpits? 

Early  in  1835  there  was  an  Indian  uprising;  about 
300  armed  savages  coming  to  the  mission  and  threat 
ening  to  kill  the  administrator,  Mariano  Soberanes,  • 
and  his  family,  who  had  to  shut  themselves  up  in  the 
mansion  and  barricade  its  doors.  But  through  the 
eloquent  pleadings  of  Captain  Juan  de  D.  Padilla,  an 
old  veteran  of  the  Mexican  war  of  independence,  and 
the  clerk  and  schoolmaster  Florencio  Serrano,  and 
their  good  offices  with  Father  Vazquez  del  Mercado, 
who  seemed  to  be  the  instigator  of  the  insurrectionary 
movement,  the  Indians  retired  without  committing 
any  violence.  A  few  days  later  Administrator  Sobera 
nes  was  recalled  by  Governor  Figueroa. 

San  Antonio  was  on  a  stream  sixteen  leagues  north 
of  San  Miguel.  Its  lands  embraced  a  circuit  of  forty- 
eight  leagues,  and  the  waters  of  San  Antonio  were 
conducted  for  twenty  miles  in  paved  trenches  and  dis 
pensed  over  rich  tracts. 

La  Purisima  was  seven  leagues  northward  from 
Santa  Ines,  in  the  Coast  Range,  with  about  1,300 
square  miles  of  land.  This  mission  was  likewise  cele 
brated  for  the  beauty  and  speed  of  its  horses.  At  one 
time  cattle  increased  to  such  an  extent  that  permits 
were  granted  by  the  presiding  priest  for  free  slaugh 
ter  in  order  to  reduce  the  number.  Thousands  were 
killed  under  these  permissions  for  the  hides  and  tallow. 

In  the  valley  of  Carmelo,  which  opens  upon  the 
little  bay  four  miles  south  of  Monterey,  and  through 
which  winds  a  beautiful  stream,  stood  the  imposing 
mission  of  San  Carlos,  founded  in  1770,  and  secular 
ized  with  the  rest  by  1835.  It  was  an  undulating, 
grassy  country,  over  which  were  scattered  oak,  pine, 
and  birch  trees,  the  whole  carpeted  and  perfumed 
with  flowers  in  the  spring.  The  mission  buildings 


MISSION  SAN  CARLOS.  205 

stood  on  an  elevation  near  the  sea,  and  enclosed  a 
square  of  about  half  an  acre.  On  the  north  side  of 
the  square  was  the  church  and  the  apartments  of  the 
padres,  while  the  adobe  houses  of  the  natives  occu 
pied  the  other  sides.  The  dining-hall  adjoining  the 
church  was  about  twenty  by  forty  feet,  with  grated 
windows  and  wooden  inside  shutters.  On  one  side 
was  an  aperture  through  which  food  from  the  kitchen 
was  passed,  while  from  the  other  sides  doors  opened 
into  the  four  cells  of  the  friars.  An  outside  stairway 
led  to  the  church  tower,  where  hung  six  bells,  one  of 
which  rang  for  meals,  work,  and  rest,  and  the  others 
for  church  services;  and  by  means  of  which  the  daily 
routine  of  the  mission  was  conducted  with  such  regu 
larity  that  even  the  laboring  animals  understood  and 
obeyed.  Ten  years  before  its  fall  a  piratical  cruiser 
was  reported  on  the  coast,  when  the  worthy  frairs 
counted  up  their  specie  to  bury  it,  and  found  on  hand 
$40,000.  The  place  was  deserted  in  1840,  overgrown 
with  grass  and  brush,  with  scattering  Indian  huts  in 
the  vicinity,  a  family  of  half-breeds  keeping  the  keys 
of  the  church. 

The  mission  San  Carlos  Borromeo  was  originally 
founded  on  June  3,  1770,  on  a  site  a  gunshot  from  the 
beach  of  Monterey,  and  three  times  as  far  from  the 
port  on  an  inlet  communicating  with  the  bay  at  high 
water.  It  was  transferred  in  1771  to  Carmelo  bay 
and  river;  hence  it  has  often  been  called  mission  del 
Carmelo,  but  San  Carlos  was  always  its  proper  name. 
The  foundation  was  made  by  Serra,  at  royal  expense, 
like  that  of  the  other  missions,  and  its  first  ministers 
were  the  father  president  and  Father  Juan  Crespf. 
Among  those  buried  in  its  church  were  :  August  29, 
1784,  prefect  and  president,  Junipero  Serra,  doctor  of 
philosophy,  by  Father  Francisco  Palou,  in  the  pres 
ence  among  others  of  the  reverend  Carlos  Diaz,  cap^ 
tain  of  the  royal  vessel  San  Carlos,  and  friars  Buena 
ventura  Sitjar,  minister  of  San  Antonio,  Mathias  de 
Santa  Catharina  of  San  Carlos,  arid  Antonio  Paterna 


206  GOLDEN  AGE  OF  CALIFORNIA. 

of  San  Luis  Obispo.  June  27,  1803,  was  interred 
Fermin  Francisco  de  Lasuen,  president  of  the  mis 
sions,  vicar-forain  for  the  bishop  of  Sonora,  commis 
sary  of  the  Inquisition.  He  was  buried  by  Father 
Ealtasar  Carnicer,  Lieutenant-Colonel  Jose  Antonio 
Romeu,  governor  and  commander  of  the  forces,  who 
died  at  Monterey  on  April  9,  1792,  was  buried  at 
San  Cdrlos  on  the  following  day.  Lieutenant-colonel 
Pedro  de  Alberni,  captain  of  the  Catalan  infantry 
company,  and  military  commandant  of  Alta  Califor 
nia,  who  died  at  Monterey,  March  11,  1802,  was  like 
wise  buried  here. 

The  edifice  had  a  single  aisle.  In  the  south  was  a 
small  chapel,  being  the  first  church  founded  by  Father 
Junipero  Serra,  and  was  named  Capilla  de  los  Dolores. 
In  the  centre  of  the  altar  in  this  chapel  was  a  large 
statue  of  Christ,  later  placed  in  the  catholic  parish 
church  at  Monterey.  In  the  same  parochial  church 
were  placed  a  St  John  the  Evangelist  and  a  Dolorosa, 
formerly  belonging  to  that  chapel.  Above  the  sanc 
tuary  of  the  large  church  was  the  chief  or  high  altar. 
St  Charles,  the  patron  saint,  occupied  a  niche  oppo 
site  the  centre  of  the  altar,  St  Joseph  on  one  side, 
and  St  Anthony  with  the  child  Jesus,  on  the  other. 
There  were  other  niches  with  statues  of  the  arch 
angels,  and  other  altars  with  saints  and  devices  of  the 
catholic  worship.  The  church  had  two  towers,  one 
of  them  arched  with  four  large  bells  which  were 
heard  at  the  presidio ;  the  other  tower  had  two  bells. 
Among  the  statues  and  pictures  wrere  those  of  St 
Benedict  of  Palermo,  a  Dolorosa  with  Christ  dead  in 
her  arms,  and  a  small  statue  of  Christ  of  the  size  of 
an  average  child  of  two  years.  Of  pictures  there 
was  a  St  Rose,  one  of  Glory,  another  of  Hell,  ex 
hibiting  the  condemned  in  their  tortures.  There  were 
fourteen  paintings  of  the  passion  of  Christ,  which 
were  placed  in  the  parish  church  of  Monterey.  There 
was  one  remarkable  painting  representing  a  beautiful, 
vain  woman  with  a  snake  coiled  around  her  arm,  and 


AN  AMOROUS  POET.  207 

in  the  act  of  biting  her  under  one  of  her  breasts,  the 
ornaments  in  her  ears  and  on  her  arms  were  toads, 
serpents,  and  other  unclean  animals. 

Paulino  Serra,  an  Indian  who  was  baptized  at  the 
San  Carlos  mission  by  the  father  president,  was  till 
the  day  of  the  priest's  death  his  body  servant.  Pau 
lino  was  married,  but  not  satisfied  for  he  became 
enamoured  of  the  caporal's  wife.  He  was  a  knowing 
chap ;  and  though  his  Spanish  was  imperfect,  he  was 
none  the  less  thereby  prevented  from  perpetrating 
poetry.  On  day  while  sitting  at  the  house  of  Toribio 
Martinez,  an  old  soldier  and  founder  of  the  presidio, 
situated  in  the  Huerta  Vieja,  just  out  of  the  presidio's 
walls,  he  broke  out  in  the  following  quatrain 

Aqui  me  siento,  me  canto, 
Rimado  con  el  Pader 
A  ver  si  puedo  me  saco 
Del  caporal  su  mujer. 

Which  transformed  into  correct  Spanish  would  be 

Aqui  me  siento  a  can  tar 
Arrimado  a  esta  pared 
Por  ver  si  puedo  sacar 
Del  caporal  la  mujer. 

which  signifies  that  he  was  there  singing,  seated  by 
the  wall,  to  see  if  he  could  not  draw  out  the  idol  of 
his  heart,  the  caporal's  wife. 

On  St  John's  day  in  1842  Rafael  Gonzalez  of  Mon 
terey  invited  several  friends  to  dine  with  him.  He 
had  an  Indian  cook  named  Principis,  an  ex-neophyte 
of  the  San  Cdrlos  mission,  of  whom  he  was  particularly 
proud. 

"  I  will  show  you  this  day,  senores,  specimens  of 
the  culinary  art  such  as  you  do  not  often  encounter." 

The  viands  were  thereupon  ordered  served.  The 
guests  waited,  but  nothing  was  brought  in.  Gonzalez 
grew  impatient,  arid  asked  of  his  servants  if  dinner 
was  not  yet  ready. 

"No,  nor  will  it  be,  I  fear,  senor." 

"What!"  demanded  the  master. 

"There  is  no  dinner." 

"No  dinner!     Send  hither  the  cook." 


208  GOLDEN  AGE  OF  CALIFORNIA. 

"Now,  fellow,  tell  me,  why  dost  thou  not  serve  the 
dinner  ? " 

"Senor,  it  has  all  been  eaten,"  coolly  answered  the 
savage. 

"  All  eaten;  what  do  you  mean?" 

"Dost  not  thou  eat  every  day,  Senor?  Months 
pass,  sometimes,  wherein  my  parientes  may  not  once 
fairly  fill  themselves.  I  cannot  see  my  kindred  suffer!" 

Within  an  amphitheatre  of  mountains  benched  by 
scalloped  hills  arid  broad  flats  sinks  a  basin,  rimmed 
even  on  the  seaward  side;  and  in  this  basin  sits  the 
town  of  Santa  Cruz;  while  on  the  rim,  at  the  end 
of  the  bench,  where  the  river  San  Lorenzo  breaks 
through,  and  amidst  hundreds  of  beautiful  homes, 
stands  the  mission,  the  old  church — which  the  last 
time  I  saw  it  was  in  use  as  a  stable — cornering  on  the 
bluff,  with  an  irregular  square  in  front  of  it.  Patches 
of  fresco  still  adhered  to  the  walls  of  the  chapel. 

On  the  left,  looking  toward  the  ocean  down  a  steep 
embankment,  is  the  broad  river-bottom  of  the  San 
Lorenzo,  covered  with  waving  foliage  of  every  hue  of 
green.  Beyond,  the  bank  rises  into  a  bluff  again, 
back  of  it  the  plain  or  bench,  and  back  of  that  the 
mountains.  From  this  point  the  western  sun  sinks, 
not  into  the  sea,  but  behind  the  hills.  Just  above  the 
lighthouse  is  a  stony  beach,  the  strata  upturned  edge 
wise,  and  upon  this  unyielding  barrier,  full  of  holes 
and  abrasions,  the  waves  break  eternally,  wave  after 
wave,  every  moment  one.  Thus  at  Santa  Cruz  to 
day  is  seen  a  city  with  its  shops,  churches,  and 
temples  of  sensuality;  its  street-cars,  telegraphs,  and 
diverging  lines  of  railways;  its  bummers  and  boot 
blacks  ;  its  lawyers,  doctors,  and  merchants ;  its  milli 
ners  and  milliner-made  women. 

The  mission  was  founded  on  the  25th  of  September, 
1791,  its  first  ministers  being  friars  Alon so  Salazar 
and  Baldomero  Lopez.  On  the  10th  of  May,  1794, 
Friar  Thomas  de  la  Pena,  associated  with  other  priests, 
dedicated,  with  the  usual  pomp,  the  new  church. 


SANTA  CRUZ.  209 

Garcia  Diego,  bishop  of  the  Californias,  on  the  16th 
of  June,  1844,  declared  its  main  altar  privileged,  in 
that  all  priests,  whether  secular  or  regular,  officiating 
thereat,  might  free  from  the  sufferings  of  purgatory 
the  soul  of  the  person  in  whose  behalf  the  holy  sacri 
fice  of  the  mass  should  be  applied,  this  privilege  to  be 
good  only  for  one  hundred  years,  reckoned*  from  said 
year.  The  bishop  ordered  the  minister  of  Santa  Cruz 
to  give  due  publicity  to  his  decree.  This  mission  was 
plundered  by  Indians  and  others  in  1818,  during  the 
removal  of  valuables,  because  of  the  invasion  and 
bombardment  of  Monterey  by  two  armed  insurgent 
vessels  from  Buenos  Aires  under  Bouchard.  A  gen 
eral  inventory  and  valuation  of  the  mission  and  its 
property,  made  on  December  1,  1835,  showed  the 
total  of  assets  to  be  $84,335,  and  of  liabilities,  $4,979. 
The  mission  had  3,700  head  of  neat  cattle,  110  tame 
horses,  400  mares,  and  2,900  head  of  sheep,  28  hogs, 
besides  30  yoke  of  oxen,  41  mules,  7  jacks,  4  pregnant 
jennies,  and  a  drove  of  yeguas  aburradad. 

A  monster  of  cruelty  ruled  here  from  1818  to  1821 
— Father  Ramon  Olbes,  though  he  kept  the  neophytes 
well  clothed  and  fed.  He  would  attend  in  person  to 
the  distribution  of  rations,  first  to  the  men  and  then 
to  the  women.  Once  he  noticed  two  neophyte  women 
with  scratched  faces,  for  they  had  been  fighting.  One 
of  them  was  childless.  Olbes  inquired  into  the  cause 
of  the  quarrel,  and  demanded  the  reason  of  the  woman 
having  no  children,  why  it  was  so.  Neither  decency 
nor  humanity  restrained  the  priest.  He  would  not 
accept  the  woman's  explanation,  and  undertook  to  ex 
amine  her  person,  but  she  resisted  so  violently  that  he 
was  obliged  to  call  to  his  aid  the  alcalde  and  the  in 
terpreter.  Thereupon  the  brutes  stripped  the  woman, 
and  had  her  severely  flogged,  after  which  she  was 
placed  in  irons,  and  confined  in  the  monferio,  or  single 
women's  quarters.  The  next  step  taken  by  this  nine 
teenth  century  missionary  of  Christ  was  to  have  a 
wooden  doll  made,  resembling  a  new-born  child,  and 

CAL.  PAST.    14 


210  GOLDEN  AGE  OF  CALIFORNIA. 

compelled  the  woman  to  carry  it  about  as  if  it  were 
her  infant,  thus  wreaking  his  revenge,  and  bringing 
the  poor  creature  into  deep  debasement  by  reason  of 
her  infirmity.  For  nine  days  she  was  compelled  to 
present  herself  at  the  church  door  with  this  insult  in 
her  arms.  All  the  sterile  women  became  greatly 
alarmed  lest  they  should  be  so  treated.  The  woman's 
husband  must  likewise  be  brought  into  ridicule.  A 
pair  of  ox-horns  were  fastened  with  thongs  to  his 
head,  in  which  guise,  being  also  in  irons,  the  man  was 
brought  from  his  prison  to  attend  mass  every  day. 
As  he  passed  along,  the  other  Indians  mocked  him, 
playing  with  him  as  with  a  bull. 

Upon  the  authority  of  Lorenzo  Asisara,  a  neophyte 
born  at  this  mission,  this  same  Father  Olbes  often 
had  the  Indians  flogged  on  their  bellies.  Even  chil 
dren  of  eight  or  ten  years  were  given  twenty-five 
lashes  by  the  hand  of  a  strong  man,  either  on  the  back 
or  belly,  according  to  the  padre's  whim.  He  never 
ordered  less  than  fifty  lashes  to  a  grown  man  or  wo 
man.  Once  there  was  a  riot,  because  he  wanted  to 
flog  on  the  belly  a  man  named  Damaso,  who  had  not 
been  at  work  that  afternoon,  and  was  somewhat  late 
in  reporting  himself  after  working  hours. 

The  mission  of  San  Juan  Bautista,  situated  thirty 
miles  northeasterly  from  Monterey,  was  founded  in 
1794,  and  secularized  in  1834.  In  1820,  it  owned 
$75,000  in  merchandise,  $20,000  in  specie,  44,000  cat 
tle,  69,000  sheep,  and  6,000  horses. 

The  aboriginal  name  of  the  place  was  Popeloutachom. 
The  father-president,  Lasuen,  officiated  at  the  found 
ing,  on  the  21st  of  June,  1797,  and  the  first  ministers 
appointed  thereto  were  Joseph  Manuel  de  Martiarena 
and  Pedro  Adriano  Martinez.  The  number  of  chris 
tenings  effected  from  the  foundation  to  the  9th  of 
December,  1849,  was  4,896,  including  the  gente  de 
razon;  that  of  marriages  to  November  29,  1849,  1?313  ; 
and  that  of  burials  to  November  23,  1849,  4,617. 
There  are  burials  recorded  in  the  mission  books : 


SAN  JUAN  AND  SANTA  CLARA.  211 

tember  14,  1808,  Father  Andres  Dulanto;  November 
25,  1821,  Sebastian  Arrista,  "intendente  horioraris  de 
provincia,  cornendado  de  la  real  6rden  aniericana  de 
Isabel  la  cat6lica,"  a  native  of  and  refugee  from  Peru, 
who  died  on  the  24th;  November  4,  1825,  Father 
Estevan  Tapis,  minister  of  the  mission,  and  ex-presi 
dent  of  the  missions.  He  had  been  minister  of  other 
missions.  A  poor  fellow,  buried  October  28,  1819, 
lost  his  life  "  because  he  ate  tobacco  mixed  with  burnt 
shells,  which  is  customary  among  the  Indians."  On 
the  13th  of  June,  1803,  was  laid  the  corner-stone  for 
a  new  church,  which  was  finished  and  dedicated  to 
the  service  of  God  on  the*  23d  of  June,  1812. 

Six  miles  from  the  embarcadero,  at  the  southern 
extremity  of  the  bay  of  San  Francisco,  in  one  of  the 
richest  valleys  of  the  state,  is  situated  the  mission  of 
Santa  Clara,  which  in  1823  branded  as  one  year's  in 
crease  22,400  calves.  Besides  a  most  magnificent 
church  edifice,  garnished  with  massive  silver,  the  mis 
sion  owned  merchandise  to  the  amount  of  $120,000, 
75,000  head  of  cattle,  6,000  horses,  and  82,000  sheep. 

This  mission  was  established  on  the  12th  of  Janu 
ary,  1777,  by  Junipero  Serra,  on  the  site  called  by  the 
natives  Thamien,  and  dedicated  to  "Santa  Clara  de 
Assis,  virgen,  abadesa,  y  matriarcha  de  su  celeberrima 
religion."  Its  first  ministers  were  friars  Joseph  An 
tonio  de  Murguia  and  Thomas  de  la  Pena.  On  the 
19th  of  November,  1781,  was  laid  by  Serra  the  cor 
ner-stone  of  a  new  church  for  the  mission,  which  being 
finished  on  the  fifth  Sunday  after  easter,  was  on  that 
day  solemnly  dedicated  to  divine  service  by  Father 
Serra,  in  the  presence  of  fathers  Francisco  Palon  and 
Pena.  Governor  Pedro  Fages,  who  acted  as  secular 
sponsor,  and  Joseph  Joachim  Moraga,  commandant  of 
the  presidio  of  San  Francisco,  were  also  present.  On 
the  6th  of  March,  1833,  the  mission  was  transferred 
by  the  Fernandino  friars  to  those  of  the  college  of 
Guadalupe  de  Zacatecas,  and  several  ministers  have 
been  buried  in  the  church  of  this  mission:  May  12, 


212  GOLDEN  AGE  OF  CALIFORNIA. 

1784.  Joseph  Antonio  de  Jesus  Maria  Murguia,  and 
on  the  22d  of  November,  1830,  Magin  Catala,  to 
whom  was  popularly  attributed  certain  miraculous 
powers,  on  the  strength  of  which,  it  is  presumed,  the 
church  took,  in  1884,  preliminary  steps  toward  his 
beatification.  Eusebio  Galindo  says:  "Very  many 
years  before  the  Americans  took  this  country,  he  told 
us  we  were  to  be  witnesses  of  extraordinary  events, 
including  atmospheric  changes,  droughts,  and  other 
calamities,  predicting  at  the  same  time  'the  discovery 
of  great  riches  toward  the  north,  the  coming  of  im 
mense  numbers  of  strangers  from  all  parts  of  the 
world,  and  the  establishment  of  many  religious  sects. 
He  likewise  announced  that  the  missionaries  would  be 
expelled  from  California,  but  he  would  remain  till 
death  overtook  him,  which  came  to  pass. 

According  to  Kotzebue,  the  monjerio  of  Santa 
Clara  in  1824  was  entitled  to  the  name  of  dungeon. 
He  says  the  dungeons  were  opened  two  or  three  times 
a  day  to  allow  the  inmates  to  attend  church ;  that  he 
saw  the  girls  rush  eagerly  to  breathe  the  fresh  air, 
and  were  driven  into  the  church  by  an  old  white  man 
with  a  stick.  After  church  service,  they  were  driven 
back  to  their  prisons.  Some  had  their  feet  ironed,  as 
a  consequence  of  detected  transgression. 

In  a  rich  valley  east  of  the  southern  end  of  San 
Francisco  bay,  and  fifteen  miles  north  of  the  town 
which  bears  its  name,  was  situated  the  mission  of  San 
Jose.  This  establishment  for  many  years  supplied 
the  Russian  settlements  with  grain.  The  archives 
now  before  me  affirm  that  from  80  bushels  of  wheat 
sown  was  gathered  the  same  year  8,600  bushels,  and 
the  year  following,  from  the  scatterings  of  the  first 
harvest,  5,200  bushels.  Besides  a  fine  vineyard  and 
fruit-trees,  in  1825  it  owned  62,000  cattle,  besides 
horses,  sheep,  and  mules,  and  watched  over  3,000 
Indians. 

Mission  San  Jose  boasted  a  good  stone  church, 
which  was  preserved  beyond  the  days  of  secularization. 


MISSION  SAN  JOS&  213 

The  place  where  was  founded  this  mission  was 
called  by  the  natives  Oroysom.  On  the  1 1th  of  June, 
1797,  the  father-president,  Lasuen,  performed  the 
ceremony,  its  first  ministers  being  padres  Isidro  Bar- 
cenilla  and  Agustin  Merino;  but  the  first  baptism 
took  place  only  on  the  2d  of  September  of  that  year. 
The  number  of  baptisms  at  this  church  from  that  date 
to  May  8,  1859,  was  8,945;  that  of  marriages  from 
September  24,  1797,  to  May  17,  1859,  2,587;  and  of 
deaths  to  April  25,  1859,  6,945.  There  is  no  entry 
in  the  book  of  interments  for  the  period  from  May  1, 
1849,  to  May  18,  1850.  There  is  an  entry  by  Father 
Duran  on  May  7,  1832,  which  says,  "  estoy  aburrido 
con  tanto  enfermo,  y  morirse  estos  indios  mas  fragiles 
que  el  vidrio";  adding  that  he  had  five  boys  whose 
only  occupation  was  to  keep  him  advised  of  Indians 
taken  sick,  that  no  one  should  die  without  the  sacra 
ments.  Father  Rafael  de  Jesus  Moreno,  minister  of 
Santa  Clara,  one  of  the  college  of  Guadalupe  Zacate- 
cas,  was  buried  here  on  June  9,  1839.  Jose  Maria 
Amador  assures  us  that  the  Indians  of  mission  San 
Jose  were  dealt  with  most  rigorously.  Violations  of 
duty  were  seldom  overlooked,  a  slight  punishment  be 
ing  fifteen  lashes,  and  a  more  serious  one  twenty-five. 
Any  Indian  failing  to  attend  his  work  for  two  weeks, 
without  leave  or  without  good  excuse,  received  fifty 
lashes.  Fighting  in  the  rancherias,  accompanied  with 
bloodshed,  was  punished  with  one  hundred  lashes,  and 
the  offenders  were  also  kept  in  irons  at  the  guard 
house  during  the  hours  of  rest  for  a  week  or  two. 
Indians  who  failed  to  present  themselves  for  prayers 
at  the  church  were  recorded  in  a  list.  No  Indian  was 
ever  sent  for,  but  when  he  made  his  appearance,  the 
father  at  San  Jose  would  say,  "dente  el  socorro  espi- 
ritual "-  —let  him  have  the  spiritual  relief,  according  to 
the  fault;  if  the  absence  had  been  of  one  day,  six 
lashes;  if  from  two  days  to  a  week,  fifteen  to  twenty- 
five  lashes.  Sometimes  the  grim  inquisitor  would 
wax  facetious  over  his  painful  duty. 


214  GOLDEN  AGE  OF  CALIFORNIA. 

"Ah,  Lugo,  is  that  you  ?  Which  way  sits  the  wind, 
my  son?" 

"From  the  southwest,  Senor. 

"Yes,  yes,"  Duran  would  say,  striking  a  meditative 
attitude.  "Well,  let  it  rain." 

Then,  as  the  "spiritual  relief"  fell  on  the  shoulders 
of  the  culprit,  the  good  father  would  stand  by  and 
emphasize  the  blows  by  ridicule  or  cutting  irony,  or 
if  in  the  humor,  he  might  remit  a  portion  of  the  pun 
ishment. 

Every  day  there  were  a  number  of  Indians  flogged 
—some  days  as  many  as  ten.  The  Indians  did  not 
seem  greatly  to  mind  short  floggings,  for  after  receiv 
ing  them,  they  would  rise  up  cheerfully  and  go  to 
their  work. 

Jose  Maria  Amador,  who  relates  to  me  the  above, 
says  that  he  never  saw  at  the  missions  of  Santa  Clara, 
San  Jose,  San  Francisco  de  Asis,  San  Rafael,  or  San 
Francisco  Solano,  the  cruel  punishments  inflicted  of 
which  he  heard  as  occurring  at  Santa  Cruz,  San  An 
tonio,  and  other  places.  He  looks  upon  the  punish 
ments  he  witnessed  in  the  light  more  of  reprimands 
than  cruelty. 

He  relates  an  occurrence  at  Santa  Clara,  while 
Padre  Jose  Viader  had  charge  of  the  mission.  Three 
Indians  had  failed  to  appear  at  roll-calling.  There 
was  a  large  hole  in  the  ground  near  the  ayunte,  into 
which  the  three  Indians,  by  the  advice  of  a  soldier, 
went,  and  covered  themselves  with  dry  grass,  which 
the  soldier  set  fire  to.  The  Indians  rushed  out,  greatly 
frightened,  which  set  the  padre  roaring  with  laughter. 
They  came  and  knelt  before  him,  kissing  his  hand, 
and  he  forgave  them. 

The  Indians  had  converts  to  their  beliefs  as  well  as 
the  Christians.  For  instance :  the  owl  could  paralyze 
the  forefeet  of  horses  on  dark  nights  so  that  they 
could  not  travel.  Then  there  were  miracles  in  the 
form  of  sleight-of-hand.  Amador  says  that  when  he 
was  majordomo  of  the  mission  San  Jose,  an  Indian  of 


MISSION  SAN  FRANCISCO.  215 

Santa  Clara,  named  Firmo,  often  came  there  to  pro 
mote  dances  arid  practise  devilish  tricks.  On  such 
visits,  the  San  Josd  Indians  failed 'to  report  for  work. 
Father  Gonzalez  ordered  Ainador  to  ascertain  the 
cause  of  such  absences.  He  disguised  himself  and 
went  to  the  woods  where  the  dance  was  going  on. 
The  Indians  recognized  him,  but  said  nothing  to  the 
sorcerer.  This  man  swallowed  a  piece  of  pita,  or  agave 
fibre,  saying  beforehand  that  a  viper  would  come  out 
of  one  of  his  big  toes,  and  it  so  happened.  He  did  it 
twice,  with  the  utmost  neatness,  and  Amador  was 
greatly  surprised.  However,  he  had  the  fellow  seized, 
bound,  and  carried  to  the  mission,  where  he  was  put 
in  irons,  and  awarded  a  novenary  of  twenty-five  lashes, 
that  is  to  say,  this  number  of  lashes  every  day  during 
nine  days,  to  teach  him  that  he  should  not  practise 
deviltry,  and  that  it  might  serve  as  a  warning  to 
others. 

The  Santa  Clara  mission  buildings  were  once  of 
broad  extent,  and  the  seat  of  much  wealth.  The 
padre  president  sought  to  forestall  the  inroads  of  civ 
ilization  by  leaving  the  surrounding  lands  to  immi 
grants  ;  but  the  inevitable  was  thus  but  for  a  short 
time  warded  off. 

Mission  San  Francisco  was  founded  on  the  1st  of 
August,  1776,  and  its  first  ministers  were  fathers 
Francisco  Palou  and  Pedro  Benito  Cambon.  The 
corner-stone  of  a  new  church  was  laid  April  25,  1782. 
The  record  says  that  under  the  stone  were  placed 
some  relics — bones  of  Saint  Pius,  and  other  saints, 
five  medals,  and  a  considerable  quantity  of  silver  coin. 
The  mission  was  visited  by  an  epidemic  of  measles  in 
1806,  causing  the  death  of  236  children  between *the 
24th  of  April  and  the  27th  of  June.  The  following 
entry  appears  in  the  book  of  interments,  under  date 
of  July  22,  1814,  and  signed  by  Father  Ramon  Abella : 
"Buried  to-day  Biridiana,  the  last  adult  that  saw  the 
first  ministers  who  founded  the  mission ;  at  that  time 
she  was  about  25  years  of  age;  "y  de  seis  leguas  al 


216  GOLDEN  AGE  OF  CALIFORNIA. 

contomo  todos  se  han  muerto  de  los  que  vieron  a  los 
primeros  padres ;  y  de  los  que  han  nacido  despues 
raros  son  los  que  viVen."  This  resulted  in  38  years;  and 
it  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  to  the  20th  or  January, 
1810,  3,896  Indians  had  been  baptized,  besides  197 
children  de  razon.  It  is  therefore  not  to  be  wondered 
at  that  a  project  was  entertained  since  1822  to  trans 
fer  the  mission  to  the  northeastern  contra  costa,  on  the 
gentile  frontier.  In  March  1823,  Father  Jose  Alti- 
mira,  then  a  minister  of  San  Francisco,  in  a  memorial 
to  Governor  Argtiello,  recommended  the  transfer,  and 
an  exploration  was  authorized  and  effected,  the  symbol 
of  Christianity  being  planted  by  the  missionary  in  the 
Sonoma  valley  on  the  4th  of  July,  1823.  San  Fran 
cisco  was  represented  to  be  on  its  last  legs,  and  San 
Rafael,  a  branch  of  said  mission,  could  not  subsist 
alone.  Altimira,  by  the  governor's  authority,  went 
over  to  San  Rafael,  and  took  possession  of  the  prop 
erty.  On  the  23d,  he  departed  for  Sonoma,  with  an 
escort  and  laborers,  and  at  once  commenced  to  erect 
necessary  buildings.  However,  the  father-prefect 
opposing  the  scheme,  and  complaining*  of  such  usurpa 
tion  of  his  prerogative,  much  correspondence  ensued, 
until  finally  a  compromise  was  arrived  at.  New  San 
Francisco  was  to  remain  as  a  mission  of  regular  stand 
ing,  with  Altimira  as  its  first  minister,  but  he  was  to 
retain  his  connection  as  an  associate  with  old  San 
Francisco.  Neither  this  mission  nor  San  Rafael  was 
suppressed.  It  was  agreed,  however,  that  neophytes 
of  old  San  Francisco  could,  if  they  wished,  be  trans 
ferred  to  San  Rafael,  and  return  within  a  year. 

A  soured  sailor  of  the  Dutch-English  persuasion, 
jusfc  prior  to  the  middle  of  the  century,  saw  in  the 
sheltered  plain  of  Dolores  about  twenty  scattered 
houses,  the  only  sign  of  activity  being  the  bringing  in 
of  a  bullock.  "The  road  to  the  mission  was  fatiguing 
and  monotonous,"  he  says,  "and  led  through  thickets 
of  low  trees  and  deep  sand.  The  surrounding  coun 
try  was  far  from  being  picturesque ;  we  saw  it,  more- 


SITE  OF  THE  FUTURE  METROPOLIS.  217 

over,  under  sad  auspices,  ruinous,  dirty,  and  about  to 
become  the  abode  of  the  Mormonites.  The  church 
of  the  mission,  a  slovenly,  ill-built  edifice,  decorated 
in  a  tawdry,  unpleasant  style,  common  in  the  poorer 
churches  in  Spain  and  Italy,  was  still  in  repair. 
The  houses  intended  for  the  Indians  were  of  the 
meanest  description,  mere  mud  hovels,  with  only  one 
apartment,  but  disposed  regularly  in  ranges  and 
streets.  These  were  for  the  married  couples ;  those 
Indians  who  remained  single  were  locked  up  in  a 
quadrangle,  formed  by  the  houses  of  the  superior, 
the  priests,  and  officers  of  the  establishment.  The 
church,  the  factories  or  workshops,  and  the  prison — 
everything,  was  carried  on  within  itself;  carpenter 
ing,  weaving,  blacksmiths'  work,  were  all  pursued 
with  success  under  the  auspices  of  the  industrious, 
painstaking  padres.  However,  the  confinement  in 
which  the  Indians  were  kept,  and  a  solitary  life,  were 
usually  found  so  irksome  that  few  of  them  contin 
ued  long  under  lock  and  key ;  they  soon  acquiesced 
in  that  state  of  passive  obedience  which  ^t  was 
the  aim  of  the  institution  to  establish.  That  the 
fathers  did  not  go  beyond  appears  to  have  been  their 
great  fault,  the  rock  on  which  their  system  struck. 
We  found  the  house  of  the  superior  in  the  posses 
sion  of  some  Mormons,,  who  had  arrived  in  great 
force;  they  are  a  peculiar  sect  with  sensual  maxims, 
but  apparently  as  long  as  they  can  exist  in  plenty, 
disposed  to  be  harmless."  Here  are  our  blessed  peo 
ple  brought  down  to  the  level  of  swine,  and  Latter- 
day  Saints  placed  on  a  par  with  rattlesnakes  which  will 
not  bite  unless  unduly  stirred  up  ! 

In  San  Francisco  Bay,  and  all  along  the  coast,  seals 
and  sea-otter  were  very  numerous.  Senor  Amador, 
of  Mission  San  Jose,  affirms  that  in  1830  with  three 
or  four  natives  he  lassoed  thirty  out  of  a  hundred  sea- 
otter  which  he  found  at  Point  Quintin.  The  last  of 
the  race  within  the  Golden  Gate  were  at  the  mouth 
of  Sonoma  Creek,  a  small  but  happy  family,  under 


218  GOLDEN  AGE  OF  CALIFORNIA. 

the  protection  of  Vallejo.  There  they  enjoyed  un 
disturbed  their  ancient  home  until  1846,  when  certain 
hunters  crept  in  from  Santa  Barbara  in  light  canoes 
and  shot  every  one  of  them,  securing  forty -two  skins 
valued  at  sixty  dollars  each. 

In  1825  the  property  of  the  mission  of  San  Fran 
cisco  consisted  of  lands  forty  leagues  in  circumference, 
$35,000  in  merchandise  and  $25,000  in  specie,  76,000 
head  of  cattle,  3,000  horses,  79,000  sheep,  2,000  hogs, 
and  18,000  bushels  of  wheat  and  barley. 

The  record  books  of  the  mission  San  Rafael  have 
been  nearly  all  lost.  I  found  at  Saint  Vincent's 
Orphan  Asylum  one  book  of  marriages,  and  at  the 
parish  church  of  Dolores  one  of  baptisms,  marriages, 
and  deaths;  the  former  beginning  in  August  1840,  af 
forded  no  information  worth  relating  here.  The  latter 
shows  that  San  Rafael  Arcdngel,  called  an  asistencia 
was  founded  at  the  placed  called  by  the  natives 
Nanaguanui,  by  the  father  prefect  Sarria  on  the  14th 
of  December,  1817,  in  the  presence  of  fathers  Abella, 
Gil,  and  Duran.  Father  Luis  Gil  was  placed  in 
charge,  but  it  was  declared  that  San  Rafael  being  a 
part  of  San  Francisco,  the  ministers  could  act  at 
either  place.  The  saintly  missionary  Juan  Amoros 
who  had  been  serving  in  California  since  September 
1804,  the  first  fifteen  years  in  San  Cdrlos,  and  the 
remainder  of  the  time  in  San  Rafael,  died  July  14, 

1832,  and  was  buried  here. 

Mission  San  Francisco  Solano,  situated  in  the 
Sonoma  Valley,  began  its  work  on  the  26th  of  De 
cember,  1823,  with  the  burial  of  an  Indian  woman 
from  San  Francisco;  on  the  4th  of  April  1824  oc 
curred  the  first  baptism.  The  number  of  baptisms 
from  that  date  to  the  end  of  1839  was  1,494;  that  of 
interments  to  the  end  of  1839  was  875.  The  record 
shows  that  the  mission  was  visited  by  a  pestilence  in 

1833,  and  that  about  sixty  natives  died  of  it  between 
August   13th  and   November   28th.     The  smallpox 
raged  badly  from  July  to  December  1838. 


FATHER  JOSti  SORENIZO  QUIJAS.  219 

The  last  minister  of  San  Francisco  Solano  was  Padre 
Jose  Lorenzo  Quijas.  In  person  he  was  large  and 
of  great  strength ;  in  character  he  was  resolute  and 
fearless.  Alvarado  says  that  he  excelled  in  oratorical 
powers  and,  being  no  hyprocrite,  he  did  not  hesitate  to 
inveigh  from  the  pulpit  against  what  seemed  to  him 
immoral,  whether  the  offender  was  grandee  or  churl. 
Kind-hearted  as  well  as  strong-minded,  he  was  often 
found  on  the  side  of  the  weak.  Feeling  it  his  duty 
to  champion  the  cause  of  certain  prisoners  in  confine 
ment,  in  1838,  at  Sonoma,  the  bold  friar  found  him 
self  in  collision  with  the  feudal  lord  of  the  north. 
Again  in  1843,  when  Vallejo  resisted  the  collection  of 
tithes  for  the  purpose  of  founding  a  seminary  at 
Santa  Barbara,  Quijas  was  unsparing  in  upbraiding 
the  recusant  son  of  the  church. 

At  the  same  time  his  own  moral  character  was  by 
no  means  above  reproach.  He  preached  well,  and 
fought  well  for  the  right ;  but  he  could  not  help  lov 
ing  wine  and  women,  for  he  was  human;  besides, 
could  he  not  sell  himself  whatever  indulgence  he  re 
quired,  being  one  of  the  Lord's  anointed  ?  In  taking 
the  habit  of  his  order,  there  clung  to  him  some  of 
the  old  Adam  of  his  early  life,  for  in  his  youth, 
Father  Quijas  had  earned  his  living  as  a  muleteer. 
He  had  five  trains  of  pack -mules,  and  used  to  carry 
goods  to  Santa  Fe,  bringing  back  to  Mexico  beeves 
and  sheep.  He  fell  in  love  with  a  fair  Santaferiana 
who  jilted  him,  and  in  despair  he  became  a  friar. 
Salvador  Vallejo  says  that  during  the  first  few  years 
of  his  residence  at  Sonoma  he  was  considered  a  model 
of  virtue,  but  by  reason  of  frequent  visits  to  the 
trading  vessels  his  morals  were  corrupted,  and  he 
took  to  strong  drink,  which  ultimately  made  a  wreck 
of  him.  He  frequently  went,  without  a  pass,  to 
Ross,  and  always  returned  full  of  liquor,  and  bring 
ing  plenty  with  him.  The  Russians  themselves,  no 
triflers  with  the  bottle,  swore  that  Father  Quijas 
could  hold  his  own  with  any  Kadiak  at  Ross,  while 


220  GOLDEN  AGE  OF  CALIFORNIA. 

Alvarado,  who  was  well  qualified  to  form  an  opinion 
in  the  matter,  held  that  the  friar  could  lay  any  man 
in  California  under  the  table. 

In  his  cups  he  was,  up  to  a  certain  stage,  good- 
humored  and  agreeable,  but  when  he  exceeded  that 
limit,  which  was  almost  always  the  case,  he  became 
quarelsome,  and  even  dangerous. 

Arnaz  relates   that    when  the    governor  of   Ross 

o 

visited  San  Francisco,  a  ball  was  given  on  board  the 
Russian  vessel.  This  ball  Father  Quijas  attended, 
and  was  so  carried  away  by  his  enthusiasm  that  he 
hastened  to  borrow  Arnaz'  coat  in  order  to  take  part 
in  the  dance. 

The  estimated  wealth  of  the  twenty-one  missions 
at  the  time  of  their  opulence,  in  stock  and  grain,  was 
$435,000,  San  Gabriel  heading  the  list  with  $110,000, 
while  San  Rafael  had  but  $5,000  worth  of  property. 

All  the  missions  of  Upper  California  were  under 
the  control  of  a  father  president,  who  was  responsible 
for  his  actions  only  to  his  superiors  of  the  college  of 
San  Fernando  in  the  city  of  Mexico.  Each  mission 
was  directly  managed  by  a  resident  priest,  whose 
power  over  his  flock  was  absolute,  but  who  was  sub 
ject  to  removal  from  one  mission  to  another  by  the 
father  president.  It  was  the  duty  of  the  resident 
father  to  keep  books  of  accounts  and  to  make  annual 
returns  to  the  father  president,  which  should  be  a 
faithful  exhibit  of  the  state  of  his  charge,  both  in 
sacred  and  secular  things ;  it  should  state  the  number 
of  baptisms  and  conversions,  births,  marriages,  and 
deaths ;  and  should  set  forth  the  amount  of  stock  and 
grain  produced  during  the  year,  and  the  quantity  re 
maining  on  hand.  This  statement  was  forwarded  to 
the  father  president  with  a  request  for  such  articles 
as  were  needed  by  the  mission  for  use  during  the 
ensuing  year. 

Thus  we  observe  as  a  rule  the  missionaries  and  the 
soldiers  coming,  a  little  band  of  each  together,  to 


FOUNDING  OF  MISSIONS  AND  PRESIDIOS.  221 

occupy  the  country  for  God  and  the  king,  taking  up 
their  quarters  near  enough  to  be  of  aid  to  each  other, 
but  not  so  near  that  the  soldiers  should  interfere  with 
the  work  of  the  saints.  The  presidio,  or  soldiers' 
quarters,  was  usually  at  the  port,  or  near  the  landing, 
as  I  have  said,  while  the  mission  buildings  would  be 
placed  some  two  leagues  away.  And  when  settlement 
began,  the  incomers  at  first  always  located  them 
selves  having  an  eye  to  proximity  to  the  presidio,  the 
towns  indeed  springing  up  usually  immediately  around 
them.  But  soon,  owing  to  the  mild  character  of  the 
people  and  the  country,  immigrants  settled  themselves 
anywhere  and  everywhere  throughout  the  entire 
region. 

When  a  mission  was  to  be  founded,  the  first  build 
ing  erected  was  the  presidio,  whose  forts  and  walls 
were  of  adobe,  the  latter  eighteen  feet  high  in  some 
places,  and  in  other  less  exposed  points  twelve  or  four 
teen  feet.  On  each  side  of  the  presidio  was  a  clear 
space  of  about  300  feet.  The  walls  were  six  feet 
thick,  and  had  iron  or  bronze  guns  at  each  corner. 
The  guns  were  generally  useless,  except  to  inspire 
terror.  The  San  Diego  Indians  called  them  creators 
of  thunder.  Church,  warehouses,  and  dwellings  were 
all  inside  the  walls.  The  gates  were  of  heavy  timber. 
Besides  the  central  establishment  there  were  on  an 
extent  of  from  thirty  to  forty  square  leagues,  a  num 
ber  of  accessory  farms,  and  a  few  branch  chapels  at 
which  religious  services  were  held  on  stated  days. 

In  the  neighborhood  of  each  presidio,  and  generally 
at  a  distance  of  four  or  five  leagues,  ranchos  de  real 
hacienda,  or  ranchos  nacionales,  were  set  apart  for  the 
use  of  the  soldiers.  These,  at  first,  were  also  intended 
for  depositaries  of  tithes,  to  be  collected  in  cattle  and 
grain  by  the  government;  but  as  the  missions  were 
never  liable  to  tithes,  and  the  other  settlements  were 
of  small  value,  this  branch  of  revenue  was  never  of 
much  consequence,  and  the  ranchos  only  contained  a 
few  cattle  belonging  to  the  presidios.  They  were  un- 


222  GOLDEN  AGE  OF  CALIFORNIA. 

der  the  direction  of  the  commandants  of  the  respect 
ive  presidios. 

The  lands  of  each  mission  joined  those  of  other 
missions  on  either  side,  so  that  all  were  connected,  or, 
in  other  words,  the  missionaries  occupied  all  the  land 
along  the  coast,  except  the  presidios,  the  three  pueblos 
and  their  lands,  and  a  few  ranches  which  were  held  by 
virtue  of  grants  from  the  king  of  Spain. 

I  have  said  elsewhere  that  the  missionaries  objected 
to  any  settlements  in  the  country  but  the  missions ; 
the  presidios  they  regarded  as  a  necessary  evil.  They 
would  like  to  have  all  the  lands  to  themselves.  Jose 
Maria  Amador  related  to  Commandant-general  Vic 
toria  the  following  case,  which  occurred  in  his  pres 
ence.  He  and  another  soldier  had  gone  to  the  mission 
San  Luis  Obispo  escorting  Father  Tapis,  who  was 
then  president  and  vicar-forain.  It  was  on  a  quiet 
night,  with  the  moon  shining  brightly.  Amador  and 
an  old  man  from  Spain  were  sitting  on  one  side.  The 
priests  began  a  discussion  on  the  nature  of  the  moon, 
and  the  old  Spaniard  was  asked  by  one  of  them  for 
his  opinion.  He  coolly  remarked  as  follows:  "Land 
it  cannot  be,  nor  water;  frost,  still  less.  Were  it 
land,  there  would  be  sheep  of  the  missions  up  there. 
For  when  your  reverences  hear  of  some  poor  fellow 
asking  for  a  piece  of  land  to  place  his  live-stock  on, 
and  earn  a  living  for  himself  and  family,  you  say  to 
the  government  that  he  must  not  have  it,  because  the 
mission  needs  it  for  its  flock  of  sheep." 

At  a  later  date,  many  of  these  ranchos,  by  virtue 
of  the  colonization  law,  were  given  to  private  individ 
uals;  but  while  they  pertained  to  the  missions,  each 
rancho  was  managed  by  a  mayordomo,  either  de  razon 
or  an  Indian.  Each  rancho  was,  as  a  rule,  dedicated 
to  one  particular  branch  of  industry — as  horned  cattle, 
sheep,  agriculture,  and  the  like;  but  where  two  or 
more  branches  were  attended  to  on  the  same  rancho, 
each  of  these  was  under  the  care  of  a  capataz.  The 
neophytes  who  labored  on  these  ranchos  dwelt  there, 


MISSION  BUILDINGS.  223 

aad  were  subject  to  the  same  general  discipline  as 
those  at  the  mission  proper.  Early  in  the  present 
century,  there  were  about  50,000  Indians  connected 
with  the  missions.  N  one  but  the  alcaldes,  carporales, 
and  vaqueros  were  allowed  to  ride  on  horseback. 

During  the  epidemic  of  measles,  about  1825,  which 
carried  off  so  many  natives,  the  mortality  seemed  to 
be  greater  on  Sundays  and  Mondays ;  this  was  attrib 
uted  to  the  free  use  of  beef,  as  the  slaughter  of  cattle 
and  distribution  of  the  meat  took  place  on  Saturday. 
The  neophytes  at  the  San  Cdrlos  mission  were  reduced 
from  1,000  to  300  souls.  During  the  small-pox  of 
1834,  which  ravaged  the  northern  part  of  the  state, 
particularly  Sonoma,  the  southern  section  almost  en 
tirely  escaping,  the  natives  suffered  severely  from  be 
ing  left  to  themselves.  It  was  a  scurvy  trick  for  civ 
ilization  to  bring  its  pestilence  and  foul  diseases  to 
scatter  among  these  simple  savages,  and  then  abandon 
them  to  their  fate,  not  to  mention  rum,  syphilis,  and 
other  virulent  refinements,  causing  fearful  havoc. 

The  ranchos  de  ganado  mayor  of  the  presidio  com 
panies  were  formed  at  their  cost,  and  well  tended  by 
a  corporal  and  four  privates,  who  acted  as  herders. 
In  a  certain  month,  once  a  year,  the  free  soldiers  gath 
ered  there  to  brand  the  cattle,  the  comandante  gener 
ally  attending.  This  was  concluded  with  a  ball.  The 
soldiers  also  had  large  fields  of  grain  on  the  river 
near  Monterey.  In  later  times,  Comisario  Herrera 
attempted  to  interfere  in  the  management  of  the  pre 
sidio  ranchos,  or  ranchos  nacionales,  intending  to  make 
personal  profits  out  of  them.  Yet  he  knew  they  were 
the  property  of  the  troops.  This  gave  rise  to  disputes 
between  the  comandante  at  Monterey  and  the  comi- 
sario,  whereupon  the  governor  despoiled  the  owners 
of  the  property. 

The  mission  buildings,  besides  the  church,  which 
was  always  the  grand  and  prominent  figure,  consisted 
of  the  dwellings  of  the  padres  and  their  attendants, 
barracks  for  the  escolta,  storehouses,  outhouses,  and 


224  GOLDEN  AGE  OF  CALIFORNIA. 

corral  sheds.     Then  there  were  huts  and  houses  of  all 

frades,  built  chiefly  of  adobe,  however,  for  the  tamed 
ndians,  married  and  single,  the  former  living  in 
houses  of  their  own,  and  the  latter  divided,  the  boys 
in  one  house  and  the  girls  in  another,  each  watched 
over  by  proper  superiors.  Often  the  buildings  at  a 
mission  were  disposed  around  a  large  hollow  square, 
the  different  edifices  being  accessible  from  the  interior. 
One  or  two  large  doorways,  called  portones,  gave  in 
gress  to  the  court-yard.  The  house  of  the  padre  min- 
istro,  which  was  next  the  church,  and  like  it  fronted 
outward,  was  also  in  the  square.  Opening  into  the 
interior  of  the  square  were  the  workshops  of  the  car 
penters,  blacksmiths,  saddlers,  weavers,  hatters,  tan 
ners,  soap-boilers,  as  well  as  the  warehouse  where 
were  deposited  the  agricultural  products  and  manu 
factured  articles  of  the  missions,  and  the  effects  which 
the  padres  bought  from  vessels  or  traders.  Within 
the  square  were  the  kilns  for  burning  brick  and  tile. 
Outside  the  square  were  the  pits  where  adobes  were 
made.  Sometimes  the  buildings  were  partly  of  adobe 
and  partly  of  adobe  stone  and  cement,  with  roofs  of 
timber  and  tile,  all  being  of  very  solid  construction. 
The  missions  purchased  from  importers  all  such  articles 
as  were  required  for  their  Indians,  and  as  a  rule  the 
missionaries  were  faithful  and  honest  in  their  transac 
tions. 

The  house  of  Virmond  was  the  only  one  in  Mexico 
at  one  time  that  did  business  with  the  padres,  receiving 
in  payment  the  stipends,  or  orders  on  the  pious  fund, 
payable  on  presentation.  Other  business  of  missions, 
in  1840,  was  done  through  the  administrators.  " Al 
though  appointed  to  enrich  themselves,  the  adminis 
trators  kept  good  faith  with  us  traders,"  says  Arnaz. 

On  planting  a  mission,  the  first  object  of  the  fathers 
was  to  induce  wild  Indians  to  come  in  from  the  sur 
rounding  country  and  settle  near  them,  to  become  do 
mesticated,  to  accept  the  faith  as  it  was  held  out  to 
them,  and  to  assist  in  cultivating  the  soil. 


TRAINING  OF  NEOPHYTES.  225 

At  the  several  missions,  the  native  dialect  was 
generally  different,  and  this  had  to  be  learned  by  the 
priests,  the  Indians  being  taught  at  the  same  time  to 
speak  Spanish,  the  latter  language  coming  more  and 
more  into  use.  The  children  were  early  taught  Span 
ish,  and  encouraged  as  much  as  possible  to  drop  their 
mother  tongue. 

In  a  few  of  the  missions,  boys  of  musical  tastes 
were  taught,  besides  their  prayers,  even  in  their  own 
tongue,  vocal  and  instrumental  music,  and  their  ser 
vices  were  in  times  utilized  to  add  solemnity  to  the 
high  mass.  I  have  in  my  library  a  curious  relic  from 
1813  of  the  San  Jose  mission,  a  large  folio  of  sheep 
skin  leaves,  bound  in  wood,  the  first  few  pages  of 
which  give  lessons  on  gamut ;  the  rest  being  chants  for 
masses.  The  Indians  were  also  utilized  as  acolytes, 
and  in  other  capacities  about  the  churches.  I  have 
likewise  another  specimen  of  mission  music,  a  hymn 
for  a  quartette  choir  written  on  parchment  that  had 
previously  contained  writing  which  had  been,  not  very 
carefully,  erased.  The  notes  pertaining  to  each  part 
are  in  a  color  distinct  from  that  of  the  others.  The 
music  is  simple  and  adapted  to  the  comprehension  of 
the  neophyte  choristers,  nor  is  it  inharmonious.  The 
words  written  in  the  church  Latin  which  ignore 
dipthongs,  etc.,  are  those  of  a  hymn  of  the  catholic 
church,  which  may  have  possibly  been  the  composi 
tion  of  the  pious  padre  who  wrote  the  music,  and 
perhaps  composed  it.  In  my  library  is  also  a  copy 
of  a  trisagion  supposed  to  have  been  composed  by  the 
native  Californian  Juan  Jose  Higuera. 

The  temporal  as  well  as  the  spiritual  welfare  of 
their  charge  was  in  the  hands  of  the  priests,  who 
taught  the  Indians,  with  something  of  civilization's 
politics  and  moralities,  agriculture  and  mechanics, 
taking  care  that  the  practice  incident  to  these  teach 
ings  should  redound  to  the  public  weal.  Thus  was 
cleared  the  land  round  the  missions,  and  houses  built, 
and  water  for  general  use  and  irrigation  brought  in. 


CAL.  PAST.    15 


226  GOLDEN  AGE  OF  CALIFORNIA. 

While  some  looked  after  the  stock,  others  planted 
corn,  potatoes,  fruit-trees,  and  vines,  and  still  others 
learned  to  be  carpenters,  masons,  weavers,  smiths, 
quarrymen,  and  the  like.  Whenever  strangers  who 
knew  anything  of  mechanics,  arrived  at  the  missions, 
says  Robinson,  the  padres  availed  themselves  of  their 
services  to  teach  the  Indians.  The  centenarian 
Eulalia  Perez,  who  lived  many  years  in  the  missions, 
stated  that  a  neophyte  was  taught  the  work  for  which 
he  manifested  a  liking.  The  more  intelligent  were 
likewise  taught  to  read  and  write.  It  was  so,  at  least, 
at  San  Gabriel,  when  Father  Zalvidea  was  in  charge. 

o 

And  while  these  thus  near  the  drippings  of  the  sanc 
tuary  were  proceeding  so  gloriously  along  the  highway 
to  heaven,  the  surrounding  pagans,  living  some  dis 
tance  back,  would  come  over  the  hills,  and  down  to 
where  the  sweets  of  earth  and  heaven  were  being 
hived  by  the  busy  swarm  of  industry,  waiting  and 
watching  for  what  they  could  get  of  the  crumbs  of 
civilization  without  working  for  them. 

The  natives  were  quick  to  learn  the  mechanic  arts 
and  willing  to  work ;  but ,  left  to  themselves  they 
would  do  nothing.  They  were  but  children,  and 
needed  the  presence  of  the  father.  And  so  it  was 
that  lands  were  not  assigned  to  individuals  or  families, 
but  to  communities  having  an  overseer.  In  that 
way  they  would  work  and  eat  together,  cultivating 
the  land  in  common. 

Likewise  the  padres  were  physicians  for  the  body 
as  well  as  for  the  soul.  If  they  were  so  great  and 
good  as  they  claimed,  they  and  their  god  and  their 
king,  then  they  must  do  great  and  good  things,  as 
they  claimed  their  master  did  of  old,  feed,  clothe, 
heal  the  sick,  raise  the  dead,  and  cast  out  devils. 
The  climate  being  salubrious  and  food  plenty,  the 
priests  were  usually  equal  to  the  emergency;  though 
the  whitewashed  savages  could  not  fail  to  notice  that 
howsoever  prevailed  for  a  time  the  legerdemain  of  the 
priests,  Satan  was  sure  in  the  end  to  get  the  best  of 


DIVERS  CUSTOMS  AND  REGULATIONS.  227 

them ;  for  under  the  white  dispensation  as  under  the 
red,  all  men  sooner  or  later  came  to  grief,  were 
obliged  to  die,  and  be  buried  in  the  ground — where 
upon  the  priests  would  then  say  it  was  all  for  their 
good,  and  that  they  might  in  this  way  alone  reach 
heaven,  the  poor  savages  perforce  accepting  it  all  as 
true,  not  having  power  to  contradict  or  question. 

At  each  mission  there  was  an  infirmary,  consisting 
of  a  galeron,  or  gallery,  and  some  mats  on  which  the 
sick  neophytes  lay;  sometimes  the  padres  acted  as 
physicians,  but  generally  the  Indians  preferred  being 
treated  by  their  hechiceros,  or  medicine-men,  who  by 
study  or  tradition  had  acquired  a  certain  knowledge 
of  the  virtues  of  plants.  The  missionaries  had  direc 
tions  to  perform  the  Csssarean  operation  on  women 
who  died  enceinte.  I  notice  that  one  was  performed 
at  San  Francisco  on  November  12,  1805,  and  another 
at  San  Jose  December  21,  1825.  In  both  cases  the 
dead  children  were  baptized  sub  conditione.  There  is 
no  evidence  of  any  such  operation  being  ever  performed 
at  the  missions  on  a  living  woman. 

The  charitable  and  conscientious 'priest  could  not  do 
all  he  desired  on  his  stipend  of  $400  a  year.  For  him 
who  served  the  maker  and  ruler  of  the  universe  this 
was  rather  a  small  allowance,  even  in  this  lotos-land. 
Half  of  his  money  he  must  spend  on  his  own  dress,  for 
his  livery  must  be  in  some  degree  in  accordance  with 
his  pretensions;  then  he  must  have  his  chocolate  and 
his  wine,  and  good  tobacco  and  other  articles.  His 
rations  had  to  be  paid  for  out  of  the  stipend,  and  a 
few  pesos  had  to  go  in  relieving  the  necessitous,  etc. 
When  adult  prisoners  were  brought  into  a  mission  by 
a  converting  expedition,  they  were  first  taught  to  say 
their  pater  noster  and  one  or  two  other  prayers,  and 
then  were  christened.  Men  and  women  were  soon 
after  ranged  in  separate  lines  in  presence  of  the  mis 
sion  people,  and  haranged  by  the  padre,  with  the  aid 
of  an  interpreter,  on  the  merits  and  responsibilities  of 
marriage.  Each  person  was  asked  whether  he  or 


228  GOLDEN  AGE  OF  CALIFORNIA. 

she  wished  to  be  -married,  and  every  one  saying  aye, 
was  ranged  in  a  separate  line  of  his  or  her  sex.  Any 
man  or  woman  who  admitted  having-  had  sexual  con 
nection,  was  placed  apart  to  be  married  to  her  or  him 
with  whom  that  connection  had  been,  to  be  married 
whether  they  were  willing  or  not.  The  rest  of  the 
men  were  then  asked,  one  by  one,  which  of  the 
women  opposite  they  chose  to  marry.  If  the  selected 
woman  showed  unwillingness  to  accept  the  man,  he 
had  to  choose  again.  If  any  could  not  be  matched 
among  the  gentiles,  christianized  men  and  women  were 
called  up  to  choose  or  be  chosen.  If  several  women 
chose  one  man,  and  he  did  not  manifest  a  preference 
for  any  of  them,  their  names  were  thrown  together 
into  a  box,  and  the  man  drew  out  one,  whose  owner 
was  forthwith  through  a  messenger,  advised  of  the 
result,  and  required  to  set  forth  her  objections,  if  any 
she  had.  The  marriages  of  the  several  couples  took 
place  on  different  days,  for  each  one,  or  for  such 
group  of  old  and  new  Christians. 

There  was  an  Indian  herder  named  Cashuco,  who 
was  chosen  by  ten  women  at  the  same  time.  They 
cast  lots,  and  the  one  that  drew  the  prize  was  made 
supremely  happy. 

Care  was  taken  early  to  instill  into  the  hearts  and 
minds  of  the  native  children  the  power  of  religion 
and  the  dogmas  of  the  church ;  infants  who  lived  with 
their  parents  at  or  near  the  mission  were  brought 
almost  every  day  to  the  priests,  who  would  see  to 
their  food  and  general  comfort,  until  they  were  four 
or  five  years  of  age,  after  which  the  child  remained  at 
the  mission.  Thus  these  little  California  shock-heads 
became,  indeed,  children  of  the  church.  The  mission 
aries  were  very  attentive  to  their  spiritual  duties, 
exerting  themselves  to  increase  the  number  of  Chris 
tians,  and  in  keeping  the  latter  well  instructed  in  the 
tenets  of  the  faith;  often  using  to  that  end  the 
Indian  language.  They  were  at  all  hours  of  the  day 
or  night  prompt  in  administering  the  sacraments,  or 


GOOD   AND   BAD   MEN.  229 

attending  to  the  needs  of  the  sick,  for  they  often 
acted  as  physicians  and  furnished  medicines  to  their 
neophytes,  and  even  to  the  gentiles  who  came  to  beg 
for  such  assistance.  The  gentiles  were  never  refused 
food  when  they  asked  for  it.  This  was  an  induce 
ment  to  many  gentiles  to  embrace  mission  life. 

Down  to  the  period  preceding  Echeandia's  rule, 
which  was  from  1825  to  1831,  the  mission  Indians 
regarded  the  missionaries  with  the  awe  and  submis 
sion  of  children,  but  this  governor  imbued  them  with 
the  idea  that  they  were  citizens  and  had  political 
rights,  thereupon  discipline  became  relaxed,  and  the 
ministers  were  not  obeyed  as  formerly.  The  old 
Spanish  friars  or  Fernandinos,  were  mostly  moral 
men.  A  few  of  their  number  caused  scandal.  Much 
cannot  be  said  in  favor  of  the  Guadalupanos,  who 
succeeded  the  former  in  later  years  in  the  management 
of  the  northern  missions.  The  good  men  among 
them  were  few,  the  scandalous  ones  many.  Among 
the  few  who  deserve  especial  mention  were  Garcia 
Diego,  the  first  bishop  of  the  Californias  and  prede 
cessor  of  Bishop  and  later  Archbishop  Alemany ;  Gon 
zalez,  who  after  the  death  of  the  first  bishop,  was  for 
a  long  time  guardian  of  the  diocese,  and  Bernardino 
Perez,  who  went  home  to  become  the  guardian  of  his 
college.  It  is  quite  possible  that  the  founders  at  first 
purposed  not  merely  to  convert  the  natives  to  Chris 
tianity,  but  to  teach  them  also  the  arts  of  civilized 
life.  But  be  it  as  it  may,  they  were  taught  what  was 
barely  necessary  to  utilize  their  labor.  Neither  the 
government  nor  the  missionaries  took  any  pains  to 
make  them  in  any  way  capable  of  relying  on  them 
selves  after  the  secularization  of  the  missions,  which 
had  to  be  the  case  pursuant  to  the  royal  orders  under 
which  the  system  of  missions  was  established.  The 
neophytes  never  became  anything  else  than  large 
children,  with  many  vices,  incapable  as  a  rule  of  rea 
soning  or  of  self-control,  or  of  earning  independently 
their  own  living.  This  was  clearly  shown  at  the 


230  GOLDEN  AGE  OF  CALIFORNIA. 

secularization  of  the  San  Cdrlos.     The  commissioner 
was  instructed  to  make  three  partitions  of  the  prop 
erty,  one  for  the   Indians,  one   for  the  government, 
and  one  for  the  church.     The    Indians   accordingly 
took  their  portion  of  horses,  sheep,  neat  cattle,  goats, 
grain,  etc.,  besides  one  piece  of  land  for  each  single 
one,  and  two  pieces  for  such  as  had  families.     It  was 
forbidden  to  buy  any  of  the  property  from  them.  But 
this  precaution  amounted  to  nothing.     In  about  one 
year  the  Indians  had  either  sold  or  gambled  away 
what  they  had  not  eaten  or  drunk.     After  a  while 
some  died,  and  the  rest  dispersed,  abandoning  their 
lands,  which  eventually  fell  into  the  hands  of  rancheros, 
under  grants  by  the  government.     The  administrators 
after  the  secularization,  never  took  care  of  the  Indians 
as  the  friars  had  done.   The  recently  catechised  mostly 
rejoined  their  gentile  tribes,  and  often  led  the  bands 
that  raided  the  ranches  to  plunder  and  drive  off  stock. 
Before  the  secularization  of  the  missions,  but  the 
missionaries  were  aware  of  its  coming  on,  the  latter 
resolved  to  turn  to  money  as  much  of  the  cattle  as 
they  could   dispose  of.     Immense  numbers  of  cattle 
were    slaughtered,    contracts    with    private    persons 
being  entered  into  to  accomplish  the  object  in  view, 
the  contractors  receiving  one-half  of  the  hides.     The 
slaughter  was  so  large  that  the  government  became 
alarmed  at  the  thought  that  the  country  would  be 
left  without  any  cattle,  if  such  destruction  were  not 
checked.     It  accordingly  adopted  measures  to  put  a 
stop  to  it.     Pio  Pico  was  one  of  those  who  entered 
into  such  contract  with  the  mission  San  Gabrial,  ac 
cording  to  his  own  statement.     Mrs  Ord,  who  had  the 
best  opportunity  to  know  the  facts,  denies  that  there  was 
any  such  wholesale  slaughter  of  cattle.     Nevertheless 
she    acknowledged    having    heard    that   the   mission 
San  Gabriel  did  have  about  30,000  heads  killed,  be 
cause  it  had  not  land  enough  for  its  enormous  stock, 
said  to  have  been  about  100,000.     And  possibly  San 
Luis  Hey  did  the  same. 


MISSION  RULE  AND  ROUTINE.  231 

The  bachelors  lived  in  a  separate  edifice,  and  were 
locked  in  at  night,  the  key  being  given  to  the  padre. 
The  young  women  lived  in  another  edifice,  called  the 
monjerio,  under  a  matron  who  guarded  them  night 
and  day.  They  were  locked  in  at  night  and  the  key 
given  to  the  padre.  The  alcaldes  by  order  of  the 
mayordomo  gave  the  Indians  their  task,  and  released 
the  locked-up  bachelors,  as  did  the  matron  the  spinsters. 
The  unmarried  were  fed  daily.  The  married  received 
every  Saturday  one  ration  for  the  week  of  maize, 
wheat,  frijoles,  and  meat,  fresh  or  dried.  Breakfast 
was  eaten  at  daybreak,  of  atole  or  pozole.  At  11:30 
A.  M.,  laborers  returned  from  work  to  the  pozolera,  if 
the  work  was  near  enough,  and  went  back  to  work  at 
1  P.  M.,  stopping  at  sunset,  when  the  third  meal  was 
given,  of  atole  as  before.  They  were  well  fed. 

Once  a  year  the  mission  Indians  were  allowed  to 
go  to  the  woods  to  gather  fruits.  It  was  generally 
the  old  men  and  women  wLo  went,  escorted  by  some 
others.  Every  Indian  received  one  blanket  a  year, 
and  if  he  tore  it,  or  wore  it  out,  before  the  year  was 
over,  he  received  another.  Every  man  received  a 
taparabo,  or  loin  cloth,  and  a  cotori  de  jerga,  or  serge 
blouse.  Every  woman  got  serge  for  a  petticoat.  In 
later  times  a  variety  of  cloth  was  given  for  clothing. 
Indians  working  at  remote  ranches  generally  lived 
there,  and  had  their  pozolera. 

The  missions  had  various  mayordomos,  who  were 
charged  with  different  branches  or  with  a  rancho. 
They  were  gente  de  razon.  Capataces,  who  were  also 
interpreters,  were  chosen  from  the  most  intelligent; 
one  of  their  duties  was  to  transmit  orders  to  those 
who  did  not  understand  Spanish.  They  also  aided 
the  alcaldes  and  mayordomos  in  keeping  order. 

The  mission  herders  were  chiefly  Indians,  and 
tended  stock  under  the  care  of  mayordomos,  many 
receiving  saddles  and  boots.  Women  were  seldom  em 
ployed  in  field  work,  because  there  were  generally 
men  enough.  They  attended  rather  to  weaving,  sew- 


232  GOLDEN  AGE  OF  CALIFORNIA. 

ing,  and  keeping  the  houses  clean.  In  each  workshop 
was  a  teacher  de  razon.  Indians  could  not  quit  the 
premises  without  leave,  which  was  seldom  granted. 
Many  were  sent  under  contract  to  work  at  presidios 
and  ranches,  the  pay  going  to  the  community,  it  was 
said — the  padre  receiving  it,  however.  A  few  Indian 
boys  were  taught  to  read,  and  other  accomplishments, 
besides  trades.  They  acted  as  the  pages  of  the 
padre,  and  were  better  dressed  and  fed  than  the 
others.  None  but  vaqueros  might  ride.  Nearly  all 
the  missions  had  musicians 

Each  mission  had  an  escolta  of  generally  one  cabo 
and  four  men,  to  keep  order  and  protect  the  padres. 
San  Gabriel  had  a  larger  force.  Ordinary  punish 
ments  were  administered  by  the  padres,  aided  if 
necessary  by  the  escoltas. 

In  graver  cases  the  person  in  charge  at  the  mission 
had  to  secure  the  guilty  person,  investigate  the 
charge,  and  report  to  the  comandante  of  the  presidio. 

Eulalia  Perez,  for  many  years  llavera,  or  house 
keeper,  at  San  Gabriel,  says  that  the  married  neophytes 
lived  in  their  rancherias,  and  with  them  their  children 
while  small.  At  from  7  to  9  years  girls  were  brought 
to  the  monjerio,  where  they  were  reared  until  the 
time  of  marriage.  A  married  Indian  woman,  known 
as  the  madre  abadesa,  had  charge  of  the  monjerio. 
Every  night  this  was  locked,  and  the  key  given  to  the 
llavera,  who  took  it  to  the  padre  ministro. 

At  the  door  of  the  monjerio  stood  an  Indian  who 
called  the  roll  of  names  as  the  girls  went  in  at  night ; 
she  who  was  missing  was  the  next  day  brought  to  the 
monjerio,  and  shut  up  for  a  certain  time;  her  mother, 
if  she  had  one,  was  also  brought  and  punished  for  hav 
ing  detained  the  child.  In  the  morning  the  girls  went 
first  to  mass,  and  then  to  the  pozolera,  where  they 
broke  their  fast,  sometimes  with  champurrado — choc 
olate  with  atole  of  maize — with  dulce  and  bread,  or 
on  feast  days,  pozole  and  meat.  After  this,  each 
monja  literally  nun,  went  about  her  daily  task. 


MISSION  RULE  AND  ROUTINE.  233 

^> 

From  the  earliest  days  the  missions  were  allotted 
by  two  ministers  each.  As  a  rule,  the  one  most  com 
petent  to  attend  to  temporal  affairs  was  placed  in 
charge  of  them,  while  the  other  looked  after  the  spir 
itual.  The  former  also  assisted  in  baptizing,  burying, 
and  teaching.  Prior  to  1828,  the  padres  had  no  stew 
ards;  they  would  select  from  the  neophytes  the  most 
suitable  for  such  work,  and  place  them  in  charge,  each 
of  some  one  part  of  the  farm  work.  The  padre  took 
personal  care  of  the  warehouses,  and  superintended 
the  cutting  of  garments  for  the  natives,  and  the  dis 
tribution  of  rations.  They  labored  much  harder  than 
after  1828.  Very  few  missions  had  servants  de  razon, 
unless  it  was  sometimes  the  llavero.  Occasionally 
they  would  employ  the  corporal  of  the  guard,  or  some 
old  soldier,  who  understood  how  to  till  the  soil,  but 
this  was  usually  discountenanced  by  the  comandantes 
of  presidios,  on  the  plea  that  after  a  soldier  gained  the 
good  will  of  the  padres  and  became  accustomed  to 
the  luxuries  and  comforts  of  the  mission,  he  neglected 
military  duties. 

The  Indians  rose  early.  After  dawn  the  bell  rang 
for  mass,  which  the  padre  said  while  the  Indians  re 
cited  the  prayers.  After  the  first  mass  another  padre 
said  a  second  mass,  after  the  Indians  had  gone  to  work, 
breakfast  being  over.  All  Indians  in  the  rancherias 
came  to  the  pozolera  before  dawn,  to  take  breakfast  of 
atole,  made  of  barley  roasted  and  ground,  and  sifted. 

The  bachelors  and  spinsters  breakfasted  after  mass, 
which,  as  residents  at  the  mission,  they  had  to  attend 
daily.  The  neophytes  had  three  meals  each  day,  the 
desayuno  before  going  to  work,  the  comida  at  12  M., 
and  the  cena  after  work  was  done.  Their  food  con 
sisted,  besides  the  pinole,  of  beans  and  maize  or  wheat 
cooked  together.  Sometimes  in  the  morning  they 
were  given  meat  and  atole,  which  was  maize  boiled 
with  lime,  and  after  a  thorough  cleansing,  ground  by 
the  women  into  a  paste,  after  which  it  was  made  into 
a  gruel.  To  the  married  there  was  served  out  every 


234  ^GOLDEN  AGE  OF  CALIFORNIA. 

week  a  ration  of  grain,  maize,  wheat,  or  beans,  and 
daily  one  of  meat,  generally  fresh,  but  sometimes 
dried. 

Then  again  three  further  times  each  day  the  mission 
bells  would  ring,  when,  whatever  was  being  done,  off 
went  the  hat  arid  a  prayer  was  said.  At  such  times 
the  monte-dealer  paused  in  his  exciting  game;  no 
matter  how  nefarious  the  pursuit  which  at  the  time 
occupied  the  devotee,  these  bells  brought  him  at  once 
into  communion  with  his  maker — at  least  in  form. 

At  mass  there  was  a  sermon  on  some  point  of  doc 
trine,  some  portions  thereof  being  delivered  in  the 
Indian  tongue,  as  was  done  by  Padre  Zalvidea  and 
others.  When  the  padre  ministro  was  unable  to  do 
this,  he  had  recourse  to  an  interpreter.  Generally, 
however,  the  neophytes  had  learned  sufficient  Spanish 
to  be  able  to  understand  what  was  said.  Regidores 
led  the  recitations,  and  they  also  taught  pagans  to 
pray;  the  office  was  generally  held  by  some  blind 
person.  None  were  so  poor  or  unfortunate  that  they 
could  not  serve  God. 

The  mass  was  generally  sung,  the  musicians  and 
singers  being  neophytes,  several  of  whom  understood 
music  well  and  had  excellent  voices.  There  was  at 
Santa  Barbara  an  Indian  named  Antero,  who  died 
about  1843,  whose  excellent  tenor  voice  filled  the 
church,  and  was  admired  by  foreigners  as  well  as 
Californians.  He  also  played  the  bass-viol. 

The  same  religious  exercises  which  were  held  in  the 
morning  were  repeated  in  the  afternoon.  Sometimes 
the  morning  labor  lasted  from  sunrise  till  11:30  or  12, 
when  a  second  meal  was  eaten,  after  which  work  re 
commenced  at  1  or  1:30,  and  lasted  till  sundown  in 
the  season  of  short  days;  but  during  the  time  of  long 
days,  work  ceased  about  an  hour  or  so  before  nightfall. 

On  Sunday,  which  was  a  day  of  rest,  the  Indian  men 
presented  themselves  at  mass,  each  dressed  in  a  clean 
blanket,  shirt,  and  breech-clout. 

Coronel  says  that  at  the  sound  of  the  morning  bell 


MISSION  ROUTINE.  235 

all  the  neophytes  arose,  went  to  the  church,  and  of 
fered  a  short  prayer.  At  the  second  ringing  of  the 
bell  they  went  to  breakfast,  desayuno,  the  single  men 
and  women  to  the  pozolera,  or  place  where  the  pozole 
was  prepared,  and  the  married  to  their  own  houses. 
All  these  operations  took  place  before  sunrise.  At 
the  third  summons  of  the  bell,  just  at  sunrise,  the 
cuadrillas  of  neophytes  went  about  their  labors.  The 
ox-drivers,  gananes,  goad  and  yoke  in  hand,  presented 
themselves  at  the  corral.  The  caporal,  or  mayor- 
domo's  assistant,  whose  duty  it  was  to  look  after  the 
oxen,  indicated  to  each  the  animals  which  he  should 
take.  The  ox-drivers  yoked  each  his  oxen,  and  when 
all  were  ready  went  in  groups  to  the  localities  assigned 
them. » 

At  11  A.  M.  one  or  two  carts  laden  with  a  refresco, 
made  of  water  and  vinegar  and  sugar,  or  lemon  and 
sugar,  were  sent  by  the  padres  to  the  Indian  laborers 
in  the  field  as  a  preventive  of  illness. 

It  was  a  curious  spectacle,  that  of  a  priest,  aided 
only  by  four  or  five  Californians,  called  soldiers — 
though  such  they  were  not — managing  a  large  num 
ber  of  neophytes,  with  such  perfect  order,  and  without 
the  least  want  of  respect  on  the  part  of  the  Indians. 
It  is  true  that  these  Indians  worked  for  their  mainte 
nance,  and  a  blanket  and  shirt,  which  was  what  the 
men  generally  received,  although  to  the  women  were 
given  rebozos,  and  stuff  of  which  to  make  enaguas,  or 
petticoats ,  nor  did  they  receive  other  instruction  than 
that  contained  in  the  doctrina  of  the  church;  yet 
they  respected  all  gente  de  razon.  These  Indians  had 
learned  the  organization  of  the  family;  this  alone  was 
progress.  It  is  true  that  at  some  missions  where  the 
padres  still  had  charge  in  1834,  discipline  had  become 
lax,  for  the  Indians  were  full  of  the  idea  of  the  liberty 
which  secularization  would  bring  them. 

The  neophytes  were  divided  into  gangs,  cuadrillas, 
some  being  laborers  afield,  others  herdsmen,  others 
artisans,  others  hunters.  Each  cuadrilla  had  its  re- 


236  GOLDEN   AGE   OF  CALIFORNIA. 

spective  overseer,  who  managed  his  men  according  to 
the  instructions  given  to  him  by  the  padre  ministro. 

Each  cuadrilla  of  neophytes,  when  working  in  a 
place  apart  from  the  others,  was  directed  in  its  labors 
by  an  alcalde,  or  capataz  (foreman),  who  in  the  after 
noon,  after  work  was  done,  gave  an  account  thereof 
to  the  principal  overseer,  and  he  to  the  padre,  at  the 
same  time  receiving  his  orders  for  the  next  day. 

The  neophyte  men  wTere  taught  all  the  trades- 
carpentering,  blacksmithing,  how  to  weave,  make 
blankets,  carpets,  and  many  other  things.  The  wo 
men  learned  to  spin,  sew,  and  all  the  various  domestic 
duties.  At  every  mission,  day  after  day,  the  girls 
could  be  seen  out  in  the  square  at  the  spinning- 
wheels,  and  the  men  at  their  various  occupations. 
"The  missions  were  like  a  large  prison  at  the  east  in 
this  respect,"  says  Robinson,  "where  they  carry  on 
work,  with  workshops  of  all  kinds." 

The  neophyte  women  were  also  employed  in  har 
vesting  and  cleaning  the  grain,  in  cutting  the  grapes, 
in  cleaning  the  wool  and  weaving  it,  and  sometimes  in 
bringing  clay  for  the  manufacture  of  tiles,  especially 
the  single  women,  who  were  constantly  employed. 

Mission  padres  used,  to  offer  Indian  girls  of  eight 
and  ten  years  to  serve  in  the  houses  of  the  wealthy, 
exacting  in  return  that  they  should  be  taught  to  sew. 
When  they  reached  fifteen,  the  padre  would  urge 
neophytes  to  seek  them  in  marriage,  and  get  them 
back  to  the  mission.  There  were  accordingly  many 
good  sewing-girls  and  dancers  among  the  Indians. 

The  workshops  were  under  the  supervision  of  a  di 
rector,  or  master  workman  de  razon,  or  that  of  an 
Indian  who  understood  the  work.  The  mission  of 
San  Fernando  had  one  mayordomo  for  field-work  arid 
one  for  the  house.  As  to  manufactures  at  the  mis 
sions,  although  they  fell  far  short  of  perfection,  they 
sufficed  for  the  wants  of  that  epoch.  With  regard  to 
agriculture,  it  may  be  said  that,  while  the  implements 
of  modern  husbandry  were  of  course  unknown,  it  was 


MISSION  MANUFACTURES.  237 

nevertheless  in  a  sufficiently  advanced  state.  The 
principal  cereals  cultivated  gave  abundant  harvests, 
amply  sufficient  for  the  missions'  use,  and  wherewith 
to  sell  to  and  aid  the  people  de  razon  and  the  presidial 
troops. 

"From  my  own  observation,"  says  Coronel,  "and 
from  what  I  learned  from  frequent  conversation  with 
Padre  Zalvidea  of  San  Juan  Capistrano,  the  system 
of  agriculture,  manufactures,  and  instruction  in  opera 
tion  at  the  missions  was  based  on  a  work  entitled, 
Casa  de  Campo  y  Pastonl,  a  treatise  which  contained 
full  information  regarding  the  proper  management  of 
the  property  and  the  laborers." 

At  the  missions  he  who  passed  judgment  on  the 
offences  of  the  neophytes  was  the  padre  ministro.  He 
heard  the  complaints  of  the  alcaldes,  mayordomos,  or 
foremen,  and  ordered  the  application  of  the  punish 
ment — stripes  (azotes),  or  the  stocks  (el  cepo),  irons 
(grillos),  or  the  corma  (a  sort  of  portable  ambulatory 
stocks).  Besides  this,  there  was  always  a  calaboose  in 
which  to  secure  culprits.  When  the  punishment  con 
sisted  of  azotes,  the  culprit  was  either  triced  up  to  a 
post  or  stretched  face  downward  on  the  ground,  his 
breech-clout  was  removed,  the  flap  of  his  shirt  raised, 
and  the  alcalde  or  capataz  delivered  on  his  buttocks, 
or  the  back  below  the  shoulders,  the  number  of  blows 
ordered  by  the  padre.  Generally  punishment  was 
administered  at  the  guard-house,  which  was  next  to 
the  calaboose. 

Neophytes  were  sometimes  punished  by  confinement 
and  the  stocks.  When  the  offence  was  grave  the 
offender  was  taken  to  the  guard-house,  there  bound 
to  a  post  or  cannon,  and  given  25  stripes,  or  more  ac 
cording  to  the  case.  Sometimes  the  head  was  put  in 
the  stocks;  at  others  a  gun  was  tied  to  the  legs  just 
behind  the  knees,  and  the  hands  were  brought  down 
and  tied  to  the  gun.  This  was  a  severe  punishment, 
and  was  called  the  ley  de  Bayona.  Padres  Zalvidea 
and  Sanchez  always  showed  great  kindness  to  the 
Indians. 


238  GOLDEN  AGE  OF  CALIFORNIA. 

The  system  of  corporeal  punishment  established  by 
the  padres  was  adopted  by  the  administrators  of  mis 
sions,  the  alcaldes,  and  commissioners,  and  even  by 
individuals  who  had  Indians  in  their  service.  Every 
one  arrogated  to  himself  the  right  to  chastise  at  his 
own  pleasure  the  Indians  in  his  service.  ' 

The  mission  Indians  fancying  themselves  abused 
at  their  missions  had  a  right  to  prefer  complaints  before 
the  comandante  of  the  presidio  to  whose  jurisdiction 
the  mission  belonged;  and  it  was  his  duty  to  redress 
their  wrongs,  but  obviously  for  several  reasons  there 
were  few  such  complaints  made. 

While  Padre  Duran  was  at  San  Jose  several  Co- 
sumnes  presented  themselves  for  baptism,  which  rites 
they  received,  together  with  a  blanket  and  a  shirt,  as 
usual.  Misdemeanors  were  punished  every  Sunday 
after  mass  with  a  dozen  or  more  lashes  at  the  church 
door,  after  which  the  culprit  went  to  kiss  the  padre's 
hand  in  sign  of  submission.  One  of  these  Cosumnes 
who  had  been  thus  punished  became  enraged,  and  on 
reaching  the  padre  took  off  the  shirt,  and  threw  it  with 
his  blanket  at  the  feet  of  the  holy  man,  saying :  "  Padre, 
take  back  thy  Christianity;  I  want  none  of  it;  I  will 
return  a  pagan  to  my  country  " 

In  early  times  the  padres  were  wont  to  go  to  distant 
rancherias  unaccompanied  by  any  military  escort,  thus 
imperilling  their  lives.  After  the  assassination  of 
Padre  Quintana,  the  government  adopted  severe 
measures  prohibitory  of  the  padres'  running  like  risks. 
Therefore,  the  escoltas  received  strict  orders,  the 
corporal  and  soldiers  being  individually  responsible 
for  a  compliance  therewith,  never  to  allow  the  padre 
to  leave  the  mission  without  the  escolta,  whether  he 
liked  it  or  not. 

One  Salvador  Espinosa,  soldier  of  an  escolta,  was 
obliged,  on  a  certain  occasion,  to  use  force  in  order  to 
prevent  the  padre,  who  was  better  mounted  than 
he,  from  going  on  in  advance.  Espinosa  was  put  in  the 
stocks,  and  the  padre  complaining  of  him  was  obliged 


PRESIDIO  SOLDIERS.  239 

to  appear  before  Governor  Sola,  who,  on  learning  the 
circumstances,  approved  of  what  Espinosa  had  done, 
and  praised  the  fidelity  with  which  he  had  obeyed 
orders.  It  is  to  be  noted  that  in  those  times,  "  cuando 
todavia  se  amarraban  los  perros  con  longanizas"  (when 
dogs  were  still  fastened  with  sausages) — or  in  other 
words,  before  the  people  of  California  had  their  eyes 
opened — laying  violent  hands  on  a  padre  ministro  was 
a  most  heinous  offence,  which  was  punished  with  the 
greatest  severity.  The  individual  so  offending  lost 
his  position  in  society,  being  excommunicated  and 
ostracized. 

The  corporal  of  the  escolta  had  criminal  jurisdiction, 
and  in  cases  of  weightier  import  which  did  not  come 
within  the  cognizance  of  the  padre,  he  it  was  who 
ordered  punishment,  consisting  of  lashes  and  the  stocks, 
to  be  administered.  In  still  graver  cases  he  made  the 
preliminary  examination,  and  then  sent  the  culprit  to 
the  presidio  for  judgment.  The  corporal  was  charged 
with  the  defence  of  the  missions  in  case  of  a  sudden 
attack  by  either  internal  or  external  foes,  and  possessed 
even  the  power  of  life  and  death,  but  this  only  on  an 
emergency  when  it  was  impossible  to  communicate 
with  the  comandante  of  the  presidio. 

In  early  times  double  escoltas  were  stationed  occa 
sionally  at  the  missions,  such  an  escolta  being  com 
manded  by  a  sergeant.  In  those  days  the  corporal  of 
an  escolta  was  appointed  by  the  governor,  who  alone 
could  remove  him.  In  an  urgent  case,  however,  he 
might  be  suspended  by  the  comandante  of  the  presidio 
to  the  jurisdiction  of  which  the  mission  belonged. 
Ordinarily  the  escolta  consisted  of  a  corporal  and  five 
men. 

A  soldier  of  the  escolta  kept  watch  by  day,  and  at 
night  a  sentinel  was  placed,  who  by  means  of  a  bell 
announced  the  four  watches.  Of  course  the  corporal 
had  to  be  present  at  each  relief;  and  when  there  was 
a  less  number  than  four  enlisted  men  in  the  escolta, 
was  himself  obliged  to  keep  a  watch,  which  was  either 


240  GOLDEN  AGE  OF  CALIFORNIA. 

the  first  or  the  last.  The  mission  furnished  rations 
of  meat  and  grain  to  the  escolta,  afterward  sending  in 
the  account  to  the  habilitacion. 

The  married  corporals  and  soldiers  of  an  escolta 
had  their  families  with  them  at  the  mission,  and  there 
was  a  little  group  of  houses  for  the  use  of  the  troops. 
The  wives  of  the  married  men  prepared  the  meals  of 
the  bachelors,  who  made  over  to  these  women  their 
rations  free  of  charge.  On  extraordinary  occasions, 
such  as  feasts  of  the  church,  the  padres  made  presents 
of  fruit  and  wine  to  the  escolta  and  their  families. 
When  the  corporal  acted  as  mayordorno,  he  received 
from  the  missions  additional  pay  as  such,  say  $10  a 
month. 

In  the  mission  escolta  it  was  so  arranged  that  one 
soldier  acted  as  sentinel  from  6  A.  M.  till  12,  another 
till  6  P.  M.,  another  from  6  to  9  p.  M.,  the  rest  all  taking 
their  turn  for  three  hours  during  the  night.  When 
the  padre  wanted  an  escort,  the  soldier  was  sent  who 
had  been  sentinel  el  cuarto  de  alba,  or  the  next  one. 
The  day  sentinel  walked  with  sabre  or  sword,  the  one 
by  night  with  musket  constantly  in  hand.  Cabo  and 
men  had  all  to  sleep  in  the  guard-house,  whether  mar 
ried  or  single.  When  the  cabo  did  not  watch  them, 
the  soldiers  would  seek  the  Indian  girls  at  the  ranch- 
eria. 

On  October  7,  1827,  Jefe  Politico  Echeandia  issued 
a  bando  to  the  effect  that  no  person  should  leave  his 
place  of  residence  without  apprising  the  local  au 
thority,  or  spend  the  night  away  from  it  without  a 
pass ;  persons  found  without  such  passes  must  be  de 
tained,  and  no  person  should  tarry  at  any  other  place 
than  that  specified,  or  beyond  the  specified  time,  unless 
sickness  or  other  sufficient  cause  rendered  it  necessary. 
In  no  case  should  any  one  settle  in  any  place  without 
permission. 

Each  mission  was  not  only  self-supporting  when 
once  established,  but  was  an  instrument  for  the  rapid 
accumulation  of  wealth.  They  possessed  within  them- 


NATIVES  AND  PRIESTS.  241 

selves  all  the  elements  of  success.  They  guaranteed 
to  their  converts  the  most  possible  of  both  worlds. 
They  acquired  titles  to  broad  and  fertile  lands,  and 
paid  their  laborers  in  spiritual  wares.  Their  costly 
edifices,  workshops,  and  storehouses  were  erected  and 
filled  upon  a  credit  which  was  to  run  throughout  time; 
all  their  work  was  done  by  laborers,  who  at  the  close 
of  every  day  found  themselves  more  and  more  indebted 
to  their  employers — obligated  to  such  an  extent  that 
implicit  and  blind  obedience  and  faithful  services 
throughout  time  and  eternity  would  be  all  too  short 
in  which  to  make  their  acknowledgments. 

It  would  appear  that  if  it  were  possible  under  any 
circumstances  for  Christianity  and  civilization  to  bene 
fit  the  Indians  of  America,  such  fruits  could  not  fail 
to  appear  among  the  missions  of  California.  That  the 
purest  motives  sometimes  actuated  the  missionaries  in 
devoting  their  lives  to  this  work,  there  is  no  question ; 
that  their  treatment  of  the  natives  was  upon  the 
whole  kind  and  judicious,  all  travellers  bear  testimony, 
and  their  success  outwardly  was  great.  Thousands 
were  brought  into  the  fold,  taught  morality,  industry, 
and  the  arts  of  peace.  Their  condition  was  greatly 
benefited;  and  with  the  exception  of  the  wilder  spirits, 
within  whose  breasts  the  longings  for  their  ancient 
liberty  still  burned,  they  were  contented  and  happy. 
But  it  was  all  the  same  to  the  doomed  red  man,  as  if 
Satan  with  his  angels  was  let  in  upon  the  country  to 
burn  and  destroy.  To  the  savage,  civilization  is 
Satan. 

After  secularization,  mingled  with  the  Californians, 
as  servants,  and  partly  by  marriage,  were  many  abo 
rigines  from  the  plains  and  missions.  The  mission, 
broken  up  and  despoiled,  no  longer  afforded  shelter  to 
its  children,  save  a  few  of  more  solid  character,  who 
had  managed  to  secure  a  portion  of  the  community 
land  and  effects,  and  retain  them.  The  rest  had  been 
dispersed  to  seek  refuge  among  settlers  or  in  the  wil 
derness,  leaving  the  establishments  which  had  been 

CAL.  PAST.,  VOL.  I.    16 


242  GOLDEN  AGE  OF  CALIFORNIA. 

built  up  with  so  much  labor  and  devotion  to  be  carried 
away  by  plunderers,  or  to  decay  under  the  unavailing 
efforts  of  half  a  dozen  remaining  friars.  These,  per 
force,  must  now  turn  their  attention  to  the  spiritual 
wants  of  the  settlers,  whose  fitful  ears  heard  the  peal 
of  bells  only  on  sabbath  mornings,  rolling  faintly 
through  the  distance,  and  to  be  drowned  perhaps  by 
more  alluring  calls,  unless  revived  by  promptings  of 
gallantry  and  display.  The  natives  who  deserted  to 
the  woods  relapsed  into  barbarism  among  the  wild 
Indians,  living  in  rancherias  of  sheds  or  brush  arbors, 
depending  on  the  hook  or  trap  for  food,  with  roots  and 
fruit,  and  occasionally  some  maize  from  a  petty  field 
tended  by  the  women.  The  practice  obtained  in  the 
forties,  though  forbidden  by  law,  for  families  to  pur 
chase  Indian  boys  and  girls  from  New  Mexico.  It 
was  winked  at  because  of  the  benefit  accruing  to  the 
Indians  so  purchased,  for  they  were  educated  and 
treated  as  members  of  the  family  whom  they  served. 

Adhering  to  the  traditionary  usage  of  missionaries, 
the  settlers  would  still  descend  upon  these  waifs  in 
armed  force,  and  after  killing  a  number  of  warriors, 
capture  the  women  and  children,  or  even  men,  for 
compulsory  service  in  tillage  and  toil,  for  which  no 
compensation  was  accorded  beyond  food  and  scanty 
covering.  Such  outrages  afforded  just  cause  for  re 
taliation  under  the  guidance  of  mission  fugitives ;  and 
although  generally  confined  to  stock-stealing,  their 
raids  at  last  caused  great  anxiety,  especially  in  the 
south,  with  constant  calls  for  garrisons  or  volunteer 
expeditions.  In  the  north  the  scantiness  of  popula 
tion  had  led  to  a  more  general  employment  of  natives 
at  fair  wages,  which  were  squandered  during  frequent 
intervals  of  idleness  in  tawdry  finery  and  needless 
articles  of  consumption.  But  of  social  and  domestic 
characteristics  we  shall  have  fuller  facts  anon. 

Before  the  revolution  a  salary  of  $400  per  annum 
was  allowed  to  each  of  the  priests  connected  with  the 
missions.  This  salary  was  discontinued  by  the  repub- 


FATE  OF  THE  NATIVES.  243 

lie,  greatly  to  the  disgust  of  the  clergy,  who  were  also 
required  to  renounce  allegiance  to  the  king  of  Spain 
and  acknowledge  the  authority  of  the  republic.  An 
order  was  executed  liberating  from  the  jurisdiction  of 
the  missions  all  christianized  Indians  of  good  character, 
who  were  to  have  lands  assigned  them  for  cultivation. 
The  work  of  the  missions  was  still  to  continue ;  they 
were  to  appoint  parish  curates  over  the  liberated  In 
dians,  and  prosecute  their  efforts  to  reclaim  untamed 
gentiles.  All  this  gave  rise  to  much  dissatisfaction, 
and  many  of  the  missionaries  abandoned  their  labors. 

The  new  order  of  things,  instigated  no  doubt  by  the 
most  philanthropic  and  economic  motives,  operated 
against  the  interests  of  the  church  in  California* 

The  Indians  thus  emancipated  were  essentially  the 
support  of  the  missions,  under  the  strict  surveillance 
of  the  priests ;  they  performed  their  labors  faithfully, 
held  in  check  the  vicious,  and  were  an  example  to 
all ;  but  with  their  new  liberty,  unaccustomed  to  the 
exercise  of  forethought  or  self-command,  they  soon 
fell  into  dissolute  habits,  and  rapidly  melted  away. 

The  care  and  discipline  of  the  fathers  being  with 
drawn,  as  a  matter  of  course  the  spirituality  of  their 
children  was  soon  dissipated.  Abandoning  themselves 
to  spirituous  liquor  when  they  could  obtain  it,  and 
giving  way  to  laziness  and  vice,  the  converts  fell ;  and 
as  their  own  original  means  of  support  had  been 
withdrawn  from  them,  the  depth  of  their  degradation 
was  greater  than  during  their  primitive  state.  Some 
of  them  pursued  the  shadow  of  their  former  progress, 
and  cleared  the  weeds  from  spots  sufficient  to  sustain 
themselves ;  others  abandoned  all  attempt  to  maintain 
their  former  state  of  comparative  ease  and  happiness, 
and  made  acquisitions  only  in  the  new  vices  which 
were  taught  them  by  the  settlers  who  were  now 
rapidly  closing  in  around  them. 

The  administrators  placed  in  charge  of  the  missions 
after  their  secularization  were  most  of  them  incompetent 
or  unprincipled  men.  The  few  who  were  honest  tried 


244  GOLDEN  AGE  OF  CALIFORNIA. 

to  save  the  property,  but  their  efforts  were  unavailing 
against  the  orders  they  constantly  received  to  deliver 
it  to  others.  It  is  well  known  that  several  adminis 
trators  grew  rich  by  despoiling  the  establishments 
they  had  control  of.  Stealing  was  carried  on  to  such 
an  extent,  that  plates,  pots,  and  pans,  doors,  tiles,  and 
every  other  movable  thing  was  made  away  with  from 
several  missions.  The  departmental  government  tol 
erated  these  things  to  secure  the  support  of  a  certain 
clique. 

After  secularization  the  administrators  slaughtered 
large  bands  of  cattle  under  the  pretext  of  covering  ex 
penses.  One  of  the  occasions  of  great  slaughter  was 
to  meet  the  cost  of  the  schooner  California  for  govern 
ment  uses.  It  was  said  the  schooner  cost  7,000  hides. 
Nothing  was  utilized  but  the  hides.  The  slaughter 
ings  were  let  to  contractors  who  frequently  killed 
largely  in  excess  of  the  number  required,  carrying  off 
the  surplus  for  their  own  benefit. 

Soon  after  Alvarado  became  governor,  in  1836,  he 
began  to  lend  cattle  to  his  friends  and  favorites,  few, 
if  any,  of  which  were  ever  repaid. .  None  of  the 
loans  were  of  less  than  100  head,  some  even  exceeded 
1,000.  Add  to  that  the  orders  of  the  government 
for  cattle  to  meet  debts,  and  the  draft  was  ruinous. 
The  loans  were  made  on  the  following  terms:  to 
return  the  same  number  of  animals  and  of  the  same 
quality  in  five  years;  otherwise,  to  pay  the  price 
stipulated  if  demanded  by  the  government  or  any 
ecclesiastical  authority,  a  way  of  doing  business  so 
criminally  loose  as  to  invite  rascality.  In  Soledad 
1,000  head  were  sold  at  $1.50  each,  payable  in  goods, 
when  the  current  price  was  $4  to  $5  per  head  in  sil 
ver.  The  same  man  gave  800  cows  of  from  one  year 
to  three  years  old  for  fifty  horses.  The  same  fellow  de 
livered  fifty  cows  belonging  to  the  Soledad  mission 
for  fifty  bottles  of  common  brandy.  A  general  de 
bauch  followed.  This  according  to  the  testimony  of 
Estevan  de  la  Torre. 


INDIAN  LANDS.  245 

After  the  missions  had  been  stripped  of  their  live 
stock,  the  administrators  and  others  petitioned  for 
lands,  which  they  stocked  with  neat  cattle,  sheep,  and 
horses  from  the  missions.  Some  of  them  would  take 
just  enough  to  pay  themselves  for  arrears  of  salary;  oth 
ers  were  less  scrupulous.  The  government  was  well 
aware  of  the  rascality,  but  accustomed  to  such  dealings. 

When  Alvarado,  Jose  Castro,  and  their  forces,  re 
turning  from  the  south  in  1836,  arrived  at  Tecolote, 
the  place  where  the  eccentric  Indian  Cristobal  Mano- 
jo  lived,  he  greeted  them  "Viva  California  libre, 
mete  la  mano  onde  quierel"  Being  asked  what  he 
meant  by  saying  "poke  in  the  hand  where  you 
please,"  he  coolly  answered,  "pues,  todo  se  la  roban," 
which  means,  "well  you  steal  everything."  All 
laughed,  and  he  was  let  alone.  After  the  missions 
were  fully  secularized,  Manojo's  remark  fully  ex 
pressed  the  situation. 

All  governments  are  erected  upon  the  supposition 
that  a  large  proportion  of  their  servants  must  be  ras 
cals,  who  shall  give  bonds  for  their  good  behavior. 
The  chief  difference  in  this  regard  between  the  Mexi 
can  government,  including  the  California  branch  of  it, 
and  some  others  in  Europe  and  America,  was  this, 
that  while  in  the  latter  it  was  expected  that  some  of 
ficials  would  prove  honest,  no  such  state  of  things 
was  looked  for  among  the  Mexicans.  If  any  were 
above  peculation  or  other  rascality,  they  were  the  ex 
ception,  and  their  honesty  was  often  the  result  of  a 
lack  of  avarice,  or  the  absence  of  any  disposition  to  ap 
propriate  to  their  own  use  the  public  funds. 

The  colonial  laws  of  Spain  gave  the  Indians  a  right 
to  as  much  land  as  they  needed  and  would  use  for 
cultivation  and  pasturage.  Settled  communities  were 
to  be  provided  with  land  for  this  purpose,  and  the 
scattered  families  of  the  wilderness  were  ordered 
brought  to  the  villages,  tamed,  and  christianized.  It 
was  for  this,  primarily,  that  the  missions  had  been 
established.  Indian  lands  in  actual  use  and  occupa- 


246  GOLDEN  AGE  OF  CALIFORNIA. 

tion  could  not  be  granted  to  Spaniards.  Mission  lands 
were  the  property  of,  or  held  for  the  benefit  of,  the 
Indians.  This  was  the  theory:  when  a  grant  was 
made  of  land  upon  which  was  a  rancheria,  or  Indian 
settlement,  such  grant  was  made  subject  to  the  rights 
of  the  Indian,  and  the  grantee  did  not  acquire  title  or 
possession  until  the  village,  of  its  own  free  will,  re 
moved  from  the  grant.  So  much  better  were  the 
laws  of  man  than  the  deeds  of  these  men  of  God  ! 

The  system  of  despoliation  which  began  with  the 
conquerors  was  continued  around  the  circle  of  mis 
sionary  enterprise,  until  the  cause  was  left  where  it 
was  commenced,  with  the  difference  only  of  a  few 
millions  of  Indians  having  disappeared  in  the  mean 
time.  The  Jesuits,  by  their  influence  and  address,  had 
obtained  from  individuals  the  means  with  which  to 
found  the  missions  of  the  Californian  peninsula,  arid  the 
natives  were  then  called  upon  to  contribute  to  their 
support.  Fortune  rolled  in  upon  their  efforts,  and  w  hen 
in  the  height  of  their  prosperity  the  orders  reached 
them  from  Carlos  III.  to  turn  over  all  their  property 
to  the  Franciscans  and  depart  from  the  country  with 
out  the  spoils,  was  created  the  Pious  Fund  of  Cali 
fornia;  and  the  Franciscans,  with  splendid  resources, 
immediately  set  out  for  their  new  field  in  the  north, 
where,  after  drawing  upon  the  natives  for  thirty  thou 
sand  laborers  for  half  a  century ,  they  acquired  immense 
wealth,  only  to  be  themselves  deprived  of  power,  and 
their  neophytes  robbed,  through  the  secularization  of 
their  missions,  in  1833-5,  by  agents  of  the  government. 
But  the  end  was  not  yet ;  for  as  the  government  was 
robbed  by  the  administrators,  so  were  the  Californians 
robbed  by  the  incoming  Yankees.  What  power  shall 
next  appear  to  wrest  these  lands  from  us  we  cannot 
tell;  but  whatever  it  may  be,  as  good  and  civilized 
Christians,  we  must  hail  it  as  sent  of  God,  in  his  in 
finite  mercy  and  wisdom,  and  for  the  glorious  purposes 
of  progress. 


WILL  THERE  BE  ANOTHER?  247 

Decay  and  death,  however,  are  not  our  present 
theme,  but  life,  and  light,  and  joy.  All  through  the 
golden  age  lay  this  blissful  land  in  slumber  breathing, 
dreaming  like  the  unblown  blossom  of  its  future  glo 
ries,  its  soft  wind  sighing  the  longings  of  ambitious 
youth;  meanwhile  onward  marching  the  constrained 
impatient  world  through  time  from  eternity  to  eter 
nity,  never  ceasing,  never  resting,  the  same  force  that 
brings  men  into  life  hurrying  them  hence,  the  same 
summer  sun  that  warms  into  being,  that  forces  from 
the  buried  seed  the  wide-spread  tree  and  sweetens  the 
ripening  fruit,  bringing  rottenness  and  death.  Woods 
decay,  forests  fall,  rivers  die,  mountains  melt,  nations 
come  and  go,  mind  only  remains,  and  with  the  ages 
gathers  strength  and  volume. 

Gone  are  those  happy  hours  when  plenty  bloomed, 
and  care  and  wealth  alike  were  unknown;  gone  are 
the  light  labors  and  healthful  sports,  without  which 
Eden  would  be  no  paradise;  and  in  their  place  we 
have  the  screeching  of  steam,  the  bustle  of  trade,  the 
cumbrous  activities  of  opulence,  and  hearts  heavily 
freighted  with  care. 

Will  California  ever  have  another  golden  age  \  I 
trust  so ;  but  not  in  the  near  future.  When  it  comes 
it  will  be  neither  an  age  of  savagism,  nor  an  age  of 
pastoral  sensuousness,  nor  yet  an  age  of  city-building, 
of  soil-subduing,  of  mad  money -gathering;  but  it  will 
be  the  day  when  mind  and  morality  shall  reign  supe 
rior  to  avarice  and  passion,  when  genius  is  worshipped 
in  place  of  gold,  and  when  studious  leisure  and  taste 
ful  simplicity  shall  take  the  place  of  absorbing  lust  and 
gaudy  splendor. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

COLONIZATION,   PUEBLO  SYSTEM,   AND  LAND  GRANTS. 

But  still  there  is  unto  a  patriot  nation, 

Which  loves  so  well  its  country  and  its  king, 
A  subject  of  sublimest  exultation. 

— Don  Juan. 

THE  thrifty  padres  from  the  start  insisted  that  the 
missions  would  hardly  support  the  neophytes,  let  alone 
providing  for  the  presidios ;  wherefore  the  government 
contemplated,  as  early  as  1776,  establishing  pueblos 
or  towns  in  fertile  regions.  This  plan  had  a  double 
object,  namely,  supplying  the  new  presidios  at  reduced 
cost,  and  settling  the  land  with  gente  de  razon. 

Governor  Felipe  de  Neve  recommended  two  spots 
as  eminently  fitted  for  this  purpose,  one  on  the  river 
Porciuncula  in  the  south,  and  another  on  the  Guada- 
lupe  in  the  north.  Without  waiting  for  the  sanction 
of  his  superior,  he  proceeded  at  once  to  found  the 
northern  town,  with  nine  soldiers  from  Monterey  and 
San  Francisco,  and  nineteen  other  persons,  with  their 
families,  making  a  total  of  66  colonists.  The  pueblo 
was  founded  near  the  eastern  bank  of  the  Guadalupe, 
and  about  three  fourths  of  a  league  southeast  of  the 
Santa  Clara  mission.  This  foundation  took  place  on 
the  29th  of  November,  and  the  town  was  named  San 
Jose  de  Guadalupe,  though  an  effort  was  occasionally 
made  to  attach  to  it  the  name  of  Galvez,  the  visitador- 
general  of  New  Spain,  to  whose  energetic  measures 
was  due  the  existence  of  the  new  establishments.  To 
each  settler  were  given  a  tract  of  irrigable  land  suffi 
cient  to  sow  thereon  three  bushels  of  Indian  corn,  a 
house-lot,  ten  dollars  a  month,  and  a  soldier's  ration, 

(248) 


FOUNDING   OF   SAN  JOS&  249 

besides  a  yoke  of  oxen,  two  cows,  one  mule,  two  sheep, 
two  goats,  and  the  requisite  seed  and  implements. 
Such  was  the  origin  of  the  beautiful  city  of  San  Jose, 
on  which  has  been  bestowed  in  later  years  the  well- 
merited  title  of  the  garden  city. 

Neve's  act  could,  until  1781,  be  regarded  as  only 
experimental.  From  the  beginning  it  met  with  oppo 
sition  from  the  missionaries,  who  now  were  willing  to 
supply  the  presidios.  But  the  governor  had  another 
object  in  view,  which  was  to  people  the  land  with 
Spanish  subjects. 

A  regulation  for  the  military  government  of  the 
new  settlements,  duly  sanctioned  by  superior  author 
ity,  has  been  credited  to  Governor  Neve,  and  went 
practically  into  effect  early  in  1781.  It  embraced  also 
a  plan  of  colonization.  Under  it  was  made  a  formal 
redistribution  of  the  lands  in  the  pueblo  of  San  Jose, 
and  the  foundation  of  Los  Angeles  on  the  Porciuncula 
was  also  effected.  This  regulation  bears  the  title  of 
Recjlamente  e  Instruction  para  los  Presidios  de  la  Penin 
sula  de  California,  Ereccion  de  Nuevas  Misiones,  y  fo- 
mento  del  pueblo  y  extension  de  los  Establecimientos  de 
Monterey.  Its  14th  section  deals  with  the  subject  of 
pueblos  and  colonization.  Under  this  section,  settlers 
were  to  be  brought  from  the  older  provinces.  Each 
of  them  was  to  receive  a  house-lot,  and  a  tract  of  land 
for  cultivation,  being  four  fields  of  200  varas  square 
each,  some  live-stock,  implements,  and  seed,  to  be  by 
them  gradually  repaid  in  five  years  from  the  products 
of  their  lands.  Adults  leaving  their  country  to  settle 
in  California  were,  furthermore,  to  be  allowed  in  cloth 
ing  and  other  necessary  effects,  at  cost  price,  $116.50 
a  year  during  the  first  two  years,  and  $60  yearly  for 
the  next  three  years.  The  settlers  were  also  exempt 
from  taxes  and  tithes  during  the  entire  period  of  five 
years.  As  communities  they  were,  besides,  entitled 
to  the  use  of  government  lands  for  pasturage,  and  to 
all  needed  wood  and  water.  Other  colonists,  such  as 
honorably  discharged  soldiers,  were  to  have  the  same 


250    COLONIZATION,  PUEBLO  SYSTEM,  AND  LAND  GRANTS. 

privileges  in  respect  of  lands.  In  return  for  these 
favors,  the  colonists  were  to  sell  to  the  presidios  ex 
clusively  the  surplus  products  of  their  lands  at  fair 
prices,  to  be  from  time  to  time  fixed  by  the  govern 
ment,  taking  as  a  basis  the  market  prices  for  such 
products  in  the  southern  provinces.  In  the  absence 
of  other  purchasers,  this  condition  was  a  benefit  rather 
than  a  burden.  Each  settler  was  to  hold  himself  in 
readiness  with  his  horses  and  arms  for  military  duty. 
Other  conditions  were  to  the  benefit  of  the  colonist, 
rather  than  to  the  government.  The  settlers  were  to 
have  their  farms  within  the  pueblo  limits  of  four  square 
leagues;  they  could  neither  sell  nor  encumber  their 
lands;  they  were  to  build  houses,  construct  ditches 
for  irrigation,  cultivate  their  lands,  and  keep  their 
implements  in  serviceable  order ;  they  were  forbidden 
to  kill  or  dispose  of  their  live-stock  except  under  cer 
tain  conditions,  nor  was  any  one  to  have  over  50  ani 
mals  of  any  kind,  so  that  none  should  monopolize  the 
wealth  of  the  pueblo.  Each  community  wTas  bound 
to  construct  dams  and  irrigating  sluices,  provide  roads 
and  streets,  erect  a  church  and  the  necessary  town 
buildings,  and  keep  the  propios,  or  pueblo  lands,  tilled, 
as  from  their  products  had  to  be  defrayed  the  munici 
pal  expenditures. 

The  colonization  system  thus  established  must  be 
held  to  have  been  a  wise  one,  well  suited  to  the  re 
quirements  of  the  country.  And  yet,  it  failed  to 
yield  the  desired  results,  owing  to  the  character  of 
the  settlers,  most  of  whom  were  half-breeds.  Some 
thing  may  be  due,  likewise,  to  the  mildness  of  the 
climate,  and  to  the  influential  opposition  of  the  mis 
sionary  college  of  San  Fernando  in  Mexico,  whose 
faiars  were  opposed  to  any  other  establishments  in 
the  land  but  their  missions.  They  felt  obliged  to 
endure  the  presidios,  but  they  wanted  the  government 
to  provide  for  them. 

Captain  Rivera  y  Moncada,  former  commandant  of 


FOUNDING  OF  LOS  ANGELES.  251 

the  new  establishments,  and  now  lieutenant-governor 
of  the  two  Californias,  was  directed  to  procure  settlers 
for  the  southern  town  on  the  Porcimicula.  The  or 
ganized  expeditions,  consisting  of  soldiers  and  priests, 
started  for  California,  to  found  several  missions  in  the 
Santa  Bdrbara  channel,  as  well  as  of  colonists  for  the 
new  pueblo.  They  arrived  at  different  times,  without 
mishap,  at  San  Gabriel,  and  the  pueblo  of  Nuestra 
Senora  de  los  Angeles,  otherwise  called  Reina  de  los 
Angeles,  was  founded  on  the  4th  of  September,  1781, 
with  twelve  settlers  and  their  families,  46  persons  in 
all,  whose  blood  was  a  mixture  of  Indian  and  negro, 
with  a  few  traces  of  Spanish.  Lands  were  given  to 
them,  and  the  possession  was  formally  confirmed  at 
the  expiration  of  the  first  five  years,  in  September 
1786,  by  Alferez  Jose  Dario  Argiiello,  commissioned 
therefor  by  Governor  Pages,  Neve's  successor.  Nine 
of  the  settlers  then  remained,  each  of  whom  was  sum 
moned,  and  in  the  presence  of  his  neighbors,  and  of 
the  legal  witnesses,  who  acted  in  lieu  of  a  notary  pub 
lic,  the  commissioner  granted  him  first  the  house-lot, 
then  the  four  fields,  and  finally  the  iron  for  branding 
his  live-stock.  A  form  of  measurement  of  town  lots 
and  lands  was  gone  through,  and  a  separate  title-deed 
was  drawn  up  for  each  of  the  grants,  and  signed  by 
the  commissioner  and  his  legal  witnesses.  None  of 
the  grantees  knowing  how  to  read  or  write,  each  ap 
pended  a  cross  to  the  documents,  after  he  had  been 
duly  informed  of  its  contents.  At  San  Jose,  the  same 
formalities  had  been  effected,  in  May  1783,  by  Lieu 
tenant  Joseph  Moraga  under  similar  powers  from  the 
governor.  At  this  place  education  was  not  utterly 
absent,  one  of  the  settlers,  the  ancestor  of  the  after 
ward  famous  bandit,  Jose  Tiburcio  Vazquez,  being 
able  to  sign  his  name,  while  the  alcalde,  Archuleta, 
was  not  so  fortunate.  The  boundary  between  the 
pueblo  and  the  mission  Santa  Clara  was  defined  in 
1801,  making  the  Guadalupe  river  the  line,  with  a 
reservation  of  mountain  woodland.  In  July  of  that 


252    COLONIZATION,  PUEBLO  SYSTEM,  AND  LAND  GRANTS. 

year  the  limits  were  surveyed,  and  landmarks  fixed, 
the  missionaries  having  gained  a  point.  The  place 
was  given  the  name  of  San  Jose  de  Alvarado  in  1839, 
in  honor  of  Governor  Juan  B.  Alvarado,  who  then 
ruled  California. 

The  municipal  officers  were  at  first  appointed  by 
the  governor,  and  afterward  chosen  by  the  people. 
The  governor  was,  however,  represented  at  each  pue 
blo  by  a  comisionado,  usually  a  corporal  or  sergeant, 
whose  duty  it  was  to  see  to  the  maintenance  of  order, 
to  the  furnishing  of  supplies  for  passing  troops,  and  to 
the  compliance  with  the  fundamental  regulation.  The 
municipal  officials  were  under  his  supervision,  though 
he  was  not  allowed  to  hinder  them  in  their  legitimate 
functions. 

Nothing  further  was  done  toward  forwarding  colo 
nization  in  California,  except  to  allow  a  few  discharged 
sailors  at  ports  to  become  colonists.  Thus  it  was  that 
down  to  1790  no  new  pueblos  were  founded ;  no  other 
immigration  of  pobladores  occurred.  A  few  changes 
took  place,  it  is  true,  some  settlers  leaving,  and  some 
discharged  soldiers  and  a  few  sailors  being  enrolled  as 
colonists ;  a  few  boys  grown  to  manhood  had  taken 
to  farming  in  preference  to  becoming  soldiers.  The 
population  of  both  pueblos  had  varied  from  185  to 
220,  of  both  sexes  and  all  ages.  The  settlers  had 
shown  some  inclination  to  disorder,  but  on  the  whole, 
must  have  given  due  attention  to  their  tillage.  Los 
Angeles,  in  1791,  was  transferred  from  its  former  site, 
which  in  heavy  rains  was  exposed  to  freshets,  to  a 
higher  one.  The  agricultural  products  exceeded  the 
average  of  the  missions.  Los  Angeles,  in  1790, 
yielded  more  grain  than  any  mission,  San  Gabriel 
only  excepted. 

The  necessity  of  an  increase  of  the  Spanish  popu 
lation  being  fully  recognized  it  was  contemplated  to 
establish  more  pueblos  of  gente  de  razon.  In  Novem 
ber  1795,  orders  came  to  select  a  proper  site  to  found 
a  villa  to  bear  the  name  of  Branciforte,  in  honor  of 


BRANCIFORTE  OR  SANTA  CRUZ.  233 

the  Marquds  de  Branciforte,  viceroy  of  Mexico.  It 
was  intended  to  be  a  military  town,  thoroughly  forti 
fied,  and  peopled  by  soldiers ;  though  in  the  matter  of 
land  grants  the  existing  pueblo  regulation,  and  the 
laws  of  the  Indies  were  to  be  enforced.  Every  officer 
and  soldier  was  to  have  his  town-lot,  and  between 
the  lots  of  the  officers  were  others  to  be  assigned  to 
chiefs  of  Indian  rancherias  who  might  wish  to  live 
among  the  Spaniards.  The  site  finally  chosen  was 
Santa  Cruz,  because  it  afforded  facilities  for  exporting 
merchandise,  with  abundance  of  fish  and  good  building 
materials.  It  was  concluded  that  the  settlers  should 
be  from  cold  or  temperate  climes.  Houses  and  gran 
ary  were  to  be  built  and  made  ready,  so  that  they 
could  immediately  after  their  coming  devote  them 
selves  to  the  cultivation  of  the  soil.  The  scheme  of 
having  Indian  chiefs  among  the  settlers  was  given  up 
as  impracticable,  as  there  were  no  suitable  chiefs  at 
hand;  but  mission  Indians  might  be  advantageously 
admitted  in  the  colony  to  work  with  and  learn  from 
the  gente  de  razon.  Governor  Diego  de  Borica,  who 
was  a  man  of  practical  views,  called  for  four  classes  of 
settlers,  to  wit :  robust  tillers  of  the  soil,  mechanics, 
artisans,  and  a  few  sailors  to  develop  whale-fishing, 
as  whales  abounded  on  the  coast.  The  college  of  San 
Fernando  objected  to  the  site  selected  so  near  a 
mission,  but  no  heed  was  paid  to  it,  and  Borica  was 
directed  in  January  1797  to  proceed  at  once  with  the 
foundation,  which  he  did,  receiving  as  settlers  a  num 
ber  from  San  Jose  and  Los  Angeles  who  had  no 
lands.  He  was  promised  new  settlers  and  artisans 
from  Mexico ;  but  the  people  sent  out  were  not  the 
best  suited  to  lay  the  foundation  of  a  moral,  law-abid 
ing  community ;  perhaps  it  was  hardly  consistent  with 
the  eternal  fitness  of  things  that  a  colony  bearing  the 
name  of  one  of  the  worst  men  that  ever  disgraced  a 
country  should  succeed.  To  this  day  Santa  Cruz 
feels  the  effects  of  the  bad  beginning  made  there  by 
Branciforte.  Most  of  the  new  settlers  were  vagrants 


254    COLONIZATION,  PUEBLO  SYSTEM,  AND  LAND  GRANTS. 

and  minor  criminals.  The  ship  Conception  arrived  at 
Monterey  on  the  12th  of  May  1797,  with  a  party  of 
such  colonists  in  a  most  pitiable  condition  from  ill- 
health  and  destitution.  Gabriel  Moraga  as  comisionado 
carried  out  the  foundation.  His  instructions  were  to 
see  that  the  townsmen  lived  peaceably ;  to  tolerate  no 
prostitution,  gambling,  drunkenness,  or  neglect  of 
work.  Such  offences  were  to  be  severely  punished. 
The  observance  of  religious  duties  was  to  be  enforced ; 
each  settler  had  to  produce  from  time  to  time  a  cer 
tificate  to  the  effect  that  he  had  attended  to  the 
church  service,  the  confessional,  and  communion,  as 
prescribed  by  the  ecclesiastical  authority.  The  colo 
nists  were  to  maintain  the  best  relations  with  the 
friars,  to  have  no  intercourse  whatever  with  the 
natives  of  the  neighboring  mission.  A  number  of 
other  useful  recommendations  need  not  be  detailed. 
Among  them  was  one  to  see  that  the  settlers  prepared 
shelters  for  men  and  animals  before  the  arrival  there 
of  Cordoba,  the  government  engineer.  C6rdoba  ar 
rived  in  August,  surveyed  the  lands,  did  something 
toward  erecting  temporary  houses,  began  a  canal  for 
irrigation,  and  made  search  for  suitable  materials  for 
the  permanent  buildings.  He  furnished  the  governor 
with  an  estimate  of  the  cost,  $23,405,  which  was 
duly  forwarded  to  the  viceroy.  In  October  the 
works  were  suspended  for  want  of  funds,  and  thus  was 
the  greatness  of  the  villa  de  Branciforte  indefinitely 
put  off.  Nevertheless,  the  place  did  not  remain 
empty.  There  were  some  temporary  huts,  nine  set 
tlers,  the  comisionado,  and  the  military  guard.  These 
settlers  were  not  convicts,  though  of  a  class  that 
Guadalajara,  whence  they  came,  could  well  afford  to 
part  with.  They  were  provided  with  means  to  get 
along,  after  a  fashion,  for  the  first  five  years,  but 
never  showed  a  disposition  for  hard  work.  In  1798 
Governor  Borica  requested  Moraga  to  stir  them  up 
against  their  natural  laziness.  Indeed,  they  were  not 
only  lazy,  but  vicious,  and  the  governor  pronounced 


POPULATION  AND  RESOURCES.  255 

them  a  curse  to  the  country  for  their  dishonesty  and 
immorality.  Down  to  1800  there  was  no  change  in 
the  number,  though  a  few  discharged  soldiers  were 
added  to  the  settlement.  Moraga  was  in  charge  till 
1799,  and  was  succeeded  by  Ignacio  Yallejo,  a  just 
man.  The  crop  of  1800  was  1,100  bushels  of  wheat, 
maize,  and  beans,  and  the  live-stock  had  reached  500 
head  of  horses,  and  neat  cattle.  The  settlement  of 
Branciforte  was  the  last  one  attempted  during  the 
Spanish  or  Mexican  domination. 

The  united  population  of  San  Jose,  Los  Angeles, 
and  Branciforte  in  1800  was  about  550,  in  a  little  over 
100  families,  including  twelve  or  fifteen  men  raising 
cattle  in  the  vicihity,  whose  families  mostly  dwelt  in 
the  towns.  About  thirty  of  these  families  had  been 
imported  from  Mexico,  and  the  increase  resulted  from 
children  grown  to  manhood,  and  discharged  soldiers, 
some  of  whom  were  pensioners.  Agriculture  and 
stock-raising  were  the  only  industries  of  the  towns 
men.  In  1800,  they  had  16,500  head  of  cattle  and 
horses,  about  1,000  sheep,  and  raised  some  9,000 
bushels  of  grain,  the  surplus  of  which  found  a  ready 
sale  at  the  presidios.  Each  settler  cultivated  his 
fields,  and  delivered  yearly  to  the  common  fund  a  cer 
tain  quantity  of  grain,  which  served  to  defray  the 
town's  expenses.  At  each  pueblo  was  a  guard  of  sol 
diers,  who  were  practically  settlers.  The  alcalde  and 
regidores  had  charge  of  the  municipal  affairs,  and  the 
comisionado  a  general  supervision.  Most  of  the  labor 
was  done  by  natives  not  attached  to  the  missions. 
Father  Salazar  reported  that  the  settlers  were  idlers, 
and  cared  more  for  gambling  and  guitar-playing  than 
for  tilling  their  lands  or  educating  their  offspring. 
Los  Angeles  was  the  most  populous  as  well  as  pros 
perous.  Branciforte  was  still  in  debt  to  the  govern 
ment  at  the  end  of  1800. 

The  governor  of  California  had  endeavored,  in 
1797,  to  obtain  from  New  Spain  superior  approval  to 
a  scheme  intended  to  force  retired  soldiers  to  dwell  in 


256    COLONIZATION,  PUEBLO  SYSTEM,  AND  LAND  GRANTS. 

pueblos.  He  wanted,  also,  a  reenforcement  of  mar 
riageable  women.  His  efforts  failed.  But  another 
class  of  colonists,  obtainable  with  greater  ease,  was 
sent  out,  thus  making  of  California  a  penal  colony, 
which,  to  some  extent,  Fages  was  the  author  of.  In 
1791,  three  convicts  were  brought  to  Monterey. 
That  same  year  a  convict  blacksmith  was  instructing 
the  Indians  at  San  Francisco.  In  1798,  twenty -two 
convicts,  of  various  grades  of  criminality,  were  brought 
by  the  Conception,  all  of  whom  were  put  to  learn  and 
teach  trades.  Such  arrivals  were  afterward  quite 
frequent.  In  1800,  a  number  of  foundlings  were  sent 
from  Mexico,  and  here  distributed  among  the  families 
in  the  presidios.  The  practice  of  sending  convicts  to 
California  was  continued  by  the  Mexican  republic  as 
late  as  1834. 

After  the  occupation  of  California  by  Spain,  in 
1769,  the  absolute  title  of  land  vested  in  the  crown. 
There  was  no  individual  ownership  of  land.  Usufruc 
tuary  titles  only  existed  during  the  Spanish  rule.  The 
king  held  actual  possession  of  the  ground  occupied  by 
the  presidios  and  a  few  adjoining  lands.  The  abori 
gines  were  recognized  as  the  owners,  under  the  crown, 
of  all  the  lands  needed  for  their  support.  This  ar 
rangement  limited  the  area,  thus  leaving  a  portion 
open  to  colonization.  So  it  was  that  under  the  gen 
eral  laws  of  the  Indies  four  square  leagues,  or  their 
equivalent,  of  land  could  be  assigned  to  each  pueblo. 
Neither  missions,  church,  nor  religious  orders  owned 
any  land.  The  missionaries  had  only  the  use  of  the 
land  needed  for  mission  purposes,  namely,  to  prepare 
the  Indians  that  they  might  in  time  take  possession 
as  individuals  of  the  land  they  were  then  holding  in 
commonalty.  This  purpose  once  accomplished,  the 
missions  were  to  be  secularized,  and  made  pueblos, 
the  houses  of  worship  naturally  going  under  the  con 
trol  of  the  church,  and  the  missionaries  going  to  seek 
other  fields  of  usefulness.  It  was  planned  from  the 


PUEBLO  LANDS.  257 

beginning  that  each  mission  and  presidio  should  even 
tually  become  a  pueblo,  and  that  other  pueblos  should 
likewise  be  founded,  each  having  four  square  leagues 
of  land  assigned  thereto.  The  settlement  of  boun 
daries  was  left  for  the  future,  when  called  for  by  the 
increase  of  the  number  of  towns.  The  missions,  in 
their  temporary  occupation,  were  not  restricted  as  to 
area.  The  conversion  of  most  of  the  presidios  and 
missions  into  towns  was  finally  effected  under  a  law  of 
1834.  This  law,  according  to  the  spirit  of  the  Span 
ish  laws,  involved  the  distribution  of  the  mission  lands 
to  the  ex-neophytes. 

The  granting  of  lands  to  natives  or  Spaniards  in 
California  was  permitted  as  early  as  1773.  Thus  we 
see  that  a  grant  was  made  to  Manuel  Buitron  in  1775. 
In  the  same  way,  informal  grants  were  made  to  the 
inhabitants  of  San  Jose  in  1777.  Neve's  regulation 
established  the  mode  of  granting  land,  as  we  have 
seen,  providing,  likewise,  for  the  gradual  extension  of 
towns  by  the  grant  of  new  lots  and  fields.  All  grants, 
however,  were  forfeited  by  abandonment,  failure  to 
cultivate,  or  non-compliance  with  the  requirements  of 
the  law.  Such  lands  could  not  be  alienated  at  all 
until  full  possession  had  been  given. 

It  is  known  that  in  1784  Governor  Fages  allowed 
several  men  to  temporarily  occupy  certain  lands.  In 
1786,  he  was  authorized  to  grant  tracts  not  exceeding 
three  leagues  in  extent,  nor  encroaching  on  the  area 
of  any  pueblo,  nor  causing  detriment  to  any  mission 
or  Indian  rancheria.  The  grantees  had  to  build  a 
store  house  on  each  rancho,  and  to  keep  at  least 
2,000  head  of  live-stock.  Governor  Borica,  in  1795, 
for  substantial  reasons,  opposed  the  granting  of  ran- 
chos,  though  recommending  that  settlers  of  good 
character  should  be  allowed  to  occupy  lands  near 
missions,  to  be  granted  them  at  a  later  day  if  deemed 
expedient.  Several  ranches  existed  at  the  time  under 
such  temporary  permits.  Preference  was  given  by 
the  government  to  this  arrangement,  possibly  because 

CAL.  PAST.    17 


258    COLONIZATION,  PUEBLO  SYSTEM,  AND  LAND  GRANTS. 

the  settlers  were  not  willing  or  able  to  comply  with 
the  terms  demanded  in  the  case  of  full  grants.  Some 
ranches  occupied  by  special  permits  were  subsequently 
taken  from  the  holders  because  needed  by  the  mis 
sions. 

At  the  end  of  the  eighteenth  century,  there  were 
in  California  eighteen  missions  and  four  presidios 
without  settlers,  but  each  was  intended  to  become  in 
due  time  a  pueblo ;  three  towns  of  Spaniards,  so  called, 
with  about  100  heads  of  families;  and  finally,  twenty 
or  thirty  men  occupying  ranches  under  provisional 
permits,  which  involved  no  legal  title  to  the  lands. 
The  Spanish  c6rtes,  in  1813,  passed  a  decree  to  reduce 
public  lands  to  private  ownership;  but  this  decree, 
like  another  of  the  same  year  for  the  secularization  of 
missions,  was  unknown  in  California  before  1820,  and 
was  therefore  inoperative.  Colonization  rules  were 
decreed  by  the  Mexican  government  on  November 
21,  1828,  to  give  effect  to  an  act  of  congress  of  August 
18,  1824;  but  they  did  not  authorize  the  distribution 
of  mission  lands.  The  mode  of  granting  lands  to  in 
dividuals  prescribed  by  the  law  was  the  one  rather 
carelessly  practised  till  1846.  A  law  of  April  6, 1830, 
somewhat  modified  those  of  1824  and  1828,  authoriz 
ing  the  national  government  to  seize  all  lands  required 
for  national  defences,  and  forbade  frontier  colonization 
by  foreigners  who  were  citizens  of  an  adjoining  nation. 

In  1822,  after  the  Spanish  sovereignty  had  ceased, 
the  provincial  diputacion  passed  an  act  establishing 
ayuntamientos  for  towns,  but  the  change  from  the  old 
system  was  only  in  name,  and  in  the  addition  of  a 
treasurer  and  secretary  to  the  former  list  of  officials. 
After  the  government  of  Mexico  became  centralized, 
and  the  new  regime  took  effect  in  California,  ayunta 
mientos  were  suppressed,  being  replaced  by  justices  of 
the  peace  and  prefects. 

Monterey,  a  presidio  since  1770,  was  made  a  town 
in  1820.  In  1828,  the  ayuntamiento  adopted  an  ordi 
nance  for  the  preservation  of  good  order.  In  1830, 


ORGANIZATION  OF  PUEBLOS.  259 

the  territorial  diputacion  fixed  the  extent  and  boun 
daries  of  the  town  lands.  I  find  that  Monterey  was, 
in  1840,  raised  by  the  diputacion  to  the  rank  of  a  city, 
and  declared  to  be  the  capital  of  the  then  department 
of  California.  Los  Angeles  had  been,  by  a  decree  of 
the  Mexican  congress  of  May  23,  1835,  made  not  only 
a  city,  but  the  capital  of  the  territory,  which  naturally 
caused  much  displeasure  among  the  people  in  the 
north,  with  corresponding  elation  in  the  south ;  but  as 
the  people  of  Los  Angeles  made  no  provision  of  build 
ings  for  public  uses,  the  matter  dropped  out  of  sight 
for  some  time.  An  attempt  was  subsequently  made 
to  make  that  decree  effective,  which  failed,  and  it  was 
only  in  1845  that  Los  Angeles  actually  became  the 
seat  of  government,  remaining  so  until  the  country 
ceased  to  be  an  appendage  of  the  Mexican  republic. 
As  a  result  of  the  secularization  of  the  missions, 
new  pueblos  were  organized,  namely,  San  Juan  de 
Argiiello,  Las  Flores,  San  Dieguito,  and  San  Pascual 
in  the  south,  San  Juan  de  Castro,  San  Francisco,  and 
Sonoma  in  the  north.  Santa  Bdrbara,  the  former 
presidio,  also  became  a  town. 


CHAPTEK  VIII. 

LOTOS-LAND  SOCIETY. 

Quanto  mas  que  cada  uno  es  hi  jo  de  sus  obras. — Cervantes. 

THE  theory  of  the  mission  system  was  to  make  the 
savages  work  out  their  own  salvation,  and  that  of  the 
priests  also.  In  fact,  whatever  work  was  to  be  done, 
it  was  foreordained  that  the  natives  should  do  it. 
Work  was  a  necessity  of  civilization.  Souls  to  save 
was  a  necessity  of  the  church.  Servants  to  raise 
cattle  and  till  the  land  was  ever  an  indispensable 
factor  in  missionary  economy,  Here  were  all  the 
elements  for  a  new  church  militant,  a  new  heaven 
and  a  new  earth. 

Since  that  beauteous  mischief,  unreflective  Pandora, 
opened  her  box,  evils  have  been  abroad;  the  gods 
concealed  our  food,  hid  from  us  fire,  and  then  decreed 
that  we  must  work  to  find  them  if  we  would  not  go 
hungry  and  cold. 

Pity  the  poor  Spanish  man  who  does  not  like  to 
work!  The  motto  of  the  Zacatecas  padres,  as  indeed 
of  many  more  modern  churchmen,  was,  "Divertirse 
hoy  que  ya  manana  es  otro  dia."  This  California 
country,  about  as  well  any  could,  suited  the  Mexican 
settler,  with  his  inherent  indolence,  relieved  only  by 
slow,  spasmodic  energy.  With  the  richest  of  soil 
around  him,  which  to  the  scratching  of  the  wooden 
plough  would  yield  sixty  and  a  hundred  to  one,  he 
disdained  tillage,  partly  because  this  labor  had  been 
turned  over  to  Indian  serfs,  partly  because  there  was 
no  market  for  cereals.  The  plodding  tasks  and  nar- 

(260) 


OPPOSED  TO  WORK.  261 

row  confines  of  the  farm  were  not  for  him.  More 
suited  to  the  chivalric  instincts  of  the  Mexican,  com 
ing  to  him  honestly  in  his  Spanish  blood,  was  general 
domination  over  animals,  with  lordly  command  of 
men  and  horses  to  aid  him  in  controlling  vast  herds 
and  flocks.  It  pleased  him  to  have  at  his  bidding 
a  suite  of  dusky  retainers,  drawn  from  wandering 
tribes;  for  the  settlers  served  one  another  only  as 
friends  and  brethren,  connected  as  they  often  were 
by  consanguinity  in  greater  or  smaller  decree. 

With  few  inhabitants,  and  a  vast  extent  of  country, 
land  was  of  little  value,  and  could  be  occupied  as  fancy 
dictated,  the  stock-raiser  extending  his  range  beyond 
original  limits  whenever  the  communal  tract  round 
the  pueblo  became  too  narrow  for  a  rising  ambition. 
Cattle,  indeed,  roamed  in  a  half-wild  state  upon 
the  plains,  and  wiry-limbed,  swift  horses,  of  larger 
size  and  longer  neck  than  the  Mexican  prototype, 
were  subordinated  at  times  by  nomadic  rancheros. 
Cattle  formed  a  ready  recourse  with  which  to  obtain 
from  flitting  trading  vessels  such  comforts  and  luxuries 
as  growing  taste  suggested.  The  annual  rodeo  con 
stituted  the  stock-taking  period,  when  additions  to  the 
herds  were  counted  and  branded,  old  marks  inspected, 
and  stragglers  from  adjoining  ranges  restored  to 
claimants.  The  occasion  became  a  rural  festival, 
from  the  necessary  congregation  of  neighbors  for  mu 
tual  aid  and  supervision  of  interests.  Wives  and  sis 
ters  lent  their  charms  to  the  meeting,  and  animation 
to  the  scene,  by  inspiring  the  horsemen  to  more  dash 
ing  feats,  either  in  rounding  up  the  herds,  or  dur 
ing  the  sports  that  formed  the  appropriate  finale  to 
the  event. 

These  were  the  equestrian  days  of  California.  The 
saddle  was  the  second  and  life-long  cradle  of  the  race. 
The  men  in  walking  grew  awkward,  as  indicated  by 
the  uneven  gait,  attended  by  the  jingling  of  the  im 
mense  spurs  at  the  heels.  Riding  began  in  early 
childhood.  The  boy,  mounted  by  a  friendly  hand, 


262  LOTOS-LAND  SOCIETY. 

sped  away  in  exhilarating  race,  whirling  the  lariat  at 
whatsoever  attracted  his  fancy,  and  speedily  acquiring 
skill  for  veritable  game.  The  saddle  became  an  object 
of  dearest  pride,  elaborate  with  stamped  leather  and 
glittering  adornments,  which  extended  from  the  high 
pommel  to  the  clumsy  wooden  stirrup,  partly  hidden 
by  the  leather  cover  that  shielded  the  foot.  The 
bridle  was  of  braided  rawhide,  with  a  large  arid  cruel 
bit.  Little  was  thought  of  long  horseback  journeys, 
and  camping  under  the  open  sky,  with  the  saddle  for 
a  pillow  and  blankets  for  a  cover.  The  horse  might 
be  exchanged  from  among  the  bands  roaming  in  all 
directions.  Even  the  women  preferred  riding  to  driv 
ing  in  the  clumsy,  springless  carretas,  with  frames  of 
rawhide,  and  sections  of  logs  for  wheels.  Wagon- 
roads  did  not  exist.  When  women  rode,  they  would 
generally  be  seated  in  front  of  their  cavalier,  shaded 
by  his  huge  sombrero. 

The  Californian  ever  aspired  to  gallantry;  with  a 
graceful  figure,  when  mounted,  he  was  well  favored. 
Latin  peoples  are  more  demonstrative  in  their  man 
ners  than  Anglo-Saxons,  more  picturesque  in  their 
politeness.  The  common  people  are  more  cordial, 
and  the  better  bred  young  men  more  gallant.  To 
French  politeness  Spaniards  add  chivalrous  courtesy. 
With  only  a  lasso  for  a  weapon,  he  ranked  not  as  a 
soldier,  but  was  not  the  less  venturesome  and  dashing 
in  facing  wild  herds,  in  bearding  the  grizzly,  in  mount 
ing  and  taming  the  wild  horse.  Frank  and  good- 
natured,  polite  and  ever  punctilious,  he  proved  a  good 
friend  and  admirable  host,  until  checked  somewhat  in 
certain  directions  by  the  rebuff  and  deception  on  the 
part  of  blunt  and  grasping  foreigners.  Spoiled  partly 
by  bountiful  nature,  he  yielded  his  best  efforts  to 
profitless  pursuits,  heedless  of  the  morrow.  Moved 
by  impulses  which  soon  evaporated,  his  energy  was 
both  unsustained  and  misdirected,  and  he  fell  a  ready 
prey  to  unscrupulous  schemers.  He  lived  for  the 
enjoyment  of  the  hour,  in  reverie  or  sport,  rejoicing 


RELIGION  AND  LAZINESS.  2G3 

in  bull-fighting  and  bear-baiting,  eager  for  the  chase 
as  for  the  fandango,  and  sustaining  the  flagging  ex 
citement  with  gambling,  winning  or  losing  with  an 
imperturbability  little  in  accord  with  his  otherwise 
movable  nature ;  yet  he  gambled  for  excitement,  while 
the  foreigner,  who  freely  gave  vent  to  his  feelings  in 
round  oaths  or  ejaculations,  was  impelled  mainly  by 
avarice. 

Sunday  morning  was  spent,  where  possible,  in  de 
votion,  with  senses  quickened  to  loftier  feelings  by 
the  solemnity  of  the  place,  the  illuminated  splendor 
of  the  altar,  the  beauty  of  the  chant,  the  awe-imposing 
ritual.  This  duty  was  quite  irksome,  however,  in 
volving  as  it  did  so  great  a  restraint.  After  service, 
amends  were  made,  the  remainder  of  the  day  being 
passed  in  active  games  or  social  entertainments.  The 
load  of  sins  removed  by  penance  or  confession,  the 
soul  was  ready  to  take  on  a  fresh  load  of  iniquity,  to  be 
as  easily  removed  another  day.  And  when  in  winter 
time  the  sun  hurried  the  day  along,  and  night  slack 
ened  its  pace,  then  lovers  met.  The  old-fashioned 
rule  in  Spain  was  that  a  kiss  was  equivalent  to  be 
trothal;  but  there  were  here  many  kisses  for  every 
betrothal,  and  many  betrothals  for  every  marriage, 
and  sometimes  a  marriage  without  a  priest.  The 
guitar  and  violin  were  in  constant  use,  the  players 
being  always  ready  for  dance  and  song,  the  simple 
music  being  usually  marked  by  a  plaintive  strain.  The 
singing  was  frequently  improvised,  especially  in  honor 
of  guests,  or  in  sarcastic  play  upon  men  and  events. 

Lazy  some  of  them  might  be,  and  were ;  day  after 
day,  at  morning  and  at  night,  lazily  they  told  their 
rosary,  lazily  attended  mass,  and  lazily  ate  and  slept. 
They  were  as  sleepy,  and  indolent,  and  amorous,  as  if 
they  fed  exclusively  on  mandrakes.  But  the  languor 
of  ennui  was  not  common  with  them.  They  could  do 
nothing  easily  and  not  tire  of  it.  Theirs  was  that 
abnormity  wherein  rest  was  the  natural  condition. 

Supremest  happiness  was  theirs ;  the  happiness  that 


264  LOTOS-LAND  SOCIETY. 

knows  no  want,  that  harbors  no  unattainable  longing, 
no  desires  that  might  not  be  gratified,  the  happiness 
of  ignorance,  of  absence  of  pain.  Nor  might  it  truth 
fully  be  said  of  them  that  theirs  was  only  a  negative 
happiness.  Was  it  not  happiness  to  breathe  the  intoxi 
cating  air,  to  revel  in  health  and  plenty,  to  bask  in 
the  sunshine  and  fatten  on  luscious  fruits,  to  enjoy 
all  of  God's  best  gifts  uncursed,  in  their  Eden  to  pos 
sess  their  souls  in  peace?  And  of  the  doings  of  the 
outer  world,  of  past  ages,  of  progress-  —these  are  not 
happiness;  does  not  knowledge  bring  with  it  vastly 
more  of  pain  than  pleasure?  Yet  sadness  they  were 
not  wholly  free  from ;  a  shade  of  melancholy  is  char 
acteristic  of  their  features.  But  what  of  that?  Does 
not  the  serenest  joy  often  spring  from  quiet  hearts, 
and  sad  thoughts  find  expression  in  sweetest  song? 

There  were  not  lacking  verse-makers  among  them, 
though  in  poetry  no  attempt  was  made  to  achieve  the 
upper  regions  of  Parnassus,  their  half-fledged  muse 
being  apparently  content  to  flutter  round  the  moun 
tains  bare. 

Like  their  language,  the  Spanish  are  a  poetic, 
rythmic  people;  yet  stern,  majestic,  and  with  a  melan 
choly  tone.  In  their  softer  moods  they  are  touch- 
ingly  sweet  and  tender,  but  when  roused  their  tongue 
is  terrible. 

The  empirical  law  of  human  nature,  which  asserts 
that  youth  is  impetuous  and  old  age  cautious,  finds  in 
the  Hispano-Californians  an  exception;  the  young 
men  were  impetuous,  and  the  old  men  scarcely  less 
so.  A  life-long  experience  failed  to  generate  circum 
spection. 

Though  bursting  with  conditions  favorable  to  wealth, 
there  was  comparatively  little  wealth  in  the  land. 
Gold  lay  scattered  in  the  streams  and  imbedded  in 
the  crevices  of  the  Sierra  foothills,  and  the  valleys 
were  fat  with  grain-producing  soil.  Yet  there  lacked 
the  applied  labor  that  should  turn  these  resources  into 
tangible  riches.  Some,  nevertheless,  acquired  what 


POVERTY  AND  PLEASURE.  265 

might  be  called  wealth  in  those  days,  though  not  by 
voluntarily  saving  part  of  their  earnings,  but  because 
they  could  not  spend  their  accumulations.  They  did 
not  love  money.  Any  time  they  would  pour  out  a 
gallon  of  it  for  a  pint  of  pleasure ;  but  the  trouble  was 
too  often  that  there  was  nothing  to  buy. 

Life  then  was  unlike  any  of  the  modifications  of 
feudal  Europe;  it  was  unlike  the  fixed  features  of 
Oriental  society,  the  nomadic  communities  of  Arabia, 
the  aristocratic  tribes  of  America,  or  any  of  the  great 
types  of  human  society,  aboriginal  or  colonial,  that 
had  ever  before  existed.  Idleness  there  did  not  seem 
to  visit  the  people  with  its  usual  curse.  Firmly 
enough  they  held  that  pleasure,  up  to  a  certain  point, 
must  be  classed  among  the  utilities,  as  well  as  plough 
ing  or  sheep-raising,  for  without  enjoyment  the  race 
would  speedily  degenerate. 

The  products  of  these  engendering  conditions  were 
of  the  most  material  and  practical  kind,  such  as  were 
wealth  and  wealth  producing.  As  they  were  not 
largely  exchanged  for  money,  silk,  foreign  wine,  and 
tobacco,  not  sunk  or  squandered  in  these  things,  they 
were  left  to  increase,  which  they  did  rapidly.  All 
were  productive  consumers  as  well  as  productive 
laborers.  Little  was  lost  or  squandered  in  luxuries 
or  pleasures.  Luxury  and  pleasure  there  were  an 
abundance  of,  but  they  were  of  such  a  character  as 
not  to  be  dependent  upon  money  or  wealth. 

Years  passed  by  with  never  a  broken  siesta  of  priest 
or  comandante,  with  never  a  noon-day  disturbance, 
midday  and  midnight  were  alike  sacred  to  slumber. 

Though  farming  was  limited,  their  wants  being  not 
extensive  in  this  direction,  and  the  care  of  horses  and 
cattle  claiming  the  most  attention,  yet  seed-time  and 
harvest  were  epochs  in  their  quiet  lives,  and  some 
times  pruning  and  vintage,  for  in  due  time  the  padres 
had  well-filled  wine-cellars,  in  the  disposition  of  which 
they  themselves  were  not  their  worst  customers.  In 
their  farming  operations,  as  in  everything  else,  they 


266  LOTOS-LAND  SOCIETY. 

held,  with  Hesiod,  to  their  lucky  and  unlucky  days. 
The  old  men  saw  visions,  the  young  men  dreamed 
dreams.  Nor  were  women  old  or  young  without  their 
schemes — innocent  and  childlike  little  plots  they  were ; 
not  bloodless,  indeed,  for  the  blood  of  young  men  and 
maidens  is  rich  and  warm;  but  there  was  little  of 
blood-spilling  in  these  dreams  and  schemes  other  than 
the  blood  of  bullocks  fat  for  feasting. 

Living  thus  surrounded  by  such  scenes  of  natural 
beauty,  amidst  olive  orchards  and  vineyards,  ever 
looking  forth  from  sunny  slopes  on  the  bright  waters 
of  bay  and  sea,  living  so  much  in  the  open  air  with 
high  exhilaration  and  healthful  exercise,  many  a  young 
woman  glowed  in  her  lustrous  beauty,  and  many  a 
young  man  unfolded  as  perfect  as  Apollo.  Even  the 
old  were  cheerful,  strong,  and  young  in  spirit. 

Gathered  at  their  festivals,  it  mi^ht  be  said  of  the 

'  O 

assembly  as  some  one  said  of  the  lonians  gathered  at 
Delos,  so  fresh  and  blooming  were  they,  as  if  blessed 
with  endless  youth.  And  indeed,  life  here  was  almost 
like  a  returning  of  the  world  to  its  infancy;  a  return 
ing  of  mankind  to  artless,  thoughtless  boyhood,  when 
science  held  little  sway,  and  men  lived  simple  lives, 
and  excess  of  piety  and  excess  of  culture  had  not 
sobered  the  mind  and  made  serious  the  art  of  living. 
It  was  almost  as  in  the  early  days  of  Greece,  when 
religion  was  but  a  love  of  the  beautiful;  when  every 
star  was  tenanted  by  a  god,  and  every  stream  was 
made  to  move  and  sing  by  some  laughter-loving 
nymph;  when  Jove  himself  hurled  the  thunder  and 
flashed  the  lightning,  and  made  the  clouds  to  move, 
such  things  as  laws  of  nature  being  yet  unheard  of. 
And  of  the  young  women  at  work,  one  might  almost 
imagine  them  the  princess  Nausicaa  and  her  maidens, 
washing  in  the  stream  the  household  linen,  stamping 
it  clean  with  their  pretty  bare  feet,  and  ending  their 
labors  with  ball-game  and  banquet.  By  their  behavior 
one  would  think  they  were  born  in  the  silver  age  of 
Hesiod,  when  childhood  lasted  for  a  hundred  years, 


DECLINE  OF  SAVAGISM.  267 

for  none  of  these  were  one  hundred,  and  they  all  acted 
like  children. 

As  nature  grows,  so  grows  man's  intelligence ;  as 
nature  speaks,  so  speaks  the  heart  of  man.  The  bird 
sings,  and  man  prays;  human  life,  like  leaves,  comes 
arid  goes,  and  no  one  knows  whence  or  whither.  That 
which  built  mountains  builds  churches;  seas  and  for 
ests,  like  nations,  are  born  and  die ;  that  which  unfolds 
the  hidden  seed  unfolds  the  germ  of  intellect;  nature 
and  man — wild  man  or  tamed — are  one,  and  all  alike 
are  but  blind  chance  or  the  development  of  infinite 
thought. 

In  America,  wherever  the  European  plants  himself, 
the  native  is  overshadowed.  And  the  lower  in  the 
scale  of  humanity  he  is,  the  quicker  he  dies.  No  peo 
ple  have  longer  endured  the  intimate  contact  of  Euro 
peans  than  the  Nahuas  of  the  Mexican  table-land. 
The  Tasmanians  have  gone,  and  the  Australians,  the 
New  Zealanders,  and  the  Hawaiians  are  fast  going. 
Our  food,  our  drink,  our  clothes,  our  shelter,  our 
piety,  our  cruelty,  our  diseases — all  tend  to  waste 
them  away.  Being  intellectually  weak  and  inferior, 
they  sink  into  the  earth  beside  their  neighbor  of  ranker 
individuality. 

Take  from  the  mountains  or  prairies  hardy  wild 
cattle;  confine,  feed,  and  fatten  them,  and  they  are 
the  first  to  fall  before  some  rinderpest.  Wild  beasts 
never  can  be  made  to  work  beside  domesticated  ani 
mals.  A  civilized  horse  would  kill  a  dozen  of  the 
untamed  kind  .at  ploughing,  whereas,  free,  the  wild 
horse  would  soon  run  the  tame  one  to  death  on  the 
prairies.  Our  present  civilization  tends  to  toughen 
men;  it  does  not  enervate  and  degrade,  like  that  of 
ancient  Greece  and  Rome.  In  Spain,  in  Sicily,  and 
in  Gual,  the  barbarian  with  the  Roman  endured.  The 
contact  was  beneficial  rather  than  prejudicial  to  both 
barbarian  and  Roman.  But  then,  these  barbarians 
were  not  exactly  savages,  nor  were  the  Romans  then 
the  hardy,  warlike  people  they  once  were. 


268  LOTOS-LAND  SOCIETY. 

The  savage  is  not  so  far  removed  from  us  as  we 
may  at  first  suppose.  All  are  children  of  one  common 
father;  and  weighed  in  the  great  balance  of  life  and 
immortality,  the  primitive  man  will  if  anything  turn 
the  scale.  Every  one  of  the  great  blessings  upon 
which  civilization  so  prides  itself  carries  with  it  to 
some  extent  a  counteracting  curse.  Man,  in  emerging 
from  a  savage  state,  has  much  to  give  up.  The  re 
straints  of  civilized  life  to  the  savage  are  like  prison 
walls.  He  cannot  jump  at  once  from  unbounded  lib 
erty,  from  perfect  freedom  in  thought  and  action,  from 
health  and  the  full  enjoyment  of  nature,  into  the 
strait-jacket  of  forms  and  refinements,  without  un 
dergoing  a  severe  struggle.  The  growth  must  be 
gradual.  The  seed  cannot  at  once  be  transformed  into 
a  tree,  nor  the  child  into  the  man.  Every  attempt 
that  has  ever  yet  been  made  to  abruptly  change 
the  life  and  condition  of  the  Indian  has  proved  a  fail 
ure.  Even  the  catholic  fathers  in  California,  actuated 
by  the  kindest  motives,  devoting  their  lives  to  the 
amelioration  of  one  of  the  most  abject  races  of  the 
world,  raising  them  from  a  condition  of  nakedness, 
hunger,  want,  and  exposure,  and  comfortably  clothing, 
housing,  and  feeding  them,  were  doomed  to  see  them 

fradually    fade    away.     They   can    no   more    endure 
indness  than  cruelty. 

Their  songs  of  native  gladness  were  changed  to 
minor  moods,  as  they  were  made  to  sit  in  sackcloth, 
and  cry  peccavi! 

The  savages  are  great  imitators;  and  once  the 
missionaries  succeeded  in  gaining  their  good- will,  they 
soon  were  full  of  some  kind  of  enthusiasm,  they  hardly 
knew  what.  These  strange  white  men  they  felt  to 
be  their  superior,  hence  to  do  as  they  did  soon  became 
the  fashion  among  them,  even  to  falling  down  and  wor 
shipping  a  saint-figure  with  crucifix  and  skull,  glaring 
down  upon  them  from  the  church  wall — certainly  no 
small  tax  upon  the  credulity  of  the  savage  or  civilized 
mind. 


LATIN  AND  AMERICAN  RACES.  269 

So  far  as  the  natives  were  concerned,  between  the 
fathers  spiritual  and  the  soldiers  temporal  it  was  an 
absolute  despotism  they  were  under,  with  no  inter 
mediate  class  between  the  rulers  and  the  ruled;  and 
if  they  avoided  Scylla  the  government,  they  were 
sure  to  fall  on  Charybdis  the  church. 

The  natives  were  of  necessity  forced  to  obey  their 
spiritual  advisers,  and  indeed,  soldiers  of  the  presidio, 
and  citizens  of  the  pueblo,  rancheros,  vaqueros,  and 
loungers,  were  all  subject  to  a  mild  clerical  espionage. 
Between  the  intellectual  caliber  of  the  missionaries 
and  that  of  the  natives  there  was  a  great  difference, 
with  no  intermediate  class.  It  was  the  cunning  of 
civilization,  the  cunning  of  Christianity,  the  cunning 
of  zealous,  self-devoted  fanaticism,  in  close  and  deadly 
contact  with  savage  simplicity.  Had  there  been  any 
to  stand  between  them,  any  to  question  the  one  as 
to  the  validity  of  his  pretensions  and  encourage  the 
other  to  disobedience,  the  missionaries  never  would 
have  succeeded. 

Natural  advantages  exercise  a  powerful  influence 
upon  a  people,  particularly  where  they  are  indige 
nous.  But  those  countries  possessing  the  greatest 
advantages  of  soil  and  climate  do  not  always  produce 
the  greatest  people.  Of  energy  there  was  enough 
among  the  Spanish  colonists,  but  it  was  of  that 
spasmodic  kind  which  aroused  by  passion  subsides 
before  beneficial  results  are  secured.  It  was  the  very 
opposite  of  that  tenacious  and  stubborn  principle 
which  governed  the  Anglo-Saxons  in  America,  whose 
patient  and  self-denying  industry  laid  the  foundations 
of  superior  political  institutions. 

Both  Indian  and  Spaniard  were  alike  in  natural 
indolence,  love  of  luxury,  fondness  for  amusement,  and 
hatred  of  menial  occupations.  Both  would  undergo 
the  greatest  hardships  without  a  murmur;  but  when 
the  passion  had  cooled,  or  when  the  exigency  which 
called  forth  these  spasms  of  energy  had  passed,  there 
came  a  reaction  in  which  indulgence  was  in  as  great 


270  LOTOS-LAND  SOCIETY. 

excess  as  the  discipline  had  been  severe.  For  the 
continuous  application  of  those  faculties  of  body  and 
mind  which  alone  achieve  permanent  greatness,  the 
Latin  races  were  children  beside  the  Anglo-Saxon. 

For  a  time  few  foreigners  were  here,  the  population 
being  chiefly  Indian  and  Mexican,  with  presently  in 
terminable  intermixtures.  All  others  were  regarded 
with  more  or  less  suspicion,  and  were  plainly  made  to 
understand  that  their  presence  was  not  desired,  unless 
they  would  become  catholics,  and  marry  a  woman  of 
the  country,  which  indeed  many  did. 

Across  the  mountains  came  the  uncouth  sons  of 
the  Saxons.  At  one  time  in  all  the  mission  churches 
te  deum  was  sung  for  divine  interposition  to  save  the 
country  from  the  Americans.  And  when  the  stran 
gers  came,  all  along  this  line  of  missions  the  past  was 
there ;  these  buildings  might  be  a  thousand  years  old, 
howsoever  virgin  the  country.  Immigration  brought 
innovation,  steamboats  and  stage-coaches  were  the 
curse  conveying  to  silent  ranches  and  sleepy  pueblos 
vagabonds  and  sharpers.  As  a  rule,  there  was  no 
public  house  in  these  towns ;  such  things  were  un- 
needed  where  hospitality  only  placed  the  distributor 
under  obligations. 

A  bitter  feeling  sprang  up  early  between  the  Cali- 
fornians  and  the  Mexican  government,  resulting  from 
the  policy  of  the  latter  to  turn  their  country  into  a 
penal  colony  for  Mexican  convicts.  This  displeasure 
became  further  increased  when  the  government  re 
solved  to  fill  all  the  official  positions  with  Mexicans, 
to  the  exclusion  of  Californians.  This  feeling  soon 
grew  to  one  of  hostility  toward  the  people  of  Mexico, 
or,  as  they  were  called, ^"los  de  la  otra  banda."  "The 
best  of  the  Mexicans  among  us,"  says  Alvarado, 
"were  insulting  and  offensive  and  were  far  more  cor 
dially  hated  than  any  foreigners."  Alvarado  had 
once  inflicted  chastisement  with  his  own  hands,  on  a 
Mexican  schoolmate  named  Romero,  for  making  in- 


CALIFORNIANS  VERSUS  MEXICANS.  271 

suiting  remarks  on  the  dress  of  the  administration  of 
which  he  was  a  member.  A  quarrel  between  Alva- 
rado  and  Alferez  Pliego  was  another  event  growing 
out  of  the  sectional  hatred.  The  character  and  con 
duct  of  the  battalion  of  cholos,  brought  by  General 
Micheltorena  in  1842,  capped  the  climax,  exasperat 
ing  the  Californians  to  open  rebellion,  for  the 
soldiers  were  not  only  vicious  and  a  disgrace  to 
the  service,  but  altogether  useless,  and  a  burden 
which  the  slightly  developed  country  could  ill  sup 
port. 

Said  Jose  de  Jesus  Vallejo  to  Cerruti :  "  General 
Micheltorena  sent  to  Mexico,  by  Coronel  Tellez,  a 
person  in  whom  he  placed  full  confidence,  several  offi 
cial  notes  addressed  to  the  minister  of  war  of  the 
Mexican  republic,  demanding  of  him  assistance  to 
fight  the  Californians,  whom  he  represented  as  un 
worthy  of  his  confidence,  because  they  were  united  by 
masonic  bonds  and  all  conspired  against  him.  I  be 
lieve  that  General  Micheltorena  'would  have  done  a 
great  deal  better  if  he  had  frankly  confessed  that  the 
soldiers  under  his  orders  were  thieves  and  not  military 
men,  and  such  a  pack  of  cowards  that  our  rancheros, 
mounted  on  their  horses,  carrying  in  their  arms  their 
young  children,  fought  one  against  three,  and  van 
quished  them."  The  following  will  give  some  idea  of 
what  the  quarrel  was  composed  of: 

General  Micheltorena's  officers,  with  a  few  honora 
ble  exceptions,  were  corrupt  and  altogether  bad. 
Colonel  Garfias,  an  old  veteran,  who  had  been  ap 
pointed  commander  of  the  battalion,  refused  the  com 
mand,  and  told  the  general:  "Most  of  your  officers 
are  a  miserable  set.  If  you  send  them  to  buy  six 
pence  worth  of  cigarettes,  they  will  lose  the  coin." 
Among  them  was  a  Lieutenant  Aguado,  whose 
servant  was  a  cholo  soldier.  The  latter  was  coming 
from  the  direction  of  the  orchards — in  Los  Angeles,— 
wrapped  in  a  striped  woolen  blanket,  and  meeting 
the  lieutenant,  opened  his  wrap  a  little  to  show  the 


272  LOTOS-LAND  SOCIETY. 

head  of  a  large  turkey,  and  said,  "My  lieutenant,  see 
what  a  fine  violon  (base  viol)  I  have  with  me."  "  That 
is  right,  my  son,  take  it  to  my  quarters,"  answered 
Aguado,  who  well  knew  he  would  have  for  his  dinner 
a  good  share  of  the  stolen  turkey. 

Manuel  Requena,  a  citizen  of  Los  Angeles,  notified 
Alcalde  Coronel  in  1842  that  his  poultry  yard  had 
been  robbed  of  a  number  of  turkeys,  and  that  he  had 
reason  to  believe  the  thieves  were  some  of  Michel- 
torena's  lambs.  An  Indian  woman  identified  one 
of  them  at  the  barracks.  On  being  asked  what 
had  become  of  the  turkey,  he  answered  with  a 
question  and  a  reply  thereto.  Didn't  you  receive  a 
nice  little  stew  from  my  woman?  And  you  ate  it? 
So  did  I  and  my  companions.  He  alleged  not  having 
stolen  the  turkey,  and  explained  the  process  by  which 
he  came  to  have  it,  drawing  out  of  his  pocket  a  line  at 
the  end  of  which  were  several  pieces  of  crooked  needles 
securing  a  number  of  grains  of  corn.  He  added  that 
it  was  a  way  he  had  of  amusing  himself,  and  in  passing 
Requena' s  house,  he  threw  those  little  grains  on  the 
other  side  of  the  fence  to  see  if  he  could  catch  some 
crows  or  other  birds.  Presently  he  felt  a  pulling  at 
the  line,  whereupon  he  slowly  and  carefully  drew  it 
to  himself,  fearing  that  the  line  might  part;  finally  he 
discovered  that  the  violincito  had  entangled  itself. 
He  then  wrapped  it  up  in  his  serape,  judging  that  it 
was  his  by  right  of  conquest.  Being  told  by  his 
colonel  that  this  was  theft,  he  answered  that  he  had 
always  understood  theft  to  be  taking  things  without 
their  owner's  consent;  but  in  the  present  case  the 
little  animal  had  come  to  him  of  its  own  accord.  This 
ingenious  pleading  did  not,  however,  save  him  from 
the  punishment,  in  the  form  of  blows  with  withes, 
that  his  commander  ordered  applied  to  his  bare  back. 

The  first  foreigners  who  established  themselves 
among  the  Californians  were  regarded  by  those  who 
came  later  from  Mexico  as  renegades  and  apostates, 
or  even  traitors  to  their  countrymen.  They  accused 


CHARACTER  OF  THE  CALIFORNIANS.  273 

them  of  secretly  plotting  for  their  expulsion,  fearing 
that  their  ascendency  over  the  Mexicans  was  in  dan 
ger  of  being  shared  or  destroyed  by  the  poor  but  bold 
and  enterprising  settlers  who  were  beginning  to  reach 
the  country.  The  majority  of  these  older  emigrants 
had  conformed  to  the  catholic  religion,  and  were  ac 
customed  to  out-Mexican  the  Mexicans  in  drinking, 
gambling,  and  fandangoing,  that  they  might  obtain 
favor  of  the  Californians,  and  become  traitors  in  the 
eyes  of  the  minnows  of  Mexico — the  female  minnows 
especially. 

The  character  of  the  Californians  was  what  in 
the  main  would  be  called  good — mild,  well-meaning 
enough,  though  not  very  pronounced.  They  had  re 
ceived  but  little  training,  scarcely  any  education,  yet 
they  possessed  virtues  worthy  of  record.  They  were 
kind-hearted  and  liberal;  a  person  could  travel  from 
San  Diego  to  Sonoma  without  a  coin  in  his  pocket,  and 
never  want  for  a  roof  to  cover  him,  a  bed  to  sleep  on, 
food  to  eat,  and  even  tobacco  to  smoke.  Serrano  says 
in  travelling  he  once  came  to  the  house  of  some  poor 
people  who  had  but  one  bed;  this  they  wished  to  give 
him  and  sleep  themselves  on  hides  spread  on  the 
ground.  The  guest  resisted,  until  they  considered 
themselves  slighted,  and  he  was  forced  to  yield.  This 
hospitality  was  not  only  extended  to  acquaintances, 
but  to  strangers;  and  if  any  one  attempted  to  pay  for 
services  rendered,  the  poorest  Californian  would  never 
accept  any  reward,  but  would  say,  "Senor,  we  are 
not  in  the  habit  of  selling  food." 

"  On  arriving  at  a  rancho,"  says  Arnaz,  "the  traveller 
was  received  with  joy,  and  the  best  things  were  pre 
pared  for  him,  with  horses  and  servants  on  leaving. 
Even  their  beds  were  given  up.  When  the  missions 
flourished  a  man  could  travel  from  one  end  of  Califor 
nia  to  the  other,  obtaining  horses,  servants,  food,  etc., 
without  cost  to  him,  and  this  hospitality  was  kept  up, 
or  nearly  so,  by  rancheros  after  the  decline  of  the  mis- 

CAL.  PAST.    18 


274  LOTOS-LAND  SOCIETY. 

sions/'  Some  of  Belden's  party  reached  Aguirre's 
rancho  unable  to  speak  Spanish,  and  hardly  knowing 
how  to  get  along.  He  made  signs  for  food.  The 
Californians  lassoed  a  bullock,  killing  it,  and  told 
them  to  leave  the  hide  and  take  as  much  meat  as 
they  wanted,  and  refused  to  accept  pay. 

Every  man  travelling  carried  his  serape,  which 
served  him  well  in  rainy  or  cold  weather;  at  night 
it  was  a  covering  to  sleep  under.  He  could  always 
count  upon  a  hide  to  lie  on  in  the  common  houses, 
and  a  simple  bed  in  those  of  the  better  class. 

At  the  missions  the  same.  The  traveller  being  fed 
was  lodged  in  the  guest's  apartment;  his  horse  was 
taken  care  of,  and  when  he  departed  he  was  given 
provisions  for  the  remainder  of  his  journey.  If  his 
horse  was  tired  out,  he  was  given  another,  until  such 
time  as  he  returned  to  exchange  it  for  his  own.  "And 
so/'  says  Robinson,  "any  stranger  travelling  through 
the  country  could  stop  at  any  one  of  the  missions  as 
long  as  he  pleased — for  months,  if  he  chose;  his  plate 
would  always  be  laid  at  table,  and  every  possible  at 
tention  paid  to  him.  When  ready  to  leave,  all  he  had 
to  do  was  to  tell  the  padres,  and  his  horses  would  be 
ready,  with  a  guide,  and  provisions  for  the  road,  which 
were  generally  a  chicken  or  two,  a  boiled  tongue,  a  loaf 
of  bread,  boiled  eggs,  a  bottle  of  wine,  and  a  bottle  of 
brandy,  and  the  traveller  was  at  no  expense  whatever." 
A  gentleman  bummer,  as  the  slang  of  to-day  would 
have  it,  could  thus  spend  a  lifetime  going  round  from 
mission  to  mission,  and  be  always  well  received,  and 
all  free  of  charge.  He  must  have  a  constitution  that 
could  endure  some  religion,  however.  The  padres 
were  always  glad  to  have  strangers  come. 

"It  is  a  proverb  here,"  Bidwell  remarks  in  1841, 
"and  I  find  a  pretty  true  one,  that  a  Spaniard  will 
not  do  anything  which  he  cannot  do  on  horseback. 
He  does  not  work,  perhaps,  on  an  average  one  month 
in  the  year.  He  labors  about  a  week  when  he  sows 
his  wheat,  and  another  week  when  he  harvests  it;  the 
rest  of  the  time  is  spent  in  riding  about." 


jr  PHYSIQUE.  275 

Both  the  men  and  women  were  quite  fine-looking, 
tall,  robust,  well-made,  handsome  in  feature,  and 
healthy  in  appearance.  There  was  here  a  greater 
purity  of  race  than  in  Mexico.  Many  of  the  women 
were  as  fair  as  those  of  New  York,  and  had  rosy 
cheeks,  contrasting  with  their  jet-black  hair,  eye 
brows,  and  eyelashes.  Their  beauty  was  by  no  means 
of  an  inferior  order.  Both  the  men  and  women  had 
small  feet. 

Vischer  saw  in  San  Diego  and  Santa  Barbara  the 
cradles  of  California  society,  the  classic  type,  Greek 
or  Roman,  running  through  whole  families,  with  a  fre 
quent  occurrence  of  the  oriental  and  Gothic.  Their 
demeanor  was  one  of  quiet  dignity,  all  affectation  be 
ing  absent. 

As  I  have  said,  the  people  were  all  indolent;  only 
here  and  there  was  one  who  showed  any  inclination 
to  better  his  condition.  They  were  not  vicious,  and 
drunkenness  was  a  rare  thing  in  the  country.  They 
lived  comfortably,  and  were  happy.  Their  wants 
originally  were  few  and  simple.  They  knew  nothing 
beyond  their  own  country,  and  had  no  desire  for  any 
thing  but  what  their  own  land  afforded  them,  until 
other  things  brought  by  the  incoming  vessels  attracted 
their  attention.  They  passed  away  their  time  with 
out  care,  had  their  amusements  when  not  occupied  in 
their  necessary  labors,  and  never  gave  a  thought  to 
the  future.  In  a  moral  point  of  view,  they  com 
pared  favorably  with  the  people  of  other  countries. 

The  Californians,  generally,  were  the  happiest  and 
most  contented  of  communities,  more  free  from  care, 
anxiety,  and  trouble  than  any  others  in  the  world. 
They  were  simple-minded,  and  not  at  all  sanguinary ; 
shedding  blood  was  abhorrent  to  their  nature.  They 
were  different  from  many  of  their  countrymen  of  other 
parts  of  Mexico  in  this  regard.  "  Their  fine  physique 
was  due,"  says  Torres,  "  probably  to  the  quantity  of 
roast  meat  eaten,  without  vegetables." 

One  who  left  New  Mexico  in  consequence  of  the 


276  LOTOS-LAND  SOCIETY. 

insecurity  of  life  and  property  of  foreigners  there,  and 
came  to  California  not  with  any  intention  of  remaining, 
says:  "Receiving  so  much  kindness  from  the  native 
Californians,  I  arrived  at  the  conclusion  that  there  was 
no  place  in  the  world  where  I  could  enjoy  more  true 
happiness  and  true  friendship  than  among  them.  There 
were  no  courts,  no  juries,  no  lawyers,  nor  any  need  of 
them.  The  people  were  honest  and  hospitable,  and 
their  word  was  as  good  as  their  bond;  indeed,  bonds 
and  notes  of  hand  were  entirely  unknown  among  the 
natives." 

All  over  this  great  west,  for  that  matter,  travellers, 
trappers,  wanderers,  were  treated  with  a  kindness  and 
hospitality  that  they  felt  to  be  beyond  thanks  or  recom 
pense.  Those  who  quietly  remain  at  home  in  the  enjoy 
ment  of  indulgent  ease  can  hardly  comprehend  the  joy  of 
houseless  missionaries  and  pioneers  in  meeting  friends, 
and  friendly  receptions  now  and  then  in  the  course  of 
their  weary  journey  ings.  But  the  settler  in  a  strange 
land  could,  and  he  always  was  kind  to  strangers.  He 
knew  too  well  that  solitude  could  have  no  charm,  save, 
perhaps,  infrequency.  He  had  felt  that  faintness  and 
sickness  which  come  to  the  rudest  heart  with  long 
separations  from  friendship  and  sympathy.  The  soli 
tary  are  generally  the  most  hospitable.  From  the 
lonely  and  wandering  Tartars,  the  little  band  of  Arabs 
that  huddle  round  a  well,  or  the  half-dozen  huts  that 
constitute  a  western  settlement,  the  stranger  is  never 
turned  empty  away.  The  having  suffered  like  things 
is  at  the  root  of  this,  as  of  most  other  virtues  of  deed 
or  expression.  Who  can  pity  the  poor  like  the  poor? 
Who  can  sing  of  blindness  like  Milton,  or  of  love  like 
Sappho,  or  depict  an  exile  like  Hugo? 

Particularly  is  the  hijo  del  pais  well  formed,  graceful 
in  his  movements,  and  athletic.  Spending  his  life  in 
manly  pursuits,  roaming  his  native  hills,  breathing  the 
pure  air  of  the  Pacific,  the  horse  his  companion,  the 
lasso  his  weapon,  he  carries  about  him  and  into  all  life's 
commonplaces  the  chivalrous  bearing  of  the  cavaliers 


MIND  AND  MORALS.  277 

of  old  Spain.     His  courage  no  one  will  question  who 
has  seen  him  face  a  herd  of  wild  cattle,  or  lasso  a 

frizzly,  or  mount  an  unbroken  horse,  or  fix  his  un- 
inching  gaze  upon  the  muzzle  of  a  pistol  pointed 
at  his  breast.  He  is  by  nature  kind  and  frank. 
The  treatment  he  received  at  the  hand  of  hard- 
featured,  ill-man riered,  grasping,  and  unprincipled 
strangers  taught  him  to  be  suspicious;  but  his  confi 
dence  once  gained,  he  is  yours  wholly  and  forever.  In 
his  ardent  nature  there  is  no  half-way  course :  either 
he  loves  or  hates;  in  his  eyes  every  one  he  meets  is 
either  for  or  against  him,  every  one  is  either  friend  or 
foe. 

Absolutely  unconfined,  socially  and  politically,  or  as 
nearly  free  as  it  were  possible  for  poor  erring  humanity 
to  be  who  cannot  escape  a  master  of  some  sort,  or  who 
make  any  pretensions  to  government,  religion,  or  social 
ethics — masters  of  all  their  eyes  surveyed,  the  beauti 
ful  earth  and  its  fruits  as  free  as  the  sweet  air  and 
sunshine,  lands  unlimited,  cattle  on  a  thousand  hills, 
with  ready-made  servants  to  tend  them,  born  here, 
basking  here,  with  none  to  molest  or  make  afraid, 
with  woman  to  love,  and  offspring  to  rear,  and  priest 
to  shrive,  with  heart  full  and  stomach  full,  yet  relieved 
from  skull-cracking  brains  withal — how  should  they 
be  else  than  happy,  than  lovers  of  home  and  country? 

Life  at  San  Diego  in  1825,  what  was  it?  Life, 
not  death,  for  nine  tenths  of  life  is  death  or  a  dream 
ing.  "Ah,  what  times  we  used  to  have!"  exclaims 
what  a  little  later  was  a  wrinkled  old  woman  of  reflect 
ive  memory.  "  Every  week  to  La  Playa,  aboard  the 
ships — silks !  officers !  rebozos !  music !  dancing !  frolic  ! " 
Such  was  the  impression  a  ship  at  La  Playa  every 
week  for  one  or  two  weeks  created  on  the  female  mind 
in  the  year  1825. 

"Days  of  primitive  simplicity,  its  traces  not  yet  all 
gone  from  among  the  descendants  of  the  founders," 
continues  the  sighing  one.  "The  summer  labors  and 
harvest  and  their  cattle  filled  most  of  their  wants. 


278  LOTOS-LAND  SOCIETY. 

The  missionaries  drew  a  heavy  commerce  from  abroad 
that  supplied  many  luxuries  in  exchange  for  the  pro 
ducts  of  individual  industry.  The  arrival  of  a  ship  was 
more  than  a  sensation;  its  date  served  the  memory 
to  reckon  ordinary  events  thereafter.  And  cold  the 
heart  not  to  relish  the  gayety  and  enjoyment  that 
followed  the  dropping  of  the  anchor  at  La  Playa. 
Liberality  on  one  side,  unbounded  hospitality  on  the 
other,  contributed  to  gild  and  prolong  the  festive 
hours." 

In  the  south  society  was  most  refined  at  Angeles 
and  Santa  Barbara,  these  settlements  being  larger 
and  the  people  more  wealthy  than  elsewhere  on  the 
coast.  Moreover,  at  these  points  larger  military  forces 
were  in  garrison,  and  the  officers  were  men  of  a  culture 
far  superior  to  that  of  the  rough  rancheros,  wherefore 
an  improvement  in  manners  was  felt.  In  this  vicinity, 
too,  were  to  be  found  choice  lands,  together  with  the 
most  inviting  climate ;  and  these  lands  were  secured  by 
the  most  influential  of  such  as  came  to  the  country. 

San  Diego  would,  undoubtedly,  have  been  the 
metropolis  of  early  Alta  California  had  the  country 
immediately  surrounding  the  harbor  been  as  fertile  as 
the  valleys  of  Santa  Barbara  and  Los  Angeles,  which 
latter  place  bore  off  the  palm — although  in  point  of 
respectability,  Santa  Bdrbara  was  not  far  behind. 

The  blood  of  Spain,  already  somewhat  mixed  with 
that  of  the  people  of  Montezuma,  was  still  further 
reduced  by  the  occasional  union  of  the  Mexican  and 
Indian.  When  in  1835  the  government  began  to  make 
grants  of  land,  and  the  missions  were  secularized  and 
sold  and  the  troops  disbanded,  many  of  the  common, 
soldiers  wived  with  Indians.  Hence  came  the  baser 
stock  of  Hispano-Californians,  such  as,  in  the  time  of 
gold  discoveries,  were  yclept  greasers. 

Thus  there  were  two  distinct  classes — that  which 
sprang  from  the  admixture  of  Mexican  and  Indian, 
and  that  of  Mexican  blood  alone. 

Whiteness  was  the  badge  of  respectability,  and  the 


POPULATION.  279 

white  Anglo-American  mated  with  her  he  chose  from 
among  the  rich  dusky  daughters  of  Mexican  descent. 
This  claim  is  to  this  day  rather  a  sensitive  point,  not  only 
with  the  Mexico-Californians  themselves,  but  with 
the  Americans  and  Englishmen  who  married  here. 
A  too  close  scrutiny  of  the  blood  with  which  they 
allied  themselves  is  not  always  palatable  to  the  fathers 
of  dark-complexioned  children,  especially  if  the  fathers 
be  rich  and  respectable  and  the  sons  and  daughters 
educated  and  accomplished. 

Morineau's  observations  in  1834  are  not  wide  of  the 
mark.  "Since  the  time  of  La  Perouse,"  he  says,  "the 
Creole  population  of  California  has  increased  rapidly. 
The  number  of  births  is  triple  that  of  deaths.  There 
are  often  nine  or  ten  children  in  a  family.  This  is 
owing1  to  the  s^ood  climate,  and  the  exercise  which  the 

O  O 

youths  take — lassoing,  riding,  etc.  Their  violent  ex 
ercise  and  lack  of  education  make  the  Californians 
rough  and  almost  brutal.  They  have  little  regard  for 
their  women,  are  of  a  jealous  disposition,  and  are  strict 
with  their  families.  Although  brusque,  they  are  kind 
to  strangers.  Their  wives  are  dunces,  attached  to 
their  children,  and  hospitable.  Being  almost  all  re- 
lited  to  each  other,  they  live  in  great  intimacy. 
There  is  no  difference  of  rank  among  them.  One  who 
has  become  rich  by  his  industry  is  neither  admired 
nor  envied  by  any  one.  Theft  is  extremely  rare. 
Murder  is  without  example.  They  do  not  like  work, 
but  are  all  day  in  the  saddle,  looking  after  their  herds, 
or  hunting.  The  women  manage  the  household.  In 
the  evenings  they  sometimes  go  to  pass  the  time  with 
a  neighbor,  and  play  cards  for  money.  Without  prid 
ing  themselves  on  their  politeness,  they  sometimes 
give  balls,  and  dance  to  the  guitar  and  violin.  Besides 
the  jota  and  jarabe,  which  they  dance  in  pairs,  they 
have  a  favorite  dance  executed  by  a  single  woman. 
From  the  crowd  of  admirers  are  thrown  pieces  of 
money  at  the  feet  of  the  dancer,  while  the  tallest  cava 
lier  places  his  hat  on  her  head  and  his  cloak  on  her 


280  LOTOS-LAND  SOCIETY 

shoulder;  a  gage  which  he  may  not  take  back  with 
out  making  an  offering  to  the  beauty.  The  Creoles 
served  no  drink  at  their  festivals  but  brandy;  lately 
they  have  used  French  wines.  The  women  prefer 
Frontignac  and  the  men  Bordeaux.  If  the  men  are 
fond  of  violent  exercise,  the  women  like  spectacles  of 
a  similar  kind,  such  as  bear  and  bull  fights  and  horse 
races."  Which  is  as  this  man  saw  it. 

Laplace  avers  that  "  whatever  good  qualities  the 
native  Californians  may  have  inherited  with  their 
Castilian  blood  are  more  than  counterbalanced  by 
their  laziness,  pride,  vindictiveness,  and  jealousy  of 
foreigners.  For  the  most  part  they  are  very  igno 
rant,  and  pass  their  time  smoking  and  sleeping  when 
not  gambling.  They  are  indifferent  husbands,  faith 
less  and  exacting,  and  very  hard  masters.  The  women 
are  pretty,  but  vain,  frivolous,  bad  managers,  and  ex 
travagant.  They  prefer  to  take  their  husbands  from 
among  the  foreigners.  The  houses  of  the  lower  class 
were  scarcely  better  than  Indian  huts.  An  air  of 
squalor  and  slovenliness  was  over  things  and  persons. 
Some  of  them  when  mounted  and  equipped  had  a  fine, 
brave  appearance,  not  in  their  case  always  a  proof  of 
bravery.  Their  daughters  and  wives  were  gracious 
and  attractive." 

"  The  state  of  society  here,"  says  Wilkes,  "  is  ex 
ceedingly  loose ;  envy,  hatred,  and  malice  predominate 
in  almost  every  breast,  and  the  people  are  wretched 
under  their  present  rulers.  Female  virtue,  I  regret 
to  say,  is  also  at  a  low  ebb ;  and  the  coarse  and  lasci 
vious  dances  which  meet  the  plaudits  of  the  lookers- 
on  show  the  degraded  tone  of  manners  that  exists." 
V/ilkes  found  the  men  with  no  trades,  and  dependent 
for  everything  upon  the  Indians  at  the  missions.  They 
were  so  indolent,  and  withal  had  so  much  pride,  that 
they  regard  all  manual  labor  as  degrading.  "An  an 
ecdote  was  related  to  me,"  he  says,  "  of  one  who  had 
been  known  to  dispense  with  his  dinner,  although  the 
food  was  but  a  few  yards  off,  because  the  Indian  was 


PATRIARCHAL  CUSTOMS.  281 

not  at  hand  to  bring  it  to  him.  .  .  .  Priest  and  layman 
are  alike  given  up  to  idleness  and  debauchery."  They 
delay  paying  their  debts,  but  always  pay  in  the  end  if 
they  can.  Had  Wilkes  seen  more,  perhaps  he  would 
not  have  been  quite  so  dogmatical. 

The  constant  horse-riding  made  them  slovenly  in 
appearance  and  manner.  They  were  so  little  used  to 
walking  that  they  waddled  from  one  side  to  the  other. 
They  were  roused  from  idleness  only  by  the  necessity 
of  looking  after  the  herds. 

Arrillaga  and  many  other  governors  were  continu 
ally  complaining  to  the  viceroy  of  the  need  to  repair 
this  or  that  fort  or  house,  the  want  of  artillerymen  at 
certain  forts,  and  the  need  of  padres  at  presidios,  all  of 
which,  by  a  little  thought  and  energy,  could  have  been 
accomplished  by  the  soldiers  at  no  expense ;  artillery 
men  could  have  been  sent  from  a  central  presidio  to 
train  soldiers  in  gunnery  at  other  points,  and  pious 
readings  might  have  been  held  by  sergeants. 

Little  wonder  is  it,  therefore,  that  in  looking  back 
the  old  inhabitants,  sorrowing,  maintain  that  Cali 
fornia  was  a  perfect  paradise  before  the  foreign  im 
migration  set  in  to  corrupt  patriarchal  customs;  then 
robbery  and  assassination  were  unheard  of,  blasphemy 
rare,  and  fraudulent  creditor  not  known.  Captains 
would  sell  goods  along  the  coast,  and  return  in 
twelve  or  eighteen  months  after  to  receive  payment 
in  produce.  "  I  never  heard  of  a  complaint  against 
Californian  rancheros,"  says  Fernandez,  "from  Argue- 
llo's  to  Figueroa's  time." 

Micheltorena  relates  that  Santa  Anna,  on  sending 
him  to  this  country,  said  that  the  Californians  were 
lambs  which  he  commended  to  his  care.  "I  wish," 
retorted  the  governor  later  during  the  revolts,  "that 
Santa  Anna  would  come  to  pasture  them  now. 

"The  Californians  vent  their  grief  too  reservedly," 
says  Hayes,  in  1856.  "  It  is  only  to  their  friends  they 
unbosom  themselves,  and  always  very  quietly.  As 


282  LOTOS-LAND  SOCIETY. 

yet  they  have  not  come  universally  to  appreciate  their 
position  as  a  part  of  the  people." 

"Nature  gave  the  Californians  high  talents,"  says 
Bandini,  "  frankness,  and  simple  manners.  They  were 
hospitable,  and  were  capable  of  making  great  sacrifices 
to  aid  the  afflicted.  I  do  not  believe  there  is  one  of 
the  many  white  men  who  professes  a  trade ;  their  oc 
cupation  is  tending  stock,  some  small  cultivation,  and 
idling." 

Speaking  of  the  characteristics  of  the  families  who 
came  to  pastoral  California,  Sepulveda  says:  " Settled 
in  a  remote  part  from  the  centre  of  government, 
isolated  from  and  almost  unaided  by  the  rest  of  the 
Mexican  states,  and  with  very  rare  chances  of  com 
munication  writh  the  rest  of  the  world,  they  in  time 
formed  a  society  whose  habits,  customs,  and  manners 
differed  in  many  essential  particulars  from  the  other 
people  of  Mexico.  The  character  of  the  new  settlers 
assumed,  I  think,  a  milder  form,  more  independence, 
and  less  of  the  restless  spirit  which  their  brothers  in 
old  Mexico  possessed.  To  this  the  virtuous  and  in 
telligent  missionaries  doubtless  contributed  greatly." 

In  January  1845  Larkin  at  Monterey  writes  to 
Parrott  at  Mazatlan:  "The  people  here  do  not  know 
what  Mexican  family  to  associate  with,  it  being  im 
possible  to  decide  whether  the  officer  and  his  woman 
are  man  and  wife  or  not.  This  has  held  so  too  often 
in  Monterey,  from  the  generals  to  the  ensigns.  Dr 
Mora  was  sent  out  here  when  I  came  up,  with  his 
wife,  as  he  said — opened  house,  purchased  furniture, 
received  company,  and  paid  visits.  In  a  few  weeks 
came  an  order  from  the  government  in  Mexico  to 
retain  part  of  his  pay  for  his  wife  in  Mexico.  In 
twenty- four  hours  this  man  and  wife  had  not  a  Cali- 
fornian  house  open  to  them,  to  my  knowledge.  This 
is  not  a  single  case.  This  couple  have  now  gone,  with 
three  or  four  more  officers,  and  50  to  75  soldiers  have 
run  away.  If  General  Micheltorena  would  despatch 
the  whole  of  them,  arid  depend  on  the  Californians, 


COLOR  AND  CASTE.  283 

he  would  do  well.  At  present  soldiers  use  knives  and 
officers  swords  too  much  for  good  order."  Perhaps 
the  consul  was  a  little  more  particular  and  prudish 
than  he  would  be  were  he  living  in  Monterey  to-day. 

In  1796  I  find  the  governor  referring  to  a  tailor  in 
very  courteous  words.  Coupled  with  this  conventional 
politeness  of  the  governor  were  some  fiery  doings  on 
the  part  of  the  females.  In  the  San  Diego  archives 
it  is  recorded  in  1843  that  a  man  was  fined  fifty 
dollars  in  a  conciliation  suit,  because  his  wife  had 
severely  beaten  an  Indian  servant,  a  niece  of  the 
alcalde  of  a  town.  Thus  it  seems  that  gentle  woman 
had  her  race  prejudices.  When  a  negro  was  taken 
from  the  Bouchard  party,  a  strong-minded  female, 
who  proposed  to  burn  him  alive,  tried  to  find  out  if  he 
had  a  tail,  as  the  holy  fathers  had  taught  them  to 
believe  that  all  heretics  had  a  tail.  This  upon  the 
authority  of  Governor  Alvarado  in  his  manuscript 
Historia  de  California. 

The  Creoles  had  no  servants  as  a  rule,  and  they 
rarely  were  able  to  get  Indians  from  the  missions  to 
tend  the  cattle.  Neighbors  regarded  the  property  of 
one  another  to  some  extent  as  common,  and  none 
cared  whether  the  other  slaughtered  one  of  his  bullocks 
or  took  one  of  his  horses.  They  called  one  another 
cousins  though  no  relationship  existed.  When  fami 
lies  met  at  a  house,  every  woman  went  about  the 
household  duties  as  if  she  lived  there.  On  returning 
from  church,  they  often  remained  at  the  first  rancho 
belonging  to  one  of  the  party  for  the  night.  The  men 
went  to  kill  a  fat  calf,  and  the  women  set  about  different 
duties  as  if  they  were  at  home.  After  eating  there 
was  singing,  music,  and  dancing. 

The  Californians  were  not  accustomed  to  see  negroes 
except  in  menial  positions,  and  of  these  there  were 
only  two  in  1831,  a  female  slave  brought  from  Peru, 
and  the  negro  captured  from  Bouchard's  party.  This 
was  the  reason  the  women  of  California,  especially, 
were  very  adverse  to  associating  at  balls  and  parties 


284  LOTOS -LAND  SOCIETY. 

with  the  gobernador  negro  Victoria,  cs  they  called 
him.  All  this,  however,  was  somewhat  upon  the 
principle  of  the  so-called  respectable  women  of  our 
day  waging  war  on  prostitutes.  They  find  it  neces 
sary  to  do  so  in  order  to  keep  their  own  virtue  up  to 
the  social  and  commercial  standard.  Now,  the  women 
of  California  were  dark,  while  each,  above  all  things, 
aspired  to  be  of  lighter  skin  than  her  neighbor;  so 
she  daubed  on  the  cosmetics  and  powder,  and  held  up 
to  holy  horror  a  negro. 

One  governor  did  not  like  to  see  the  Spanisn  peo 
ple  decline  in  social  dignity,  and  in  1799  he  wrote  to 
the  viceroy,  referring  to  rather  indecorous  means  re 
sorted  to  by  the  poor  subalterns  to  subsist;  such  as 
letting  their  wives  and  daughters  wash  their  own 
clothes,  and  make  bread  and  sew  for  others,  and  at 
the  same  time  fail  to  procure  shoes  and  stockings  for 
the  children. 

The  lower  classes  of  the  community,  which  Avere 
composed  chiefly  of  a  mixture  of  Spanish  with  aborigi 
nal  blood,  presented  a  cadaverous  appearance.  They 
were  bushy-headed,  black-eyed,  and  sinewy.  Except 
when  roused  by  some  excitement,  they  were  drowsy 
and  listless.  A  society  of  these  beings  presented  the 
appearance  of  having  been  recently  emptied  out  of  a 
dilapidated  graveyard  before  the  sounding  of  the  final 
trump,  and  sleepily  resting  until  called  somewhere 


again. 


The  following  tale  savors  more  of  the  manners  of 
unfledged  fiends  than  of  the  nature  human.  On  the 
12th  of  January,  1822,  in  a  thicket  near  the  Mission 
Dolores  of  San  Francisco,  the  body,  partially  eaten  by 
wild  beasts,  of  an  Indian  boy  and  a  bit  of  rope  of  raw 
hide  were  found.  By  order  of  Captain  Arguello,  the 
matter  was  investigated  by  Lieutenant  Martinez.  It 
was  ascertained  that  the  remains  were  those  of  Juan, 
a  pajarero,  a  boy  employed  to  frighten  birds  from  the 
growing  grain.  The  other  pajareros  were  summoned, 
and  Braulio,  to  whom,  because  of  his  slight  knowl- 


GOSSIP  AND  SALUTATION.  285 

edge  of  religion,  no  oath  was  administered,  stated  that 
about  the  5th  or  Gth  of  the  month,  he,  as  pajarero, 
was  in  charge  of  the  planted  field  close  by  the  mission. 
Marcelo,  aged  eleven  years,  invited  deceased  to  go  for 
wood,  which,  however,  the  latter  declined  to  do.  Mar 
celo,  continuing  to  urge  him,  Juan  tl.rew  a  small 
stone  at  him,  which  struck  Ventura,  aged  nine  years, 
on  the  head.  Marcelo  and  Juan  then  grappled,  the 
latter  being  brought  to  the  ground.  Marcelo  then 
called  Vicente,  aged  ten  years,  who  cried,  "Kill  him! 
kill  him!"  Vicente  then  tied  the  raw-hide  rope, 
which  Marcelo  had  for  fetching  wood,  round  the  neck 
of  the  prostrate  boy.  Meanwhile  Marcelo  was  fasten 
ing  Juan's  hands,  and  called  out  to  Ventura  and  Ilde- 
fonso,  nine  years  old,  to  come  and  assist.  The  four 
carried  Juan  to  a  piece  of  rising  ground  and  threw 
him  down.  Vicente  tightened  the  rope  about  Juan's 
neck,  at  the  same  time  filling  his  mouth  with  earth; 
Marcelo  had  charge  of  the  hands  while  he  kicked 
Juan  in  the  stomach;  Ventura,  with  a  large  stone, 
beat  Juan  upon  the  breast.  Thus  the  little  murderers 
choked  and  pounded  their  poor  comrade  to  death. 
Juan  being  despatched,  the  four  boys  scratched  a  shal 
low  grave  in  the  sandy  soil  and  buried  the  body; 
which  done,  they  went  away,  taking  with  them  the 
dead  boy's  blanket  and  cotton  breech-clout.  After 
they  had  gone  away,  the  deponent  ran  off  to  the  mis 
sion.  The  four  boys  made  a  full  confession,  declaring 
that  they  knew  it  was  wrong  to  kill  any  one,  and  that 
their  hearts  ached  for  what  they  had  done  to  Juan. 

They  were  great  gossips  and  newsmongers.  Having 
lived  so  long  upon  the  little  events  of  their  spell-bound 
days,  they  were  filled  with  inquisitive  awe,  and  ear 
nestly  questioned  one  another  as  they  met,  and  what 
ever  the  occasion,  a  long  questioning  conversation 
followed.  They  had  their  rendezvous  in  every  town, 
where,  before  siesta,  they  assembled  to  talk — a  sort 
of  social  and  business  exchange.  Their  place  of  meet- 


286  LOTOS-LAND  SOCIETY 

ing  was  usually  the  open  street,  and  if  the  sun  became 
oppressive,  or  the  rain  troublesome,  they  either 
wrapped  their  capacious  cloaks  more  closely  around 
them,  or  withdrew  to  the  shelter  of  some  shed  or  shop. 

Before  1825  the  military  chiefs  and  the  padres 
were  regarded  as  demi-gods,  and  woe  to  the  unhappy 
person  who  passing  within  a  hundred  varas  of  them 
did  not  take  off  his  hat.  Friends  then  termed  one 
another  valedor.  Bandini  and  Pico  addressed  each 
other  as  estimado  or  amado  cornpadre;  and  wives  as 
cornadres. 

Indians  saluted  thus: 

"Ave  Maria  Purisima!" 

"Sin  pecado  original  concebida!" 

"Mar  a  Diosl"  (for  amar  a  Dios.) 

"Mar  a  Dios!" 

The  second  and  fourth  lines  were  the  answers. 

Father  Junipero  taught  the  Indians  of  San  Carlos 
to  salute  all  with  "Amar  a  Dios,"  a  fashion  which 
spread  all  over  the  country,  and  was  used  even  by 
pagans. 

Persons  of  the  same  Christian  name,  in  writing  or 
speaking  of  or  to  one  another,  used  the  word  tocayo — • 
namesake,  as  in  other  Spanish  countries. 

It  was  the  custom  for  any  of  the  pueblo,  white  as 
well  as  Indian,  meeting  a  padre  to  kiss  his  hand. 

The  population  being  limited,  it  was  impossible  to 
have  any  social  gathering  without  inviting  all  classes, 
and  impossible  to  pay  the  usual  attentions  to  social 
distinctions  between  different  grades  of  civil  and  mili 
tary  employes,  when  these  different  grades  were  held 
by  different  members  of  the  same  family. 

Says  Sir  Simpson:  "A  son,  though  himself  the 
head  of  a  family,  never  presumes  to  sit,  or  smoke,  or 
remain  covered  in  presence  of  his  father;  nor  does 
the  daughter,  whether  married  or  unmarried,  enter 
into  too  great  familiarity  with  the  mother."  With 
this  exception,  Californians  knew  little  of  the  restraints 
of  etiquette ;  generally,  all  classes  associated  equally, 


OBEDIENCE  OF  CHILDREN.  287 

and  on  particular  occasions,  such  as  one's  saint's  day, 
or  the  day  of  one's  marriage,  those  who  could  afford 
it  gave  a  ball  to  the  whole  community.  Singing  and 
dancing  was  as  common  as  eating  and  sleeping.  For 
days  beforehand  sweetmeats  and  delicacies  were  pre 
pared  in  great  variety,  and  the  festivities  were  often 
continued  for  several  nights. 

"  All  are  musicians,  and  in  every  house  may  be  heard 
the  guitar  or  singing.  They  play  nothing  but  national 
music,  fandangos,  boleros,  etc.  In  a  word,  the  Cali- 
fornians  are  a  happy  people,  possessing  the  means  of 
physical  pleasure  to  the  full,  and  knowing  no  higher 
kind  of  enjoyment." 

"Until  I  was  twenty-six  years  of  age,"  says  Pio 
Pico,  "I  was  in  complete  subjection  to  my  mother, 
my  father  being  dead.  When  younger  I  could  repeat 
the  whole  catechism  from  beginning  to  end,  and  she 
would  send  for  me  to  do  so  for  the  edification  of 
strangers." 

It  was  considered  improper  for  a  young  man  to 
smoke  in  presence  of  an  older  person,  even  though 
the  latter  was  but  five  or  six  years  older. 

A  Frenchman  says  that  the  Californian  is  hospita 
ble,  but  vain  and  shy.  "  The  father  expects  great  sub 
mission  from  the  children,  even  after  their  marriage. 
A  child  seldom  sits  at  table  with  the  father,  who 
generally  eats  alone,  served  by  his  wife  and  children. 
Smoking  is  almost  innate  with  them,  and  a  man  is 
seldom  seen  without  his  cigar;  still  a  son  will  not 
smoke  before  his  parents."  What  would  this  French 
man  say  of  the  French? 

"I  saw,"  says  Arnaz,  "more  than  once  in  the  north 
and  south  an  old  man  lashing  his  son,  who  was  mar 
ried  and  had  children,  the  son  humbly  kneeling  to 
receive  the  blows.  The  same  respect  was  shown  to 
the  mother,  and  nearly  the  same  to  all  old  people." 

They  were  strict  .observers  of  the  habits  of  good 
society.  In  1833,  we  find  Figueroa,  the  governor, 
sending  to  the  president  of  the  ayuntamiento  the 


288  LOTOS-LAND  SOCIETY. 

pamphlet  which  Joaquin  Gomez  de  la  Cortina  pub 
lished  about  the  rights  and  duties  of  society. 

The  cards  of  most  of  the  Mexican  governors  of 
California  had  the  arms  of  their  ancestors,  and  a 
family  motto,  either  of  a  religious  cast  or  of  a  warlike 
nature,  or  still  often er  referring  to  some  act  of  gal 
lantry.  Governor  Figueroa's  card  bore  the  words 
Honor  y  Lealtad. 

Friendly  reunions  were  held  at  times  without  danc 
ing.  Fresh  meat  was  hung  up  under  a  tree,  and  a 
huge  fire  kept  burning  to  enable  any  one  to  cook  a 
steak  when  hungry. 

Social  rank  was  settled  by  the  amount  of  Spanish 
blood  each  could  lay  claim  to.  Dana  affirmed  there 
were  but  few  of  pure  Spanish  blood.  These  kept  up 
an  exclusive  system,  and  were  ambitious  to  speak  pure 
Castilian.  From  the  extreme  upper  class  they  de 
scended  by  regular  shades.  Each  person's  caste  was 
decided  by  the  quality  of  the  blood,  and  the  least  drop 
was  sufficient  to  raise  one  from  the  position  of  serf 
and  entitling  him  to  full  dress,  long  knife,  etc.  An 
altogether  too  high  estimate,  during  the  past  half- 
century,  has  been  put  upon  this  superficial  glance  at 
the  early  Californians  by  this  sailor  boy. 

On  the  ranches,  after  supper,  every  one  went  to  bed ; 
or  they  amused  themselves  in  some  way,  playing 
cards,  or  playing  the  vihuela,  a  kind  of  guitar,  singing 
and  dancing  in  a  family  reunion. 

People  generally  arose  at  6  or  7,  according  to  the 
season.  The  civilian  had  no  other  occupation  than 
stock-raising  or  agriculture.  After  the  desayuno,  he 
took  his  yokes  of  oxen  and  went  to  work;  or  attended 
to  cattle  and  the  stock  kept  for  service.  The  men  as 
a  rule,  though  not  always,  looked  after  all  the  out-door 
work ;  the  women  attended  to  the  in-door  labor,  and 
the  bringing  up  of  the  children,  the  care  of  their  hus 
bands  and  brothers. 

"  In  Monterey,"  it  has  been  said,  "  there  are  a  num 
ber  of  English  and  Americans,  who  are  called  Ingleses, 


TRAFFIC  AND  HORSEMANSHIP.  289 

from  their  speaking  the  English  language.  These 
have  married  Californians,  have  joined  the  catholic 
church,  and  have  acquired  considerable  property,  owing 
to  their  possessing  more  industry,  frugality,  and  enter 
prise  than  the  natives,  and  these  qualities  soon  bring 
the  whole  trade  of  the  town  into  their  hands.  They 
usually  keep  shops,  in  which  they  retail  to  advantage 
the  goods  purchased  in  large  quantities  from  vessels 
arriving  in  the  port.  They  also  send  merchandise  into 
the  interior,  receiving  hides  in  payment;  these  they 
again  barter  with  the  vessels  for  goods.  In  every 
town  on  the  coast  foreigners  are  to  be  found  engaged 
in  this  lucrative  traffic.  In  Monterey,  but  two  shops 
are  kept  by  natives.  The  people  are  naturally  sus 
picious  of  foreigners,  and  would  not  have  allowed  them 
to  remain  in  their  towns  if  they  had  not  become  good 
catholics;  but  by  marrying  natives  of  the  country, 
and  bringing  up  their  children  as  catholics  and  Span 
iards,  taking  care  not  to  teach  them  the  English  lan 
guage,  they  managed  to  allay  suspicion,  and  e*Ten 
become  popular;  so  much  so  that  the  chief  alcaldes, 
both  at  Monterey  and  Santa  Barbara,  are  Americans 
by  birth. 

"The  men  are  always  on  horseback;  horses  being 
as  plentiful  in  the  country  as  dogs  and  chickens  are  in 
Juan  Fernandez.  These  animals  are  never  stabled,  but 
are  allowed  to  run  wild  and  seek  for  pasture  where 
they  please;  they  are  however  branded,  and  attached 
to  their  neck  is  a  long  green-hide  rope,  called  a  lasso, 
which  trails  behind  them,  and  renders  them  easy  to 
catch  when  wanted.  One  is  generally  caught  in  the 
morning,  a  saddle  and  a  bridle  is  thrown  over  him, 
and  he  is  used  for  the  day;  at  night  he  is  turned  loose, 
and  another  takes  his  place  the  next  day.  When  they 
go  long  journeys,  they  ride  one  horse  till  he  breaks 
down;  another  is  then  caught,  saddled,  and  bridled, 
and  ridden  till  his  strength  also  fails  him,  when  a  third 
undergoes  the  same  process;  and  so  on  until  the  jour 
ney  is  accomplished.  There  are  not  better  riders  in 

CAL.  PAST.    19 


290  LOTOS-LAND   SOCIETY. 

the  world  than  the  Californians,  perhaps  from  their 
being  so  early  accustomed  to  equestrian  exercises;  as 
they  mount  on  horseback  even  so  young  as  four  or 
five  years  old,  their  little  legs  not  being  long  enough 
to  come  half-way  down  the  horse's  ribs,  and  from 
thenceforth  they  are  so  continually  on  horseback  that 
they  may  almost  be  said  to  have  grown  there.  The 
stirrups  are  covered  or  boxed  up  in  front,  to  prevent 
the  feet  catching  when  riding  through  the  woods ;  the 
saddles  are  large  and  heavy,  strapped  very  tight  upon 
the  horse,  and  having  large,  high  pommels,  round 
which  the  lasso  is  coiled  when  not  in  use.  They  can 
hardly  go  from  one  house  to  another  except  on  horse 
back,  there  being  always  several  of  these  animals  stand 
ing  tied  to  the  door-posts  of  the  little  cottages.  When 
a  cavalier  wishes  to  show  his  activity,  he  makes  no 
use  of  the  stirrups  in  mounting,  but  striking  his  horse 
sharply  he  springs  into  the  saddle  as  the  animal  starts; 
then,  with  a  prick  from  his  long  spurs,  he  dashes  off 
at  full  gallop.  Their  spurs  are  most  cruel  instruments ; 
they  have  four  or  five  rowels,  each  about  an  inch  long, 
and  dull  and  rusty.  The  flanks  of  the  horses  are  often 
in  a  terrible  state  from  their  use. 

"  Monterey  is  also  a  great  place  for  cock-fighting,  as 
well  as  gambling  of  every  kind,  to  which  may  be  added 
fandangos,  dances,  and  every  sort  of  amusement  and 
knavery.  Trappers  and  hunters  who  occasionally  come 
down  here  from  the  Rocky  Mountains,  bringing  with 
them  valuable  skins  and  furs,  are  greeted  with  every 
sort  of  pleasure  and  dissipation  whilst  their  money 
lasts ;  when,  however,  their  time  and  their  money  have 
been  completely  wasted,  they  are  quickly  sent  away 


The  cainameros  called  the  English  and  Americans 
'greasers'  because  they  bought  fat  and  tallow,  and  the 
latter  returned  the  compliment  because  the  Californians 
sold  the  stuff.  Abrego  says  that  many  supercargoes 
knew  no  Spanish,  and  on  entering  a  house  would  say: 
^Senor,  mi  quiere  grease,"  hence  the  name  greaser 


AT  MISSION  SAN  JOSfi.  291 

was  applied  to  supercargoes  or  captains  who  traded  in 
grease,  while  it  was  also  applied  by  them  to  the  Cali- 
fornians  who  sold  it. 

When  Jose  de  Jesus  Vallejo  took  command  of  the 
mission  San  Jose,  there  were  5,000  Indians  there,  men, 
women,  and  children.  To  keep  this  body  in  order  but 
eight  men  \vere  required,  five  soldiers  and  three  offi 
cers.  An  outbreak  was  not  feared,  for  two  reasons: 
the  savages  were  of  a  mild  and  friendly  disposition, 
and  being  not  all  of  one  tribe,  but  of  different  and  oppug- 
nant  peoples,  if  one  should  entertain  evil,  or  endeavor 
to  hatch  conspiracy,  the  others  would  be  sure  to  report 
it. 

To  feed  this  horde,  fields  of  wheat  were  cultivated, 
the  Indians  cutting  it  with  sickles,  and  carrying  it  on 
their  backs  to  the  thrashing  corral,  where  the  horses 

O 

tramped  it  out,  the  wind  winnowing  it.  It  was  then 
sacked  in  bags  made  of  sail-cloth,  and  some  of  it  stored 
and  some  sold  to  the  Russians.  In  summer  on  Sat 
urdays  a  hundred  cattle  were  killed,  and  the  meat 
given  in  rations  to  the  Indians,  great  quantities  being 
dried  in  the  sun  for  winter  use.  To  those  who  would 
not  work,  or  who  absented  themselves  from  morning 
and  evening  prayers,  the  whip  was  applied,  the  culprit 
having  the  choice  of  a  raw-hide  or  hazel  twigs.  The 
mother  who  through  neglect  allowed  her  child  to 
die  must  carry  a  wooden  block  of  equal  size,  and  for 
the  same  length  of  time  she  would  have  carried  the 
child  had  it  lived. 

"The  Indian  girls  and  widows,"  says  the  daughter, 
Guadalupe,  "were  separated  from  the  others;  a  whole 
square  of  houses  was  assigned  to  their  use,  where  they 
were  kept  secluded  and  busy,  spinning,  etc.  A  large 
pond  of  water  was  in  the  court-yard  for  their  use  in 
washing  and  bathing.  They  were  visited  by  their  par 
ents,  but  were  never  allowed  to  leave  except  to  walk  for 
exercise  or  to  go  to  prayers,  always  well  guarded  by  al 
caldes.  They  left  this  nunnery  or  cloister  only  to  be 
married.  Ten  or  twelve  of  them  would  gather  to- 


292  LOTOS-LAKB  SOCIETY. 

gether  to  go  and  demand  a  husband  of  the  padre,  nam 
ing  whom  they  had  selected,  and  it  is  said  that  it  was 
never  known  that  one  of  these  elected  husbands  refused. 

"Widows  lamented  as  much  for  this  imprisonment, 
which  was  sure  to  follow,  as  for  the  dear  departed. 

"Wheat,  barley,  and  hides  were  the  chief  articles 
of  trade  with  the  Russians.  In  the  winter  when  the 
roads  could  not  be  travelled  by  wagons,  about  a  thou 
sand  Indians  were  loaded  each  with  a  hide,  and  thus 
carried  them  to  the  embarcadero. 

"Among  the  whites,  one  of  their  customs  in  balls 
was  to  stop  in  the  middle  of  the  dance  at  the  word 
'bomba/  called  by  the  musicians,  and  the  gentleman 
who  occupied  the  floor  had  to  say  something  in  com 
pliment  to  his  partner.  This  was  commonly  said  in 
verse,  and  often  improvised  for  the  occasion. 

"Girls  who  persisted  in  marrying  against  the  con 
sent  of  their  parents  were  made  to  take  the  whole 
responsibility  of  housekeeping/' 

In  conclusion,  we  may  sum  up  our  Lotos-land 
society  in  this  wise:  ignorant,  lazy,  religious,  the 
religion  being  more  for  women,  children,  and  Indians 
than  for  European  men — though  Coronel  speaks  of 
pausing  in  the  midst  of  a  fandango  or  rodeo  to  pray ; 
and  all  went  to  church,  though  they  gambled  freely 
afterwards.  It  was  common  for  heads  of  families  and 
all  circumspect  persons  to  wear  sanctimonious  faces  in 
the  presence  of  the  young,  refraining  from  the  men 
tion  of  wickedness  lest  they  should  be  contaminated. 
Morals  at  first  were  quite  pure ;  later  they  became 
very  bad,  syphilis  being  quite  common  among  all 
classes  and  both  sexes. 

They  were  a  frank,  amiable,  social,  hospitable  peo 
ple,  and  honest  enough  where  it  did  not  require  too 
great  an  exertion  to  pay  their  debts.  No  obligations 
of  any  kind  weighed  very  heavily  upon  them.  They 
were  an  emotional  race ;  their  qualities  of  mind  and 
heart  floated  on  the  surface ;  they  not  only  possessed 
feeling  but  they  showed  it. 


GENERAL  CHARACTERISTICS.  203 

They  were  not  a  strong  community  in  any  sense, 
either  morally,  physically,  or  politically ;  hence  it  was 
that  as  the  savages  faded  before  the  superior  Mexi 
cans,  so  faded  the  Mexicans  before  the  superior 
Americans.  Great  was  their  opportunity,  exceedingly 
great  at  first  if  they  had  chosen  to  build  up  a  large 
and  prosperous  commonwealth ;  and  later  no  less  mar 
velous,  had  they  possessed  the  ability  to  make  avail 
of  the  progress  and  performance  of  others.  Many 
were  defrauded  of  their  stock  and  lands ;  many  quickly 
squandered  the  money  realized  from  a  sudden  increase 
in  values.  They  were  foolish,  improvident,  incapable; 
at  the  same  time  they  were  grossly  sinned  against  by 
the  people  of  the  United  States.  There  was  a  class 
of  lawyers,  the  vilest  of  human  kind,  whose  lives 
were  devoted  to  a  study  of  the  cunning  and  duplicity 
necessary  to  defraud  these  simple-minded  patriarchs. 
Nevertheless,  as  I  have  said,  it  would  be  difficult  to 
find  in  any  age  or  place,  a  community  that  got  more 
out  of  life,  and  with  less  trouble,  with  less  wear  and 
wickedness,  than  the  people  of  Pastoral  California. 


CHAPTEE  IX. 

MILITARY  SYSTEM. 

So  Jove's  bold  bird,  high  balanced  in  the  air, 
Stoops  from  the  clouds  to  truss  the  quivering  hare. 

— Homer. 

CALIFORNIA  from  its  first  settlement,  and  almost  to 
the  end  of  the  Spanish  domination,  was  under  a 
strictly  military  rule.  A  provisional  arrangement 
existed  until  the  beginning  of  1781,  when  Governor 
Felipe  de  Neve's  Reglamento  e  Instruction  para  los 
Presidios  de  la  Peninsula  de  California,  went  into 
effect.  Under  this  regulation  the  governor  had  au 
thority  over  the  two  Californias,  with  the  seat  of 
government  at  Monterey,  and  the  commandant  of 
the  presidio  of  Loreto,  in  Lower  California,  was  ex- 
officio  lieutenant-governor.  Upper  California  was 
divided  into  four  military  districts,  with  a  presidio  at 
each,  whose  commandant  was  clothed  with  civil  and 
criminal  jurisdiction  within  its  limits.  ^.t  that  time 
there  were  three  presidios,  namely,  at  San  Diego, 
Monterey,  and  San  Francisco;  the  fourth  one  was 
established,  in  1782,  at  Santa  Barbara.  The  military 
force  then  consisted  of  four  lieutenants,  four  sub 
lieutenants  or  alfereces,  one  surgeon,  six  sergeants, 
sixteen  corporals,  and  172  privates,  from  which  num 
ber  the  missions  and  pueblos  of  San  Jose  were  fur 
nished  with  guards.  The  rest  of  the  force  garrisoned 
the  forts,  cared  for  the  horses  and  cattle,  and  carried 
the  mails,  this  last-named  service  being  the  hardest 
in  time  of  peace.  There  were  also  a  few  mechanics 
and  native  servants.  During  the  Spanish  domina 
tion  only  men  of  good  character  were  admitted  in 

(294) 


PRESIDIAL  COMPANIES.  295 

the  service  of  the  presidial  companies.  Each  soldier 
had  a  broadsword,  lance,  shield,  musket,  and  pistols; 
six  horses,  a  colt,  and  mule.  One  horse  was  kept 
constantly  saddled  and  ready  day  and  night.  Each 
company  had  also  an  extra  supply  of  arms,  and  an 
armorer  to  keep  arms  in  repair.  The  governor  was 
provincial  inspector  of  the  presidios,  in  the  dis 
charge  of  which  separate  duties  he  was  assisted  by 
an  ayudante  inspector  of  the  rank  of  captain,  and  with 
the  pay  of  $2,000  a  year. 

In  the  presidial  companies  were  a  few  cadets  and 
soldados  distinguidos.  The  former  received  their  ap 
pointments  from  the  viceroy,  and  though  doing  duty 
in  the  ranks,  did  not  live  with  the  soldiers,  but  asso 
ciated  with  the  officers.  As  they  received  only  a 
soldier's  pay,  they  were  required  to  have  an  income 
to  enable  them  to  live  and  dress  genteelly.  Their 
promotion  was  direct  to  alferez.  The  soldado  distin- 
guido  was  mustered  into  the  service  like  any  other 
soldiers;  but  on  producing  evidence  of  gentle  birth 
was  enrolled  as  a  distinguido,  with  the  prefix  Don  to 
his  Christian  name.  Any  commissoned  officer's  son 
would  have  the  privilege.  He  lived  in  the  barracks, 
and  did  military  duty  as  the  other  soldiers,  but  was 
exempt  from  all  menial  work.  He  had  to  go  through 
the  grades  of  corporal  and  sergeant  before  obtaining 
a  commission  of  alferez.  Another  peculiarity  of  the 
service  was  the  granting  to  old  veterans  who  had  ren 
dered  honorable  service  from  30  to  40  years  as  pri 
vates  or  corporals,  on  their  retirement,  the  honorary 
rank  of  officers-alferez  for  30,  and  lieutenant  for  40, 
years — besides  their  pensions.  They  could  wear  the 
uniform  of  such  rank. 

To  provide  a  system  of  regular  defence  against  for 
eign  invasion  was  found  to  be  surrounded  with  insup 
erable  difficulties.  Forts  would  be  of  little  use  in  a 
distant  province  having  no  resources  of  its  own.  It 
was  then  decided  to  have  batteries  of  eight  12-pound- 
ers  for  each  port,  with  a  sufficient  number  of  gunners 


296  MILITARY  SYSTEM. 

as  a  protection  against  mere  corsairs,  and  vessels  for 
coasting  service.  During  a  period  of  war  with 
France  a  company  of  Catalan  volunteers,  called  the 
Compania  Franca  de  Voluntaries  de  Cataluna,  or 
Cornpania  de  Fusileros  de  Montana,  75  men  in  all, 
was  sent  out  as  reinforcements,  and  distributed  at 
San  Diego,  Monterey,  and  San  Francisco;  its  cap 
tain,  Brevet,  lieutenant-colonel  Pedro  de  Alberni, 
being  stationed  at  the  last-named  place  as  command 
ant  of  the  presidio.  A  small  detachment  of  artillery 
men  under  Sergeant  Roca  was  also  provided.  An 
inspection  of  the  fortifications  at  the  three  presidios — 
Santa  Barbara  had  none — by  an  engineer  officer  in 
1797,  established  the  fact  that  they  were  exceedingly 
defective,  indeed,  almost  useless.  In  Monterey  there 
was  a  barbette  battery  consisting  mostly  of  a  few  logs 
of  wood,  irregularly  placed,  behind  which  stood  about 
eleven  pieces  of  artillery.  In  San  Diego,  according 
to  the  records,  the  priests  blessed  in  November  1796, 
the  esplanade,  powder  magazine,  and  flag.  Early 
in  1795  Point  Guijarros  had  been  chosen  for  a  fort  of 
ten  guns.  This  work  was  not  finished  until  after 
1800.  In  San  Francisco  the  presidio  buildings  were 
more  or  less  damaged.  The  San  Joaquin  fort,  in 
form  of  a  horse-shoe,  was  completed  in  1794,  and  its 
eight  guns  mounted  on  the  spot  now  known  as  Fort 
Point.  Its  main  walls  were  of  adobe  faced  in  the 
embrasures  with  bricks;  the  cost  was  $6,000.  The 
elements  soon  began  their  work  of  destruction,  and 
repairs  had  to  be  almost  constantly  going  on.  An 
other  battery  was  planted  in  1797  on  Point  Medanos, 
since  known  as  Point  San  Jose  and  Black  Point,  re 
named  Mason.  At  that  time  it  was  called  Bateria 
de  la  Yerba  Buena.  It  was  a  less  elaborate  work 
than  the  San  Joaquin,  mostly  constructed  of  brush 
wood  fascines,  with  eight  embrasures,  and  five  8 -pound 
guns.  No  garrison  was  kept  here,  but  the  work  was 
daily  visited,  and  to  some  extent  kept  in  order.  In 
1816  the  San  Joaquin  was  repaired,  and  in  1820  it 


SUPPLIES  AND  PAY.  297 

had  twenty  guns,  of  which  three  were  24-pqunders. 
The  presidio  was  newly  built  in  1816. 

Supplies  for  the  presidios  came  at  stated  periods 
from  Mexico  and  San  Bias  on  the  royal  ships  from 
the  latter  place.  They  were  purchased  there,  in  ac 
cordance  with  the  memorias,  or  memoranda,  of  articles 
needed,  forwarded  a  year  in  advance,  in  March  or 
April,  by  the  governor  to  the  viceroy  of  Mexico,  and 
delivered  to  the  presidial  officers  and  men  for  their 
pay.  There  was  an  important  change  made  under 
the  new  system.  Formerly  the  men  were  charged  a 
profit  of  150  per  centum  on  the  effects  delivered  them. 
This  extra  charge  was  now  done  away  with,  the  sup 
plies  being  furnished  at  cost  and  free  of  freight  from 
San  Bias.  But  to  offset  this  the  pay  of  the  men  was 
reduced  40  per  centum;  thus  a  sergeant's  pay  was  re 
duced  to  $262,  the  corporal's  to  $225,  the  private's  to 
$217.50,  and  the  mechanic's  to  $180.  The  pay  of 
the  lieutenant  was  made  $550,  that  of  the  alferez 
$400,  and  the  surgeon's  $450.  The  men  had  likewise 
to  submit  to  losses  and  damages  incurred  at  sea,  and 
to  the  payment  of  a  commission  of  two  per  cent  to 
an  habilitado,  elected  by  all  the  company,  who  under 
the  inspection  of  his  commanding  officer  received  and 
distributed  the  pay  and  rations,  and  kept  the  com 
pany  accounts.  This  habilitado  could  purchase  Cali 
fornia  productions  when  offered  for  sale.  There  was 
an  habilitado -general  in  the  city  of  Mexico  to  attend 
exclusively  to  the  affairs  of  both  Californias,  who  was 
chosen  by  the  votes  of  the  companies'  officers.  This 
position  was  in  after  years  often  filled  by  an  officer  from 
California.  The  accounts  for  each  presidial  company 
were  kept  separate.  No  articles  of  luxury  could  be 
included  in  the  memorias  sent  to  Mexico  for  supplies. 
Some  coin  came  with  each  invoice,  enough  to  cover 
the  pay  of  the  governor,  and  one  or  two  other  officers, 
with  a  small  amount  for  the  soldiers. 

At  the  beginning  of  1799  the  expense  of  the  mili 
tary  establishment  was  nearlv  $74,000,  which  included 


298  MILITARY  SYSTEM. 

$4,000  for  the  governor's  salary.  From  each  private 
soldier  of  the  presidial  companies  was  retained  a 
certain  portion  to  form  the  fondo  de  retention,  which 
did  not  go  into  the  royal  treasury.  The  total  of  such 
retention,  at  first  of  $50,  and  later  of  $100,  was  reim 
bursed  to  the  man  on  his  being  mustered  out  of  the 
service  at  the  end  of  his  term.  There  were  other 
funds,  to  wit :  fondo  de  gratification,  made  up  from  an 
extra  allowance  to  each  company  yearly  of  $10  per 
private  soldier,  and  intended  to  meet  contingent  ex 
penses.  The  liability  of  the  presidial  company  was 
well  defined.  Horses,  mules,  and  all  effects  assigned 
thereto,  were  duly  charged.  If  any  animal  died,  or 
any  of  the  effects  were  lost,  whatever  the  cause,  even 
by  defalcation  of  its  habilitado,  the  company  had  to 
pay  for  the  same,  unless  for  some  powerful  reason  the 
government  in  Mexico  exempted  it  from  the  respon 
sibility.  The  fondo  de  invalidos  proceeded  from  the 
discount  of  eight  maravedis  on  each  dollar,  from  offi 
cers  and  men,  and  was  applicable  to  the  payment  of 
pensions  on  their  retiring  after  service  of  at  least 
eighteen  years;  and  the  fondo  de  montepio  was  an 
other  deduction  from  officers'  pay  for  pensions  to  their 
widows  and  orphans.  It  must  be  borne  in  mind  that 
officers  could  not  marry  without  first  obtaining  the 
king's  consent.  Such  consent  was  not  given  to  any 
one  below  the  rank  of  captain,  unless  he  produced 
evidence  of  having  an  income  of  his  own,  separate 
from  his  pay;  even  then  his  widow  would  not  be  en 
titled  to  montepio,  though  she  would  probably  get  a 
pension  if  he  had  died  in  battle.  The  widow  of  an 
officer  who  married  her  when  he  was  of  the  age  of 
sixty  years  or  upwards,  was  not  paid  any  montepio. 

In  the  decade,  1801-10,  the  Catalan  infantry  com 
pany  was  withdrawn  from  California,  and  the  cavalry 
companies  were  increased  by  about  90  men.  In  1810 
the  total  force  of  the  presidios  was  412  men,  to  wit, 
two  captains,  one  more  absent  in  Mexico  acting  as 
habilitado-general,  one  surgeon,  four  lieutenants, 


DUTIES  OF  OFFICERS  AND  SOLDIERS  299 

four  alfereces,  nine  sergeants,  31  corporals,  4  cadets, 
242  privates,  three  mechanics,  one  phlebotornist, 
making  301,  besides  95  invalidos,  and  15  artillerymen. 

Officers  and  soldiers,  at  such  hours  as  they  were 
not  attending  to  their  military  duties,  would  cut 
wood,  and  procure  other  things  for  their  families. 
Some  were  shoemakers,  others  tailors,  etc.  The 
mission  escorts,  usually  consisting  of  a  corporal  and 
five  privates,  beside  their  strictly  military  duties  of 
standing  guard,  and  looking  after  their  arms  and 
ammunition,  were  required  to  protect  the  persons  of 
the  priests  in  and  out  of  the  missions.  The  corporal 
had  charge  of  the  criminal  justice;  in  certain  cases 
which  were  beyond  the  priest's  authority,  he  could 
order  flogging  and  stocks.  In  very  serious  cases  it 
was  his  duty  to  institute  proceedings  of  investigation 
in  writing,  and  to  forward  them,  together  with  the 
witnesses  and  accused  to  the  presidio  for  trial.  He 
could  at  times,  in  defending  the  mission  from  assaults, 
exercise  extraordinary  powers,  even  to  the  point  of 
taking  life.  However,  he  could  do  this  only  when 
there  was  no  time  to  apprise  the  commandant  of  the 
presidio,  and  await  his  action.  In  the  early  years 
there  were  occasions,  when  double  escorts,  some  of 
them  under  sergeants,  were  stationed  at  missions.  In 
those  times  the  corporal  or  sergeants  were  appointed 
by  the  governor  himself,  and  he  alone  could  remove 
them ;  though  in  urgent  cases  the  respective  com 
mandants  might  suspend  them. 

Early  in  the  present  century,  most  of  the  men  in 
California  were  soldiers,  beginning  their  career  on 
entering  their  sixteenth  year.  The  rule  was  to  leave 
to  parents,  having  two  or  more  sons,  one  chosen  by 
themselves.  The  rest  were  mustered  into  the  cavalry, 
or  artillery,  the  choice  being  left  to  the  recruit. 
Later  in  the  third  decade,  when  the  government 
called  on  the  alcaldes  for  recruits,  usually  the  va- 

f rants,  lazy,  or  vicious,  were  summoned.     Governor 
igueroa   called   them    "mataperros,   ensilladores  de 


300  MILITARY  SYSTEM. 

caballos  agenos,  quitadores  de  algun  cuero."  Of 
course,  the  industrious  and  well-behaved  were  often 
mustered  in  from  necessity,  and  occasionally  out  of 
spite  on  the  part  of  the  alcaldes  to  them  or  their 
families. 

Discipline  was  very  rigid.  Among  the  punishments 
inflicted  on  soldiers  for  serious  offences,  besides  loss 
of  pay,  were  death,  hard  labor  in  the  chain-gang,  im 
prisonment,  increase  of  service,  etc.,  carreras  de  ba- 
queta,  the  culprit  having  to  run  between  two  lines  of 
men,  each  man  armed  with  a  ramrod  and  striking  him 
as  he  pleased.  The  old  Spanish  articles  of  war  pre 
scribed  the  death  penalty  for  even  what  would  appear 
a  trivial  offence  in  a  civilian.  It  was  really  astonish 
ing  how  any  man  could  escape  the  death  penalty. 
Grumbling  was  a  serious  matter.  Once  a  number  of 

O 

men  at  Santa  Barbara  made  known  through  their 
sergeant  to  Captain  de  la  Guerra,  that  they  wanted 
to  know  how  their  account  stood.  After  forming  the 
company  in  line,  the  captain  walked  up  and  down, 
and  asked  who  were  the  grumblers.  He  then  related 
how  once  some  men  for  saying,  "must  we  eat  bread 
like  this  ? "  were  shot.  He  told  one  or  two  more  stories 
of  a  like  nature,  and  awed  the  men  so  that  a  dead 
silence  prevailed.  Finally,  they  all  begged  pardon, 
which  he  granted,  and  no  more  was  said  about  the 
accounts. 

The  decade  1811-20  was  in  New  Spain,  as  well  as 
in  South  America,  one  of  strife.  Revolution  raged, 
and  the  Spanish  authorities  were  often  at  their  wit's 
ends  to  procure  the  means  for  carrying  on  the  war 
against  the  insurgents.  This  state  of  affairs  was  pur 
posely  kept  secret  in  California.  The  archives,  both 
secular  and  ecclesiastic  are  silent.  Nevertheless, 
mails  being  pretty  regular  all  the  time,  the  officers 
and  friars  must  have  known  what  was  taking  place  in 
the  viceroyalty.  There  were  no  signs  of  disaffection 
to  Spain  among  the  troops,  and  all  awaited  patiently 
the  result  of  the  struggle,  though  the  viceroy  was 


A  SWINDLING  GOVERNMENT.  301 

constantly  abused  in  every  one's  mind  for  his  apparent 
neglect  to  send  supplies.  The  troops  suffered  severely 
for  want  of  clothing,  shoes,  and  other  articles  that 
the  missions  could  not  furnish.  Owing  to  the  in 
fluence  of  Father  Payeras,  prefect  of  the  missions,  the 
soldiers  did  not  want  for  food.  The  missionaries, 
though  with  an  occasional  grumble,  furnished  grain 
and  other  things  on  credit,  as  the  provincial  govern 
ment  had  no  funds  to  pay  for  them.  Rations  were 
distributed,  which  occasionally  might  be  traded  to 
Spanish  ships,  or  illegally  to  the  Russians  or  Ameri 
cans.  The  friars  were  also  without  their  stipends, 
but  they  carried  on  a  surreptitious  trade  with  for 
eigners  ;  whereas  the  soldiers  were  in  a  sorry  plight, 
having  nothing  to  sell. 

With  the  change  of  sovereignty  the  soldiers  lost  all 
arrears  of  pay  due  them,  including  what  they  had  in 
the  fondo  de  retention,  and  the  old  invdlidos  did  not 
get  their  pensions.  Amador  says  that  for  over  eigh 
teen  years'  service  he  received  nothing — aside  from 
his  rations — from  the  government,  Spanish  or  Mexi 
can.  Or,  as  he  expresses  it,  "el  unico  prest  que 
recibi  fueron  los  14  agugeros  de  flecha  que  tengo  en 
mi  cuerpo."  The  hapless  soldier  underwent  hard 
ships,  had  to  stand  guard,  pass  sleepless  nights,  march 
and  countermarch  at  all  hours  and  in  all  seasons  when 
required,  carry  mails,  care  for  horses,  etc.  Further 
more  he  had  to  be  humble  and  submissive  to  his  su 
periors,  or  in  other  words,  an  abject  slave. 

Shortly  before  the  oath  to  support  Mexican  inde 
pendence  was  finally  administered,  one  Pedro  Cha- 
bolla  appeared  before  Governor  Sola,  who  was  a 
martinet,  and  usually,  when  in  public,  wore  his 
colonel's  uniform  and  had  in  his  hand  his  baton  of 
command.  Chabolltt  took  off  his  hat,  saluted,  and 
put  it  on  again.  Sola  eyed  him  in  astonishment,  and 
demanded  what  he  meant  by  wearing  his  hat  in  the 
governor's  presence.  Chabolla  answered,  "Liberty 
has  given  me  the  right  to  wear  this  hat."  He  had 


302  MILITARY  SYSTEM. 

been  reading  the  Acta  Constitutiva,  adopted  by  the 
Sovereign  Provisional  Junta  of  Mexico  in  1822, 
which  had  surreptitiously  entered  California  in  pam 
phlet  form,  and  the  soldiers  had  read  it.  Sola  was 
furious;  with  his  cane  he  struck  Chabolla  several 
times,  and  sent  him  to  the  calaboose.  Chabolla  in  an 
irate  manner  said  before  retiring :  "  Senor  Gobernador: 
Your  senoria  in  punishing  me  unlawfully  makes  use  of 
the  legislative,  executive,  and  judicial  powers."  The 
acta  enjoined  that  the  three  powers  should  not  be 
vested  in  the  same  person. 

Another  instance  is  given  of  Sola's  military  despo 
tism.  Rafael  Galindo,  who  had  been  a  soldier,  asked 
him  in  Monterey  permission  to  buy  some  cigarettes 
from  the  habilitado  of  the  presidial  company.  Sola 
came  close  to  Galindo,  and  brusquely  said : 

" Who  are  you?" 

"The  alcalde  of  San  Jose,"  was  the  answer. 

"Then  attend  to  your  duties  at  San  Jose,"  said  the 
governor. 

The  presidial  companies  could  do  but  little  service 
in  the  coast  defence,  as  was  evident  when  Monterey 
and  other  parts  were  assailed  by  the  Buenos  Aires 
insurgents  with  two  ships,  under  Bouchard,  in  1818. 
This  occurrence  made  a  stir  at  court  in  Mexico,  and  a 
cavalry  company  from  the  escuadron  de  Mazatlan, 
composed  of  good,  orderly  men,  and  an  infantry  one 
from  San  Bias,  mostly  made  up  of  jail-birds,  together 
with  a  small  detachment  of  artillerymen,  and  a  few 
poor  arms  and  ammunition,  were  sent  out  the  next 
year. 

The  same  military  system  continued  under  Mexican 
rule.  Guards  were  not  kept  at  the  secularized  mis 
sions.  The  force  in  1835  consisted  of  307  men,  in 
cluding  22  officers  of  all  ranks,  among  whom  were  the 
governor  and  commander-in-chief,  who  was  a  brigadier- 
general,  and  two  naval  lieutenants.  The  organizations 
were  one  artillery  company,  38  men,  four  presidial 
companies,  138  men,  Mazatlan  company,  reduced  to 


GARRISONS  AND  ARMS.  303 

37  men,  and  a  small  detachment  of  infantry,  36. 
Later,  a  militia  was  organized  in  battalions,  called 
auxiliares  defensores  de  la  patria.  The  presidial  and 
other  companies  declined  to  mere  skeletons.  The 
last  record  about  the  San  Diego  company  is  Alferez 
Salazar's  report  of  November  1842,  to  the  effect  that 
he  had  14  men  without  arms  or  ammunition.  Earlier 
in  the  same  year,  Mofras  saw  a  few  soldiers  and  an 
officer  at  the  pueblo,  and  a  few  cannon  half  buried 
amid  the  ruins  of  the  presidio  and  fort.  When  Com 
modore  Jones  seized  Monterey  in  1842,  Phelps,  mas 
ter  of  the  American  ship  Alert,  spiked  the  guns,  and 
threw  every  movable  article  into  the  bay.  After 
1842,  an  occasional  wail  is  heard  that  San  Diego  has 
neither  soldiers  nor  means  of  defence. 

From  1842  to  1845  the  batallon  fijo,  brought  by 
General  Micheltorena,  garrisoned  the  department,  caus 
ing  a  very  heavy  expenditure.  This  battalion  was 
withdrawn  on  the  general's  departure.  In  1845,  the 
Monterey  company  still  existed,  with  20  or  30  men, 
though  the  presidio  had  disappeared.  In  the  previous 
year,  an  auxiliary  company  of  cavalry  had  assumed 
the  role  of  defenders  of  the  country  from  internal  and 
external  foes.  The  so-called  fort  had  about  twelve 
men,  and  three  or  four  serviceable  guns.  At  San 
Francisco  were,  in  1845,  an  alferez  and  ten  men  from 
the  old  San  Francisco  company,  which  during  several 
years  had  been  stationed  at  Sonoma.  Forty  or  fifty 
defensores  held  themselves  ready  to  fight.  The  com 
pany  at  Sonoma — 40  or  50  men — was  disbanded  about 
1844.  For  a  time  there  had  been  an  Indian  infantry 
company,  which  was  also  mustered  out.  There  were 
some  sixty  militiamen  in  the  district.  Down  to  1843, 
the  place  was  entirely  under  military  control.  Ac 
cording  to  a  report  of  the  minister  of  war  of  Mexico, 
there  were  in  California  in  1840  three  24-pounders  of 
iron,  mounted,  eight  8 -pounders,  eight  6-pounders, 
ten  4-pounders,  one  2-pounder,  some  of  iron,  others  of 
brass  ;  a  number  were  dismounted. 


304  MILITARY  SYSTEM. 

In  the  latter  part  of  1845,  the  monthly  pay-roll  of 
officers,  a  few  retired  soldiers,  and  one  widow,  amounted 
to  $2,959.  There  were  officers  enough  for  a  force  of 
3,000  men,  all  drawing  pay  with  more  or  less  regu 
larity.  A  number  of  those  officers  were  useless,  and 
many  of  them  rendered  no  service.  The  rank  and  pay 
were  given  them  as  a  reward  of  partisanship.  When 
the  Americans  invaded  California,  most  of  those  fel 
lows  proved  themselves  utterly  incapable.  In  July 
1846,  the  Californian  forces,  400  or  500  strong,  and 
all  mounted,  concentrated  at  Los  Angeles.  They  .had 
neither  food  nor  clothing  for  several  days.  Then 
some  old  oxen  were  provided  for  their  use.  There 
was  a  compania  de  honor,  made  up  of  officers.  The 
first  old  ox  slaughtered  for  this  company  was  nick 
named  the  "buey  fundador  de  la  mision  de  San  Ga 
briel."  The  men  of  the  company  of  honor  preferred 
to  it  the  pears  and  apples  they  used  to  steal  from  the 
private  orchards.  When  the  forces  were  on  their 
march  south,  even  the  officers,  their  commander,  Jose 
Castro,  excepted,  went  hungry.  In  the  Soledad  val 
ley,  he  received  from  the  Guadalupe  rancho  a  large 
supply  for  himself  of  cooked  provisions,  poultry  and 
pastry.  He  supped  alone,  under  a  tree,  with  his  back 
turned  to  his  hungry  companions.  When  he  had  sat 
isfied  his  appetite,  he  wrapped  up  the  things,  and  left 
the  bundle  on  the  ground,  covered  by  his  saddle. 
About  midnight,  Lieutenant  Jose  Antonio  Chavez 
crawled  to  the  spot,  and  brought  away  the  eatables,  and 
with  his  friends  demolished  them;  after  doing  which, 
he  went  back  with  the  bones,  and  placed  them,  together 
with  dry  horse-dung,  under  the  saddle.  Then  finding 
a  bottle  with  brandy,  he  of  course  confiscated  it.  Next 
morning  Castro,  on  discovering  the  trick,  looked 
around  with  a  fierce  scowl,  using  the  vilest  of  lan 
guage,  and  threatening  dire  vengeance,  but  no  one 
paid  him  the  slightest  attention.  Ever  after,  on  re 
ceiving  new  supplies,  he  would  hold  his  orderly,  Felipe 
Espinosa  Barajas,  responsible  for  them. 


CHAPTER  X. 

WOMAN  AND  HER    SPHERE. 

Kennst  du  das  Land  wo  die  Citronen  bliihn, 
Im  dunkeln  Laub  die  Gold-Orangen  gliihn, 
Ein  sanfter  Wind  vom  blauen  Himmel  weht, 
Die  Myrte  still  und  hoch  der  Lorbeer  steht, 
Kennst  du  es  wohl  ? 

Dahin!  Dahin 
Mocht  ich  mit  dir,  o,  mein  Geliebter,  ziehn. 

— GoetTie. 

WOMEN  were  not  treated  with  the  greatest  respect :  7 
in  Latin  and  in  savage  countries  they  seldom  are; 
hence,  as  these  were  half  Latin  and  half  savage,  we 
are  not  surprised  to  learn  that  the  men  too  often  idled 
away  their  time,  leaving  the  women  to  do  all  the  work 
and  rear  the  family.  True,  while  the  women,  besides 
attending  to  their  domestic  duties,  cut  the  wood,  cul 
tivated  the  garden,  went  washing  to  the  water,  where 
they  erected  an  arbor,  the  men  were  on  horseback 
lassoing  wild  cattle,  and  if  they  brought  home  some 
meat  the  wife  was  thankful  and  content. 

There  was  strong  affection,  and  never  a  happier 
family  than  when  the  ranchero,  dwelling  in  pastoral 
simplicity,  saw  his  sons  and  his  son's  sons  bringing  to 
the  paternal  roof  their  wives  and  seating  them  at  the 
ever-lengthening  table.  Additions  were  sometimes 
made  to  that  most  comfortable  of  buildings,  the  family 
adobe,  and  if  here  was  not  the  highest  intelligence 
and  refinement,  happiness  was  present. 

On  the  other  hand,  as  Sanchez  says,  the  women 
were  not  without  their  champions.  .Chico  and  Pico 

CAL.  PAST.,  VOL.  I.  20  (  305  ) 


306  WOMAN"  AND  HER  SPHERE.] 

did  the  most  for  them,  and  for  their  education,  accord 
ing  to  tradition,  refusing  them  nothing.  During  all 
their  wars,  he  affirms,  the  Californians  never  neglected 
their  wives  and  daughters.  True,  there  were  times 
when  the  women  were  exposed  to  hardships,  and  some 
men  did  not  treat  them  with  due  consideration.  This, 
however,  changed  gradually;  and  with  Pico's  rise  the 
difference  became  so  radical  that  even  the  gentlest 
women  seized  their  husbands  by  the  beard. 

Fermina  Espinosa,  owner  of  Santa  Rita  rancho, 
now  Sotoville,  was  very  masculine,  and  did  all  the 
rancho  work,  breaking  colts,  lassoing  cattle,  while  her 
husband  did  nothing  but  eat,  sleep,  smoke,  and  in 
crease  an  already  numerous  family.  She  was  much 
respected.  Y.  Avila  of  Sal-si-puedes  rancho  had  four 
daughters,  fair  and  blue-eyed,  who  worked  like  men, 
roamed  the  mountains  in  men's  attire,  guarding  stock 
and  felling  timber.  They  also  made  blankets  and 
cheese,  and  drove  the  old  wooden-wheeled  ox-cart 
here  and  there  as  duty  demanded.  One  girl  married; 
the  rest  remain  single  to  care  for  the  old  father. 

The  days  of  legal  discipline  were  not  yet  over,  and 
woman  here  came  in  for  her  share.  I  will  quote  a 
few  cases  in  actual  life  taken  from  the  archives. 

In  1840,  at  Los  Angeles,  Prefect  Arguello  directs 
the  2d  justice  of  the  peace  to  conduct  by  force  a 
woman  who  refuses  accompanying  her  husband.  At 
San  Jose,  Juan  Lisaldo  complained  to  the  alcalde 
that  he  believed  his  wife  Maria  de  las  Nieves  was 
about  to  abscond.  A  summons  was  issued  on  the 
27th  of  April,  1847,  and  the  case  tried  the  same  day. 
The  alcalde  directed  that  the  parties  be  united  again, 
or  be  imprisoned  until  they  consented  to  live  together. 
On  the  1st  of  May  a  letter  was  sent  to  the  priest  of 
Santa  Clara,  who  ordained  that  they  should  be  com 
pelled  to  live  together.  After  three  days  given  for 
reflection,  Maria  refused  to  comply,  whereupon  she  was 
put  in  prison,  there  to  learn  obedience. 

Said  Sub-prefect  Sunol  to  Alcalde  Guillen:  "  If  Juana 


FELICITIES  AND  INFELICITIES.  307 

Galindo  still  manifests  repugnance  toward  her  husband 
and  refuses  going 'back  to  him,  the  alcalde  shall  have 
her  taken  from  her  house,  and  putting  handcuffs  on  her, 
shall  deliver  her  to  her  ljusband,  charging  him  with 
her  care  and  responsibility.  Dios  y  Libertad." 

Writing  to  Ortega  the  25th  of  March,  1783,  Fages 
declares  that  he  has  learned  what  has  passed  between 
Curro  and  his  girl-wife,  and  thinks  it  is  her  love  for 
her  parents  which  makes  her  object  to  the  duty  imposed 
by  nature.  Let  her  go  and  live  with  Curro  in  some 
other  place,  suggests  the  governor,  and  then  she  will 
yield  to  his  desire. 

Yet  plainer  is  the  complaint  of  Jose  Madariaga  to 
the  justice  of  the  peace  at  Monterey  in  1845 — too  plain 
for  printing  forty  years  later.  Repelling  all  of  his 
advances,  he  finally  asked  her  if  she  had  made  a  vow 
of  chastity,  and  was  answered  no.  He  proposed  that 
they  should  confess  to  the  priest,  who  should  suggest 
a  remedy,  but  she  refused  to  confess,  or  have  anything 
to  do  with  the  priest.  That  night  she  ran  away. 

Sometimes  the  wife  even  dared  to  complain  of  the 
husband.  At  Monterey,  in  1846,  Mariano  Silva,  cap 
tain  of  artillery,  petitions  in  the  name  of  Senora  Briones 
that  her  husband  Miranda  be  exiled  at  least  fifty  leagues 
from  his  family  at  Yerba  Buena,  because  of  drunken 
ness,  immorality,  and  cruelty.  He  had  already  been 
exiled  from  Sonoma  for  immoral  conduct. 

"It  was  considered  very  improper  for  any  girl  to 
receive  a  proposal  of  marriage,"  writes  the  charming 
Guadalupe  Vallejo,  "before  her  parents  had  been 
consulted  by  the  lover  or  his  parents.  Old  maids 
were  scarce,  and  very  much  thought  of.  A  lady  who 
did  not  marry  in  those  times  was  not  for  lack  of  suitors, 
for,  indeed,  white  women  were  very  much  in  demand, 
but  from  choice;  and  therefore  she  was  very  much 
admired  and  venerated. 

"I  have  an  aunt  (a  sister  of  my  mother),  whose 
parents  having  died,  and  being  dissatisfied  with  her 


308  WOMAN  AND  HER  SPHERE. 

life  at  her  uncle's,  formed  the  determination  of  accept 
ing  the  first  offer  that  should  be  made  to  her.  She 
was  then  fourteen  years  of  age,  and  they  lived  at  a 
ranch  a  few  miles  from  Santa  Barbara. 

"Very  soon  a  letter  came  to  her  uncle,  with  proposals 
of  marriage  for  his  niece,  from  Don  Ignacio  Peralta,  a 
young  gentleman  from  San  Jose.  She  was  told  of  it; 
and  (I  think)  that  much  to  the  surprise  of  all,  she  ac 
cepted,  although  she  had  never  laid  eyes  on  the  suitor. 
The  answer  was  accordingly  sent,  and  arrangements 
proceeded  for  the  wedding.  The  accepted  lover  soon 
arrived,  accompanied  by  his  brother;  arid  indeed,  it 
required  all  her  moral  courage  and  strength  to  sustain 
herself  in  her  determination ;  for  such  uncouth  person 
she  had  never  seen  before;  she  was  totally  unprepared 
to  meet  her  fate  with  such  a  face.  However,  she 
kept  her  word,  and  rode  on  horseback,  accompanied 
by  her  friends,  to  Santa  Barbara  to  be  married.  She 
says  that  she  wept  bitterly  all  the  way ;  her  face,  all 
tear-stained,  was  more  like  that  of  one  proceeding  to 
a  funeral  than  that  of  a  happy  bride.  He  died  last 
year,  after  having  been  married  fifty-nine  years.  She 
was  at  last  liberated  from  her  cruel  fate,  at  the  age  of 
seventy- three ! " 

It  was  common  to  betroth  children  at  a  young  age, 
an  arrangement  effected  by  the  fathers,  the  children 
being  seldom  consulted.  About  two  years  before  the 
marriage,  the  girl's  father  would  ask  the  other  father 
for  his  son,  who  was  sent  to  live  in  the  house  of  the 
former.  This  act  made  them  novios,  or  affianced,  and 
the  young  man  treated  the  girl's  father  as  his  own, 
working  for  him,  and  being  regarded  as  a  son,  not 
even  opposing  the  infliction  of  corporal  punishment 
for  faults.  When  the  young  man  had  learned  to  work, 
the  marriage  was  consummated. 

Girls  married  at  from  thirteen  to  fifteen,  the  parents 
selecting  the  husband.  A  man  wishing  to  marry  sent 
his  father  to  ask  the  father  of  the  girl;  he  himself 
never  asked  for  her,  for  that  was  not  considered  proper, 


COURTSHIP  AND  BETROTHAL.  309 

though  he  might  address  a  letter  intimating  his  desire 
to  the  girl's  'parents.  In  whatever  way  negotiations 
had  been  opened,  the  applicant  was  obliged  to  wait 
eight  or  ten  days  for  an  answer.  If  during  that  time 
he  heard  nothing,  he  might  then  beg  his  father  to  go 
for  the  answer.  Sometimes  the  answer  would  come 
at  once.  The  parties  were  usually  married  in  the 
church;  sometimes  there  were  two  bridesmaids  and 
two  groomsmen.  There  was  usually  no  marriage  set 
tlement,  notwithstanding  the  lengthy  deliberations  of 
the  senors  over  the  event. 

The  marriage  day  fixed,  the  fathers  spoke  to  the 
priest,  who  proceeded  with  the  publication  of  the  bans, 
unless  he  was  paid  to  omit  them.  The  bridal  party 
marched  silently  to  church,  and  without  music;  but 
after  the  ceremony,  friends  received  them  at  the  door 
with  music,  and  bore  them  home  in  triumph.  If  the 
pair  lived  at  a  distance  in  the  country,  another  band 
of  musicians  met  them  half-way,  and  all  proceeded  to 
the  ranch o,  where  an  arbor  had  been  prepared  for 
the  dance,  which  lasted  sometimes  a  week  or  more. 

The  wagons  of  the  party  were  adorned  with  colored 
coverlets,  and  silk  kerchiefs,  branches,  and  flowers. 
The  men  were  all  on  horseback,  and  some  of  the 
women,  who,  at  times,  had  a  man  on  the  croup  of  their 
horse.  A  special  table  was  generally  set  for  promi 
nent  guests ;  the  others  feasted  beneath  the  trees,  by 
the  creek  or  spring,  cooking  their  own  steaks.  Most 
of  the  men  played  instruments,  so  that  the  musicians 
could  always  be  relieved. 

Often  the  happy  pair  were  dressed  ki  their  ordinary 
apparel,  the  bride  adding  only  a  crown  of  artificial 
flowers,  sometimes  white,  but  usually  variegated. 
Often  the  fathers  would  not  allow  the  pair  to  meet 
till  after  the  feast.  The  padre  attended,  but  was  not 
detained  more  than  a  day.  The  padrinos  of  the  pair 
were  selected  by  the  parents  of  both.  The  pair  con 
sidered  it  a  duty  to  visit  the  padre  after  mass  the 
Sunday  following  the  marriage,  accompanied  by  their 


310  WOMAN  AND  HER  SPHERE. 

fathers  and  padrinos,  to  give  thanks.  The  padre  pre 
sented  the  party  some  fruit.  The  fee  was  paid  in  money 
or  produce.  This  according  to  Hijar. 

Another  relates  that  when  the  marriage  contract  is 
agreed  on  by  the  parties,  the  first  care  of  the  bride 
groom  is  to  get,  by  buying,  begging,  or  stealing,  the 
best  horse  possible,  and  also  a  saddle  and  a  silver- 
mounted  bridle ;  the  overleathers  of  the  saddle  must 
likewise  be  embroidered.  These  articles  were  deemed 
indispensable  to  a  wedding,  no  matter  how  poor  the 
parties  might  be.  The  bridegroom  must  furnish  the 
bride  with  not  less  than  six  articles  of  each  kind  of 
woman's  clothing,  and  provide  everything  necessary 
to  feast  his  friends  for  one,  two,  or  three  davs. 

t/ 

The  wedding  day  being  come,  the  fine  horse  is  sad 
dled,  and  the  bridegroom  takes  up  before  him  on  his 
horse  his  future  godmother,  and  the  future  god 
father  takes  the  bride  before  him  on  another  fine 
horse,  and  so  they  gallop  to  church.  The  ceremony 
over,  the  newly  married  couple  mount  one  horse,  and 
the  godfather  and  godmother  mount  the  other,  and 
so  they  gallop  back  to  the  house  of  the  bride's  parents, 
where  they  are  received  with  squibs  and  firing  of  mus 
kets.  Before  the  bridegroom  has  time  to  dismount, 
two  persons  who  are  in  readiness  seize  him  and  re 
move  his  spurs,  which  they  keep  until  he  redeems 
them  with  a  bottle  of  brandy,  or  money  to  buy  one. 
The  married  couple  then  enter  the  house,  where  the 
near  relatives  are  waiting  in  tears  to  receive  them 
alone.  They  kneel  down  before  the  parents  and  ask 
a  blessing,  which  is  bestowed.  Then  the  bridegroom 
signs  to  some  one  near  him,  whereupon  the  guitar 
and  violin  strike  up,  and  dancing  and  drinking  begin. 

Shortly  after  Micheltorena's  arrival  in  1842  at 
Angeles,  he  and  his  officers  and  the  prominent  people 
were  invited  to  a  wedding  there,  to  be  held  in  a  huerta. 
Branches  of  willows  were  laid  thickly  upon  a  trellis- 
work  to  afford  shade.  At  the  further  end  thereof  an 
apartment  was  formed  of  yellow  cloth,  open  toward 


WEDDING  FORMALITIES.  311 

the  trellis-cover,  in  which  were  placed  half  a  dozen 
chairs  for  the  general,  his  wife,  and  officers,  and  be 
hind  which  were  rude  benches  in  rows.  In  the  centre 
of  the  room  was  a  large  table  covered  with  clean 
cloths,  china  plates,  and  cut-glass  decanters.  At  one 
side  was  a  row  of  barrels  of  drink — wines,  brandy, 
and  other  liquors. 

A  calf  hung  ready  for  roasting  in  the  huge  glowing 
fire,  and  other  fires  were  ready  for  various  prepara 
tions,  while  delicacies  of  all  kinds  abounded. 

Between  eleven  and  twelve  A.  M.  the  marriage  party 
left  the  church  for  the  grove,  attended  by  all  the 
guests,  godfathers,  and  parents — all  marching  in  pro 
cession,  preceded  by  music  of  violins  and  guitars  play 
ing  popular  airs.  The  general  arrived  an  hour  later, 
was  conducted  to  the  grove  by  the  bridal  party,  and 
seated  by  the  side  of  the  bride,  at  the  head  of  the 
table,  while  the  general's  wife  sat  next  to  the  groom, 
then  the  godfathers,  and  next  the  officers  according  to 
rank,  and  after  them  the  people  of  the  country.  Toasts 
were  given,  and  four  hours  after  the  general's  arrival 
they  rose  from  table  and  proceeded  to  the  house, 
where  the  ball  took  place.  The  soldiers  were  invited 
to  the  second  table.  The  party  did  not  break  up  till 
dawn  of  day. 

Men  have  a  trick  or  two  in  love,  as  well  as  women ; 
both  sometimes  deviate  from  immaculate  cleanliness  in 
their  tricks.  A  woman  will  say  of  a  man  whom  she 
tries  in  vain  to  marry,  that  she  has  refused  him  once, 
twice,  several  times.  Male  wooers — I  cannot  call 
them  men — are  sometimes  black  in  heart  enough  when 
defeated  to  rail  against  the  sex  with  Draconian  sever- 

O 

ity.  So  it  wras  with  the  baser  sort  of  early  adven 
turers  among  the  Californians ;  and  so  it  was  that 
many  credulous  fools  were  caught  by  these  lagos,  and 
many  worthy  and  chaste  dames  guiltless  met  reproach. 
It  is  not  probable  that  the  women  of  the  time  were 
cold  as  the  curded  snow  that  hangs  on  Diana's  temple  ; 
but  is  that  a  reason  why  they  should  be  cursed  on 


312  WOMAN  AND  HER  SPHERE.  > 

every  convenient  occasion,  bitterly  as  was  Meroz,  in 
richest  pioneer  idiom  ? 

It  was  a  happy  day  for  the  Californian  bride  whose 
husband  was  American ;  and  happier  still  for  the  Cali 
fornian  husband  whose  bride  was  Yankee.  In  1847 
there  lived  at  the  rancho  of  San  Lorenzo  two  bachelor 
brothers  who  once  entertained  Mr  Bryant  for  the 
night.  They  were  men  of  intelligence  and  politeness, 
and  their  hearts  yearned  for  something  to  relieve  the 
desolation  of  their  loneliness.  They  prayed  with  sim 
ple  earnestness  that  Mr  Bryant  should  send  them  two 
American  women,  that  they  might  marry,  live  happy, 
and  die  lamented. 

Girls  were  taught  to  sew,  embroider,  and  weave. 
Some  could  knit  (tejer)  fine  garters,  chiefly  silken,  for 
the  botas  of  the  vaqueros,  with  silk  or  gold  thread  tufts, 
or  knots  of  gold  and  silk  and  silver,  bearing  figures  of 
men,  hearts,  etc.,  forming  quite  a  bunch  on  the  side 
of  the  calf.  The  rich  strove  to  place  all  possible 
ornaments  there. 

A  prudent  calculation  gives  each  California  family 
an  average  of  ten  children;  if  some  had  none,  others' 
had  twenty  or  twenty -five. 

The  occupations  of  the  women  were  in  every  way 
superior  to  those  of  the  men,  as  well  as  more  arduous 
and  continuous.  They  had  charge  of  the  kitchen  and 
of  the  sewing,  which  was  by  no  means  a  light  task, 
for  there  was  a  great  deal  of  embroidery  about  the 
clothing  of  both  men  and  women,  as  well  as  bed-linen; 
and  all  of  this  was  the  work  of  their  hands.  In  iron 
ing  the  hand  was  used  instead  of  a  flat-iron,  by  many 
women.  They  also  combed  and  braided  every  day  the 
hair  of  their  fathers,  husbands,  and  brothers.  Many 
of  them  made  the  bread,  candles,  and  soap  consumed 
by  the  family,  and  many  took  charge  of  sowing  and 
harvesting  the  crops. 

Notwithstanding  the  fact  that  women  were  sedu 
lously  taught  that  for  them  to  be  able  to  write  was 
prejudicial,  and  at  most  they  might  learn  to  read,  they 


MARRIAGE  AND  DIVORCE.  313 

were  of  good  morals,  says  Coronel,  industrious,  and 
neat.  Dedicated  to  their  domestic  duties,  many  of  them 
were  able  to  assume,  and  did  assume,  such  as  legiti 
mately  pertain  to  men.  They  were  both  charitable 
and  hospitable,  the  housewife  holding  that  articles  of 
food  should  not  be  sold  to  neighbors,  and  gave  to  others 
such  as  to  them  were  lacking,  and  of  which  she  her 
self  possessed  a  superabundance.  Mothers  carefully 
guarded  their  daughters,  and  often  the  traveller  went 
away  without  having  even  seen  other  than  the  male 
members  of  the  family. 

On  the  rancho  were  big  vessels  in  which  the  women 
bathed  in  winter.  In  summer  all  women  resorted  to 
the  rivers  or  seashore.  They  were,  with  few  excep 
tions,  excellent  swimmers,  surpassing  the  women  per 
haps  of  any  other  country  in  this  art.  The  poor 
women  entered  the  water  with  merely  a  cloth  tied 
round  the  neck  to  cover  the  breast.  The  rich  women 
were  attended  by  Indian  servants,  who  carried  the 
canasto  (coras,  baskets)  with  amole  (soap-plant),  a  mate 
(calabash  cup)  for  pouring  water,  and  a  broad-rimmed 
straw  hat.  Besides  the  hat,  they  used,  at  times,  a 
blue  bathing-dress  and  sandals. 

"  I  never  saw  a  mother  in  California,"  says  Torres, 
"give  her  infant  to  a  stranger  to  be  suckled.  Califor 
nia  mothers  were  tender,  and  as  wives,  affectionate. 
The  few  unfaithful  wives  were  Mexicans." 

Divorce  was  not  easy  in  those  days,  unfortunately. 
By  Mexico  law,  marriage  by  the  church  rite  was  a 
sacrament,  and  could  not  be  dissolved  by  civil  tribu 
nals.  But  the  marriage  of  the  unfaithful  without  the 
church  was  but  a  simple  contract.  There  were  few 
marriages  in  pastoral  times  not  hallowed  by  the  per 
formances  of  the  priest.  A  wife  might  through  the 
ecclesiastical  court  obtain  a  separation  from  a  drunken 
husband,  provided  she  had  money  or  influence  enough. 
On  the  18th  of  May,  1842,  the  bishop  writes  the 
prefect  at  Angeles  with  reference  to  his  decision  of 


314  WOMAN  AND  HER  SPHERE. 

May  9th,  in  the  divorce  suit  of  Sepulveda,  that  the 
civil  judges  must  not  interfere  in  the  case,  but  remit 
it  to  his  ecclesiastical  court.  The  prefect  accordingly, 
on  June  7th,  urges  the  judges  of  Angeles  to  tell  the 
wife  to  appear  at  Santa  Barbara,  and  state  her  case 
in  person  or  through  the  curador. 

On  the  18th  of  December,  1835,  a  prominent  citizen 
of  San  Diego  sued  his  wife  for  gambling  away  $1,000, 
and  asked  for  a  separation.  The  wife  confessed  the 
fault,  but  begged  pardon,  and  promised  better  behavior. 
A  temporary  separation  was  granted  by  the  alcalde. 

Governor  Mason,  on  the  8th  of  December,  1847, 
assures  Mrs  Hetty  C.  Brown  that  neither  he  nor  the 
alcaldes  can  grant  her  a  divorce.  "If  your  husband 
has  abandoned  you,"  he  says,  "and  left  the  county,  I 
think  he  should  be  viewed  as  though  he  were  dead." 
That  is  all  very  well,  but  may  the  poor  widow  marry 
again  ? 

The  juez  eclesiastico  of  the  northern  missions,  on 
the  31st  of  August,  1835,  asks  the  aid  of  the  civil 
authority  to  oblige  the  consorts  Angel  Bojorges  and 
Maria  Gabriela  Altamirano  to  resume  at  once  their 
conjugal  relations,  there  being  no  ecclesiastical  law 
which  permits  their  living  apart. 

Petra,  wife  of  Hilario  Poriciano,  living  at  San  Diego 
in  1838,  was  accused  of  infidelity  by  her  husband,  who 
asked  for  a  separation  before  the  alcalde,  who  turned 
the  matter  over  to  Padre  Oliva  as  ecclesiastical  judge. 
Several  papers,  summons  for  witnesses,  etc.,  are  on 
record.  The  woman  was  once  sent  back  from  the 
mission  to  the  alcalde  for  want  of  proper  proofs  and 
a  proper  place  to  confine  her. 

For  the  dissolution  of  the  civil  contract  of  marriage 
proceedings  were  after  the  following  fashion:  The 
amounts  granted  as  alimony,  it  will  be  noticed,  were 
not  excessive.  On  the  18th  of  March,  1842,  appeared 
before  Judge  Fernandez,  of  Monterey,  Maria  Guada- 
lupe  Castillo,  with  her  hombre  bueno,  Gabriel  de  la 
Torre,  and  also  her  husband,  Edward  Watson,  with 


THE  EVER-MEDDLESOME  PRIEST.  315 

his  hombre  bueno,  Manuel  Castro.  Maria  asked  a 
separation  on  the  ground  of  frequent  ill  treatment. 
The  husband,  at  first  reluctant,  finally  agreed  to  a 
divorce.  The  judge  ordered  that  the  wife  should  live 
at  la  Torre's  house,  the  husband  to  pay  $12  monthly 
for  the  support  of  her  and  her  child. 

"Tell  Casilda  Sepulveda,"  writes  the  prefect  to  the 
juez  de  la  instancia  of  Angeles,  "that  the  bishop  is 
ready  to  let  any  objections  regarding  the  dissolution 
of  her  matrimony  with  Teodoro  Trujillo  be  brought 
before  the  ecclesiastical  tribunal."  The  bishop  had 
written  the  prefect  on  May  3d  a  sharp  letter  on  cer 
tain  preliminary  cognizance  taken  by  the  juez  de  la 
instancia,  in  this  case,  and  declared  any  steps  taken  by 
him  to  be  void;  and  in  accordance  with  that  letter  the 
prefect  wrote  the  juez  as  above.  On  the  16th  Padre 
Estenega  of  San  Gabriel  writes  the  prefect  that  the 
girl  Casilda  who  seeks  a  divorce  from  T.  Trujillo  re 
fuses  to  enter  the  private  house  he  desires  to  consign 
her  to  till  she  shall  be  ready  to  appear  before  the  eccle 
siastical  court  at  Santa  Barbara.  He  desires  the  pre 
fect  to  compel  her  to  appear  before  that  court.  The 
prefect  replies  to  the  judge  of  Angeles  that  there  need 
be  no  restriction  of  liberty;  the  girl  might  appeal  in 
writing  to  Santa  Barbara.  Again  the  padre  writes, 
May  17th,  that  he  merely  asks  her  to  restrict  herself 
to  an  honorable  house  for  a  time,  and  then  appear  in 
person  at  Santa  Barbara. 

On  the  19th  of  February,  1842,  suit  was  begun 
before  Jose  Z.  Fernandez,  justice  of  the  peace  at 
Monterey,  by  Maria  Ana  Gonzalez,  to  obtain  a  divorce 
from  her  husband,  Jose  M.  Castanaresv  She  presented 
herself  with  her  hombre  bueno,  Jose  Abrego,  and  Cas- 
tanares  with  his,  Florencio  Serrano.  The  parties  being 
agreed  to  separation  absolute,  and  for  mutual  tranquil 
lity,  it  appeared  best  to  the  hombres  buenos,  and  the 
judge  determined  to  grant  the  usual  certificate.  The 
plaintiff  having  asked  for  alimony,  the  husband  assigned 
$250  a  year  for  the  present,  to  be  increased  if  his  cir- 


316  WOMAN  AND  HER  SPHERE. 

cumstances  should  become  better,  he  being  free  to  live 
where  he  pleased.  Upon  this  hearing,  the  arrange 
ment  not  seeming  entirely  good  to  the  judge,  he  or 
dered  that  Ana  should  reside  at  the  house  of  her 
father,  Rafael  Gonzalez,  to  which  measure  all  agreed. 
On  the  7th  of  December  following,  the  parties  in  this 
suit  came  together  with  their  hombres  buenos,  and 
agreed  to  withdraw  the  causes  of  complaint,  remaining 
from  date  united  in  the  bonds  of  matrimony,  the  pro 
ceedings  of  the  19th  of  February  to  be  null.  Happy 
conclusion !  In  1 8 1 1  the  president  of  missions  wrote 
to  the  missionary  at  San  Rafael,  transcribing  author 
ization  by  the  bishop  of  Sonora  on  March  1,  1811,  to 
the  missionaries  of  California  to  ratify,  in  foro  concien- 
tise,  after  imposing  a  salutary  penalty,  marriages  con 
tracted  unlawfully  in  face  of  the  church  with  unknown 
impediment  of  affinity  when  illicit  copulation  had  oc 
curred,  provided  one  of  the  contracting  parties  was  in 
good  faith  and  was  ignorant  of  the  relationship — the 
impediment  not  to  be  made  known  to  the  innocent 
party;  otherwise,  if  the  impediment  had  been  pub 
lished  before  court  this  privilege  was  not  to  apply  to 
either  of  the  parties. 

In  1821  the  governor  asked  the  padre  prefecto  to 
order  the  hysterical  padre  Gil  de  Taboada  not  to 
interfere  in  marriages.  He  had  broken  several  en 
gagements,  among  them  that  of  Valle  and  Catalina 
Mamaneli.  The  latter  had  her  father's  consent,  and 
was  willing,  when  this  padre  ordered  her  to  retire  into 
seclusion  for  a  few  days  and  repent  of  the  engagement. 

In  1825,  at  Santa  Barbara,  J.  A.  Yorba  wanted  to 
marry  a  first  cousin  of  his  first  wife,  who  was  fond  of 
his  children.  The  request  was  not  granted  by  the 
padre  president. 

One  Carpo,  a  neophyte,  had  when  a  gentile  married 
a  woman,  also  a  gentile,  after  the  gentile  manner,  who 
died.  He  had  become  a  Christian  before  marrying 
another  woman,  also  a  Christian.  It  was  discovered 
that  the  women  were  daughters  of  two  gentile  sons 


MORALITY  MANUFACTURERS.  317 

of  the  same  father,  but  of  different  mothers.  Padre 
Arroyo  separated  Carpo  and  his  wife,  and  reported 
the  case  to  Padre  Prefecto  Sarria,  who  decided  that 
a  dispensation  should  be  given,  and  the  couple  re 
married,  the  first  marriage  being  null,  as  the  women 
were  within  the  prohibited  degrees  of  affinity.  At 
San  Diego,  in  1825,  one  Valdez  asked  permission  to 
marry  a  relative  in  the  second  degree,  with  whom  he 
had  had  intercourse.  He  desired  this  also  on  the 
score  "of  God's  service  and  the  salvation  of  his  soul." 
The  president  remarked  that  he  could  serve  God  and 
save  his  soul  with  any  woman,  and  denied  the  petition. 
In  a  letter  to  a  padre  the  president  said  that  if  the 
impediment  to  the  marriage  were  unknown  to  the 
public,  the  dispensation  would  have  been  easier  to 
obtain. 

The  neophyte  Felipe,  being  a  widower,  had  been 
betrothed  or  desired  to  marry  a  neophyte  woman,  but 
they  were  within  the  second  degree  of  affinity,  for 
the  woman  had  had  intercourse  with  Felipe's  cousin, 
which  she  confessed  to  Padre  Arroyo,  otherwise  the 
matter  was  a  secret.  Padre  Arroyo  reported  to  the 
Padre  Prefecto  Sarria,  who  decided  that  they  should 
be  married,  since  they  were  betrothed,  and  in  order 
to  avoid  scandal ;  and  moreover  Felipe  was  innocent, 
and  might  not  be  able  easily  to  find  another  woman  to 
his  liking.  That  the  woman  might  recognize  the 
favor  clone  by  holy  church,  she  must  hear  mass  on 
three  days,  but  without  telling  her  husband  or  any 
one  else  why. 

In  1825  M.  C.  Montero,  enceinte  by  the  soldier 
Soto,  had  agreed  to  marry  Garcia,  an  own  nephew 
of  Soto,  to  escape  dishonor,  and  Garcia  took  steps  to 
obtain  a  dispensation,  owing  to  the  relationship. 
Montero  soon  changed  her  mind  and  wanted  to  marry 
Ingles,  claiming  that  the  relationship  between  Soto 
arid  Garcia  was  interdicting.  Garcia,  who  had  re 
mained  constant,  then  demanded  reimbursement  of 
expenses  for  dispensation.  The  padre  president  at 


318  WOMAN  AND  HER   SPHERE. 

first  declared  the  palabra  de  esponsales  between  Mon- 
tero  and  Garcia  to  be  null;  but  other  padres  repre 
sented  that  dispensations  between  second  cousins  had 
often  been  granted,  and  that  this  marriage  had  been 
ratified,  and  the  president  accordingly  declared  the 
marriage  valid,  unless  Montero  could  present  better 
objections. 

Maria  Josefa  Castro  was  brought  to  the  juzgado  by 
Antonio  Galindo,  with  the  request  to  be  married. 
The  parish  priest  was  present  and  ordered  her  to 
be  depositada  till  her  disability  as  to  age  should  be 
removed  by  proper  authority.  Thereupon  the  sub- 
prefect  referred  her  to  the  prefect,  that  this  might  be 
done  in  accordance  with  the  petition  of  herself  and  of 
the  padre  priest. 

On  the  23d  of  June,  1847,  Padre  Gonzalez,  governor 
of  the  diocese,  declared  the  marriage  of  F.  de  Paula 
Johnson  and  Juana  Silva  valid ;  but  as  they  confessed 
in  marrying  to  have  broken  the  laws  of  their  parents 
and  of  the  church,  they  should  be  subject  to  the 
penalty  of  the  santo  concilio,  except  excommunication. 
In  view  of  time  and  persons  he  reduced  the  $180 
fine  to  $70  for  each  witness  of  the  act,  and  took  off 
$160  from  the  fine  imposed  upon  the  contracting 
parties,  so  that  they  need  pay  but  $200  before  cohab 
iting,  which  should  be  exacted  from  them  by  the 
judge  if  need  be,  the  fines  to  go  toward  the  cult  of  the 
parish.  During  the  three  festive  days  on  which  this 
edict  should  be  published,  and  during  mass,  the  two 
should  kneel  where  the  novios  watched.  The  ratifi 
cation  and  blessing  should  not  be  given  until  the  third 
festive  day.  Gonzalez  requests  the  judge  to  enforce 
these  fines  from  the  seven  witnesses  and  the  princi 
pals. 

On  the  3d  of  September,  1844,  a  threat  of  excom 
munication  was  addressed  by  the  bishop,  Garcia 
Diego,  to  the  diocesans  of  San  Jose,  which  stated 
that  the  bishop  had  seen  with  great  grief  that  Felipe 
Patron  and  Maria  Natividad  Higuera  had  contracted 


MORE  ABOUT  MARRYING.  319 

matrimony  with  the  impediment  of  the  third  degree 
of  affinity,  without  previous  dispensation. 

He  called  this  a  most  horrible  crime,  such  union 
being  illegitimate,  detestable,  and  condemned  by  the 
church,  and  that  such  commerce  should  be  held  as 
criminal  and  incestuous.  He  ordered  this  declaration 
to  be  read  from  the  pulpit  on  three  feast  days,  and 
required  the  juez  of  the  town  to  separate  Felipe 
Patron  and  Maria  Natividad  without  hopes  of  ever 
obtaining  dispensation.  If  the  parties  refused  to  obey, 
and  to  separate,  he  ordered  the  padre  to  immediately 
inform  him,  that  he  might  fulminate  against  them  the 
terrible  sentence  of  excommunication,  to  be  read  from 
the  pulpits  of  his  diocese  as  an  example  and  horrible 
warning  to  perjurers,  and  to  all  those  who  dared 
deceive  the  church — with  further  pious  whoops  to 
frighten  the  faithful. 

Among  his  universal  powers  and  prerogatives  the 
potentate  of  New  Helvetia  assumed  the  solemnization 
of  marriages.  But  in  due  time  the  disaffected  of  his 
people  began  to  question  the  genuineness  of  his  minis 
trations,  and  to  pronounce  the  article  he  vended 
bogus.  Wives  ran  away,  and  would  not  return  at  his 
mandate,  and  men  began  to  question  the  rights  of 
heirs  so  born  to  inherit.  Sutter  turned  this  way  and 
that,  and  found  no  relief.  Meanwhile  humanity  were 
born  and  died,  the  world  went  round,  and  the  waters 
of  the  Sacramento  rolled  to  the  ocean,  despite  the 
momentous  question  of  the  quality  of  marriages  on 
its  banks/' 

The  men  made  the  laws  in  and  for  California;  the 
women  were  expected  to  obey.  Hence  it  was  ordained 
that  the  woman  an  officer  married  must  have  $3,000. 
All  mothers  were  forbidden  from  leaving  as  heir  to 
the  estate  any  child  who  has  contracted  a  marriage 
in  opposition  to  the  father's  will.  From  the  various 
padrones  it  was  ascertained  that  a  great  proportion 
of  the  married  women  were  from  15  to  20  years  of 


320  WOMAN  AND  HER  SPHERE. 

age.  Yet  high  above  nature  was  law  in  these  parts : 
if  too  young  to  marry,  the  law  might  declare  the  dam 
sel  old  enough.  The  prefect  of  Santa  Clara  in  1841 
decreed  that  Ramona  Prudenciana  Buelna  should  be 
considered  of  age,  in  order  that  she  might  marry 
Manuel  Cantua. 

By  Mexican  law,  the  wife,  during  the  continuance 
of  the  marriage,  had  a  revocable  and  feigned  dominion 
in,  and  possession  of,  one  half  the  property  jointly 
acquired  by  her  and  her  husband,  gananciales;  but  the 
husband  was  the  real  and  veritable  owner,  and  had 
the  irrevocable  dominion  in  all  the  gananciales,  and 
might  sell  and  dispose  of  them  at  pleasure. 

After  the  death  of  the  wife  the  husband  may  dis 
pose  of  the  gananciales,  without  being  obliged  to 
reserve  for  the  children  of  the  marriage  either  the 
property  in  or  proceeds  of  the  gananciales.  If  the 
heirs  of  a  deceased  wife  be  the  children  of  the  mar 
riage,  they  had  the  right  of  succession  on  the  death 
of  the  father  to  the  whole  estate — gananciales — with 
the  right  in  the  father  to  dispose  of  one  fifth ;  but  by 
the  estate  in  law  was  understood  the  residue  after  all 
debts  had  been  paid.  A  father  during  his  lifetime, 
and  after  the  death  of  his  wife,  might,  although  there 
had  been  children  of  the  marriage,  dispose  of  the 
gananciales  for  any  honest  purpose,  when  there  was 
no  intention  to  defraud  the  children,  and  might  by 
will  direct  the  sale  of  them  for  the  payment  of  his 
debts. 

A  royal  order  of  December  16,  1803,  declared  that 
minors — men  under  25  and  Women  under  23 — could 
not  marry  unless  with  the  consent  of  parents ;  and  the 
parents  were  not  required  to  give  their  reasons  for 
any  opposition  they  might  offer.  If  there  were  no 
parents,  grandparents,  or  guardians,  the  jueces  might 
object  without  giving  their  reasons,  and  license  must 
be  asked  of  the  king  through  the  governor,  and  by 
consent  of  officers,  if  they  belonged  to  the  military. 

A  law  of  the  23d  of  June,  1813,  gave  to  jefes  poll- 


LOCAL  MORALS  321 

ticos  authority  to  grant  or  refuse  license  for  contract 
ing  marriage  to  hijos  de  familia,  whose  fathers  should 
have  refused  it  to  them. 

A  wife  once  summoned  her  husband  before  an  al 
calde  for  having  serenaded  another  woman. 

"Bring  forth  the  culprit,"  said  the  judge,  "and  let 
him  play  to  us  as  he  played  before  the  woman  he 
wished  to  captivate." 

When  this  was  done,  the  judge  asked: 

"Is  that  the  tune  you  played  ?" 

"Si,  Senor." 

"Is  that  the  best  you  can  play  it?" 

"Si,  Senor." 

"Then  I  fine  you  two  dollars  for  disturbing  the 
public  peace." 

One  Jose  Maria  Perez,  sentenced  by  the  viceroy  to 
six  years'  service  at  the  San  Francisco  presidio,  desired 
to  marry  the  maiden  Maria  Margarita  Rodriguez. 
Argiiello,  as  the  man  was  under  sentence,  did  not  take 
upon  himself  the  decision  of  the  case,  but  referred  it 
to  Arrillaga,  who  decreed  that  if  Perez  was  25  years 
of  age  the  petition  should  be  granted.  Thereupon 
Argtiello  concedes  the  license. 

During  the  last  years  of  Mexican  rule,  morals  de 
clined  in  Santa  Barbara,  as  shown  by  the  many  ille 
gitimate  children  there.  Yet  even  after  the  coming 
of  the  Americans,  it  was  difficult  to  find  there  a  pub 
lic  woman  native  to  the  place. 

There  was  at  times  and  places  a  looseness  in  the 
women  as  to  chastity.  The  young  girls  were  mostly 
particular,  and  closely  guarded  withal ;  but  among 
the  married  women  of  the  common  class,  there  was 
looseness — not  remarkably  so,  but  they  were  less 
strict  than  American  women  in  this  respect.  The 
women  occupied  themselves  with  the  care  of  their  fam 
ilies,  and  in  sewing.  They  were  domestic,  but  spent 
much  time  in  visiting,  going  to  dances,  picnics,  and  en 
joying  themselves.  They  were  clean  in  habits,  and  about 

CAL.  PAST.    21 


322  WOMAN  AND  HER  SPHERE. 

their  houses,  however  poor  these  might  be.  They 
washed  out  of  doors,  generally  going  to  some  spring 
or  ^creek  in  the  vicinity. 

Abrego  remarks  in  1874  on  the  alarming  decline  of 
morality  since  the  conquest.  Formerly  each  couple 
\vould  raise  ten  or  twelve  children  on  the  average,  and 
sometimes  twenty-four;  at  this  time  two  were  a  fair 
estimate. 

"I  hear  from  the  most  unexceptionable  authority," 
writes  Sir  James  Douglas,  of  the  Hudson's  Bay  Com 
pany,  in  his  private  journal,  "that  the  ladies  in  Cali 
fornia  are  not  in  general  very  refined  or  delicate  in 
their  conversation,  using  gross  expressions,  and  indulg 
ing  in  broad  remarks  which  would  make  modest  women 
blush.  It  is  also  said  that  many,  even  of  the  respect 
able  classes,  prostitute  their  wives  for  hire ;  that  is, 
they  wink  at  the  familiarity  of  a  wealthy  neighbor  who 
pays  handsomely  for  his  entertainment.  This  infa 
mous  practice  was  introduced  from  Mexico,  where  it 
is  almost  general.  This  is  done  with  some  respect  to 
insulted  virtue.  If  openly  asked  to  do  so,  they  would 
feel  insulted ;  they  merely  play  the  part  of  complaisant 
husbands.  There  seems  indeed  to  be  a  total  over 
throw  of  public  morals  among  this  degenerate  people, 
even  from  the  priest  downward." 

While  the  men,  says  one  who  pictures  in  rather 
high  colors,  are  "  thriftless,  proud,  and  extravagant, 
and  much  given  to  gaming,  the  women  have  but  little 
education  and  a  great  deal  of  beauty,  the  natural  con 
sequence  being  that  their  morality  is  none  of  the 
purest;  the  instances  of  infidelity,  however,  are  much 
less  frequent  than  might  be  anticipated,  for  one  vice 
is  set  against  another,  and  a  certain  balance  is  ob 
tained;  thus,  though  the  women  have  but  little  virtue, 
their  husbands  are  jealous  in  the  extreme,  and  their 
revenge  is  deadly  and  almost  certain.  A  few  inches 
of  cold  steel  have  been  received  by  many  an  unwary 
man,  who  has  perhaps  been  guilty  of  nothing  more 
than  mere  indiscretion  of  manner.  Thus,  with  the 


FEMALE  FORM  DIVINE.  323 

married  women,  the  difficulties  that  surround  any 
attempt  at  indiscretion  are  numerous,  whilst  the  con 
sequences  of  discovery  are  fatal.  With  the  unmarried, 
too  much  watchfulness  is  used  to  allow  of  any  liaison ; 
the  main  object  of  the  parent  being  to  marry  his 
daughter  well,  the  slightest  slip  must  necessarily  dis 
arrange  such  a  scheme.  The  sharp  eyes  of  a  duena, 
and  the  poniard  of  a  father  or  brother,  are  therefore  a 
great  protection,  rendered  absolutely  requisite  from 
the  characters  of  both  men  and  women ;  as  the  fond 
father  or  affectionate  brother,  who  would  lay  down  his 
life  to  avenge  the  honor  of  his  daughter  or  sister, 
would  be  equally  ready  to  risk  that  life  to  complete  the 
dishonor  of  another.  Of  the  poor  Indians  little  care  is 
taken.  The  priests,  indeed,  at  the  missions  are  said  to 
keep  them  very  strictly,  and  rules  were  usually  made 
by  the  alcaldes  to  punish  their  misconduct ;  but  it  all 
amounts  to  little.  If  any  of  the  girls  should  chance  to  be 
discovered  following  evil  courses,  the  alcalde  orders  them 
to  be  whipped,  and  keeps  them  at  work  for  a  certain 
period  sweeping  the  square  of  the  presidio,  or  carry 
ing  mortar  and  bricks  for  building;  yet  at  any  time  a 
few  reales  will  buy  them  off.  Intemperance  is  a  com 
mon  vice  amongst  the  Indians,  but  the  Spanish  inhabi 
tants  are,  on  the  contrary,  extremely  abstemious."  So 
says  this  one :  another  says  the  reverse ;  but  men  and 
women  are  not  everywhere  exactly  the  same. 

There  are  dances,  says  this  same  observer,  which 
are  ''particularly  liked  by  the  females — who  more  than 
any  other  women  in  the  world  seek  to  draw  forth 
admiration — as  it  enables  them  to  show  the  handsome 
roundings  of  their  naked  arms,  and  their  small  and 
elegantly  turned  feet,  as  also  to  develop  to  full  advan 
tage  the  graceful  vivacity  of  their  motions,  as  they 
wind  through  the  mazes  of  their  national  dance,  which 
is  of  itself  sufficiently  attractive.  The  females  gener 
ally  are  exceedingly  well  shaped,  and  have  a  slight  tint 
of  brown  in  the  skin;  but  a  pair  of  black  and  sparkling 
eyes,  and  teeth  of  the  whitest  color,  give  to  their 


324  WOMAN  AND  HER  SPHERE. 

countenances  an  appearance  of  the  greatest  animation. 
They  wear  neither  caps  nor  bonnets,  but  have  their 
hair  turned  upon  the  crown  of  the  head,  where  it  is 
held  by  a  tortoise-shell  comb,  very  high  in  the  back; 
the  tuft  thus  formed  is  pierced  by  a  thick  and  long  pin 
of  gold,  silver,  or  copper,  which  has  at  one  of  its 
extremities  a  ball  or  globe  of  the  same  metal.  When 
they  are  going  out  they  wear  basquinas,  more  or  less 
ornamented,  and  a  mantilla  which  covers  their  heads; 
the  ends  of  these  being  gathered  up  and  crossed  over 
the  breast  draws  the  mantel  tight  round  the  hips,  and 
shows  the  graceful  shape  of  the  wearer  to  great  ad 
vantage.  In  these  descriptions,  allusion  is  only  made 
to  the  Creoles  of  a  pure  Spanish  or  Mexican  origin,  for 
the  greater  portion  of  the  inhabitants  of  California  are 
of  mixed  origin,  which  gives  to  their  color  a  tint  of 
reddish  brown,  and  to  their  countenances  a  rather  hard 
and  wild  appearance." 

Many  of  them  were  clear-skinned,  dark  brunette, 
with  lustrous  eyes,  long  black  glossy  hair,  and  carry 
ing  themselves  with  indescribable  grace  and  ease,  with 
fine  manners  and  personal  appearance  characteristic  of 
the  Latin  race.  Jewelry  and  gorgeous  dress  shone 
beneath  the  blue  wreathings  of  the  cigarritos,  enough 
to  fill  the  measure  of  delight  in  indulgent  father  and 
hopeful  lover. 

The  beauty  of  women  is  of  shorter  duration  in 
Spanish  countries  than  in  the  United  States;  but 
the  monster  Time  behaves  differently  in  the  two 
places.  In  the  states,  the  sere  and  yellow  leaf  of 
beauty  shrivels  into  scragginess  in  the  extremes  of 
the  type ;  but  in  Spanish-speaking  countries  it  is  not 
the  withering  of  the  gourd  of  beauty  that  those  have 
to  deplore  who  sit  beneath  its  shadow  with  so  great 
delight,  but  it  is  the  broadening  of  that  shadow. 
Without  altogether  indorsing  sylph-like  forms,  it  is 
yet  safe  to  affirm  that  degrees  of  beauty  in  women 
are  not  in  direct  ratio  to  the  degrees  of  the  latitude 
of  their  circumference. 


IDIOSYNCRASIES  AND  CHARACTERISTICS.  325 

At  night  the  dwelling-place  of  woman  was  as  dis 
tinct  as  by  day,  only  darker;  blonde  had  become 
brunette — that  was  all.  The  orange  leaves  glittered 
in  the  moonlio-ht  with  a  srlaucous  sheen,  and  the  air 

O  O  ' 

was  moist  with  the  subtile  perfume  that  betrayed  the 
hidden  blossom.  And  women  passed  to  and  fro  on 
the  arms  of  their  caballeros,  as  fair  as  those  of  any 
age  or  country,  with  eyes  like  the  soul  of  night,  and 
soft  forms  fit  for  light  and  love,  and  lips  parted  in  the 
ruddy  strife  of  head  and  heart. 

Settlers  north  of  the  bay  were  in  constant  danger 
both  from  Indians  and  the  bears.  Even  the  women 
were  accustomed  to  carry  guns  or  pistols,  when  they 
went  out  to  make  calls.  Mrs  Vallejo  has  a  small  rifle 
which  she  used  to  carry  for  this  purpose;  and  she  says 
that  in  the  earlier  years  she  had  fired  the  rifle  at 
bears  to  keep  them  out  of  the  court-yard  of  her  house. 
Stock  had  to  be  carefully  guarded,  and  could  not  be 
allowed  to  run  at  large  at  night,  as  in  the  south, 
where  bears  were  nearly  extinct  before  this  time. 

The  field  labors  of  a  ranchero,  whether  they  con 
sisted  in  rodeos  and  herraderos  or  were  agricultural, 
were  concluded  about  11  o'clock,  at  which  time  the 
laborers  went  to  dinner  and  to  rest  till  2  o'clock.  In 
a  poor  family,  the  women  attended  to  all  the  menial 
service;  in  those  families  able  to  afford  it,  this  was 
performed  by  Indian  servants  of  both  sexes.  At  2 
p.  M.  rich  and  poor  alike  returned  to  their  field  labors, 
which  lasted  till  nightfall.  Of  course  rich  rancheros 
employed  field-hands. 

Mr  Bryant,  while  on  a  journey  from  Los  Angeles 
to  San  Francisco  in  1846,  stopped  for  the  night  at  a 
small  adobe  country  house,  where  he  was  comfortably 
provided  for.  The  good  woman  of  the  house  was 
delighted  above  measure  by  an  incidental  remark  of 
the  questioned  traveller,  to  the  effect  that  clothing 
and  finery  of  all  sorts  would  become  immensely  re 
duced  in  price  under  the  new  regime.  Wittingly  or 
unwittingly,  he  had  struck  a  chord  tender  in  the  uni- 


326  WOMAN  AND  HER  SPHERE. 

versal  female  heart,  and  her  Vivan  los  Americanos  I 
was  so  genuine  that  in  the  morning  she  could  hardly 
be  persuaded  to  accept  remuneration  for  her  trouble ; 
and  only,  at  last,  on  the  condition  of  her  guest  taking 
with  him  a  good  supply  of  her  cookery  for  future  use. 

"  California  women  are  an  interesting  race  in  many 
respects,"  writes  Hayes  in  his  Emigrant  Notes — "a 
kind-hearted,  amiable,  industrious  set.  I  like  them 
better  than  the  men.  These  have  their  virtues  too, 
as  well  as  their  faults.  They  have  all  the  politeness 
of  manner  of  the  Spanish  stock  whence  they  sprung, 
betraying  often  a  spice  of  the  Indian  character  with 
which  they  have  been  familiarized.  Especially  I  love 
the  children,  so  sprightly  and  quick  to  learn." 

"Formerly,"  says  Salvador  Vallejo,  "our  cattle 
roamed  by  thousands,  yet  not  one  was  stolen,  for  the 
unwritten  law  of  the  land  granted  to  the  weary  travel 
ler  the  privilege  of  killing  cattle  whenever  he  wanted 
beef.  Since  the  transfer  of  California  ....  many  na 
tive  Californians  have  been  hanged  for  stealing  cattle ; 
and  I  firmly  believe  that  some  of  the  victims  did  not 
know  that  under  the  new  government  it  was  a  crime 
to  kill  a  steer  of  which  he  had  not  a  bill  of  sale." 

Robinson  says  that  "the  men  are  generally  indolent 
and  addicted  to  many  vices,  caring  little  for  the  wel 
fare  of  their  children.  Yet  the  women  do  not  appear 
to  have  felt  this  bad  influence,  and  in  few  places  of 
the  world,  in  proportion  to  inhabitants,  can  be  found 
more  chastity,  industrious  habits,  and  correct  deport 
ment,  than  among  the  women.  It  is  not  unusual  to 
see  the  most  perfect  familiarity  between  the  two 
classes.  This  often  leads  strangers  to  form  incorrect 
opinions.  They  are  firm  to  the  observances  of  their 
church,  and  the  most  trifling  deviation  therefrom  is 
looked  upon  with  abhorrence." 

The  women  were  passionately  fond  of  fine,  showy 
dresses;  they  generally  exhibited  good  taste,  as  far  as 
they  had  the  means.  They  were  rather  pleasing  in 
their  dress,  with  not  a  great  deal  of  jewelry,  though 


FURTHER  PECULIARITIES.  327 

fond  of  it.  One  almost  universal  article  of  dress  was 
the  rebozo  to  cover  the  head  and  shoulders.  Some  of 
the  rebozos  were  very  fine  and  costly,  made  of  silk, 
others  were  of  cotton,  or  linen,  according  to  the  purse 
of  the  wearer. 

Previous  to  1830,  or  thereabout,  the  men  of  Cali 
fornia  were  of  good  morals.  Of  course  there  were  the 
disreputable,  drunkards,  gamblers,  men  who  abandoned 
their  families  to  want ;  but  such  cases  were  rare.  "  The- 
women  of  California,"  says  Amador,  "were  always 
noteworthy  for  their  excellent  conduct  as  daughters, 
sisters,  wives,  and  mothers.  They  were  virtuous  and 
industrious,  and  devoted  to  their  family  duties." 

Subsequent  to  1830  the  moral  tone  of  society  was 
lowered.  This  was  owing  to  the  more  extended  inter 
course  with  foreigners,  who  were  not  all  of  good 
character;  to  the  greater  facility  of  acquiring  means, 
and  to  political  disturbances — these  latter  in  particular 
opening  the  door  to  evil  customs  which  were  dissemi 
nated  amongst  the  men.  Gambling,  drunkenness, 
lewdness,  arid  vagrancy  became  common,  and  these 
vices  brought  in  their  train  theft,  which  was  necessary 
to  sustain  them. 

There  were  hundreds  of  little  peculiarities  and 
strange  ways,  most  of  which  dropped  out  of  use,  never 
having  been  recorded.  The  month  of  May  they  used 
to  call  Maria.  A  boy  must  not  take  his  first  shave 
without  permission  from  his  father,  who  seldom  gives 
it  before  the  age  of  twenty-two,  when  the  time  has 
come  for  him  to  marry. 

The  women,  at  intervals,  had  a  general  wash-up,  on 
which  occasions,  their  own  clothes  being  done,  they 
would  ask  their  neighbors  for  theirs,  and  demanded 

O 

no  recompense  for  the  work.  "My  clothes  were  thus 
often  washed  without  charge,"  says  Hijar.  When 
their  washing  was  concluded,  after  six  or  more  days, 
they  returned  home  and  feasted.  A  calf  was  killed, 
and  songs  and  joy  followed.  While  the  women  re- 


328  WOMAN  AND  HER  SPHERE. 

mained  at  the  creek,  under  the  arbor,  sleeping  in  the 
open  air,  the  males  of  the  family  regarded  this  camp 
as  their  home. 

The  aguadores  who  brought  water  from  the  Carmelo 
were  Indian  boys;  they  carried  a  forked  stick,  serving 
to  hold  up  one  cask  while  the  other  was  being  filled ; 
and  also  to  climb  up  behind  the  casks  where  they  rode 
on  the  ass'  rump.  "It  was  very  amusing,"  says  Al- 
varado,  "to  see  them  running  races,  and  often  decked 
in  bright-colored  flowers." 

Formerly  the  veleros,  or  manufacturers  of  tallow 
candles,  used  to  carry  them  for  sale  in  two  large  bas 
kets  on  the  back  of  a  burro;  but  after  the  coming  of 
the  cholos  the  candles  were  carried  on  the  shoulder 
fastened  round  the  circumference  of  two  hoops  which 
hung  from  the  ends  of  a  stick  four  feet  long,  some 
thing  in  the  Chinese  style. 

A  woman  from  Chile  thought  her  California  cousins 
preferred  the  floor  to  a  chair  to  sit  on,  as  they  rest 
better  so. 

While  Robinson  was  at  San  Diego,  in  1829,  Ban- 
dini's  house  was  bendecida,  or  blessed.  The  general, 
his  officers,  and  a  number  of  friends  were  present. 
The  ceremony  took  place  about  noon;  the  chaplain 
went  through  the  different  apartments  and  sprinkled 
holy -water  on  the  walls,  uttering  verses  in  Latin.  The 
party  then  sat  down  to  an  excellent  dinner,  after  which 
was  music  and  a  dance,  followed  in  the  evening  by  a 
fandango.  It  was  better  than  insurance,  and  not  so 
expensive. 

Sepulveda,  speaking  of  Pastoral  California,  says: 
"There  was  one  link  in  the  chain  of  society  of  those 
days  which  contributed  to  keep  in  a  strong  and  affec 
tionate  unison  the  social  relations  between  men.  It 
was  the  relation  of  compadre.  Whoever  stood  god 
father  or  godmother  to  a  child  was  the  compadre 
.or  comadre  of  the  father  and  mother  of  the  infant. 
Always  treating  each  other  with  respect  and  affection, 
and  having  the  child  as  a  living  token  of  their  esteem, 


LANGUAGE  OF  FLOWERS.  329 

it  was  rare  to  sec  these  pleasant  relations  disturbed. 
It  no  doubt  added  much  to  the  harmony  of  society." 

At  the  death  of  a  father  it  was  customary  for  the 
younger  brothers  to  respect  the  elder,  who  stood  in 
the  position  of  father  to  the  family.  Nothing  could 
have  a  better  effect,  that .  of  mutual  assistance  and 
trust  on  the  entire  family,  than  the  observance  of  this 
beautiful  custom. 

When  two  men  were  so  intimate  as  to  be  constantly 
together  in  order  to  indicate  a  feeling  deeper  than 
that  merely  of  a  friend,  they  designated  each  other  as 
valedor.  The  word  was  also  applied  by  the  rancheros 
to  any  one  whom  they  especially  appreciated  and 
trusted. 

The  extent  of  kinship  was  incalculable ;  for  to  such 
an  extent  had*  the  different  families  of  California 
intermarried,  that  all  were  akin  by  usage,  if  not  by 
blood. 

When  a  man  found  his  wife  enceinte,  he  invited  the 
persons  whom  it  was  agreed  to  make  padrinos  or  god 
parents,  and  they  at  once  began  preparations,  accord 
ing  to  their  means,  although  it  wanted  five  or  more 
months  till  the  event.  Fifteen  or  twenty  days  after 
delivery,  the  new  creature  was  taken  to  the  parish 
church  to  be  baptized.  On  going  to  the  house  to  take 
the  infant  to  church,  the  padrinos  marched  through 
the  streets  playing  instruments,  to  testify  their  joy. 
The  family  came  to  the  door  to  receive  them,  and 
then  all  marched  to  church,  playing  on  the  way. 

After  the  ceremony,  the  party  was  received  outside 
by  some  who  waited  for  them,  with  rockets,  bell-toll 
ing,  and  music,  and  all  joined  to  accompany  them  to 
the  house  of  the  parents,  to  which  the  padre  was 
invited.  All  comers  were  regaled  with  panecito, 
bread  made  for  the  occasion,  and  slices  of  watermelon, 
and  other  refreshment,  called  by  the  general  name 
volo.  To  the  padre  and  his  assistants  some  money 
was  given,  and  presents  distributed  by  the  godparents. 
Then  began  a  ball,  lasting  one  or  two  days.  The 


330  WOMAN  AND  HER  SPHERE. 

nearest  relatives  were  expected  to  attend  the  baptism 
without  invitation :  others  were  invited.  The  baptism 
took  place  at  night.  Those  who  lived  far  from  the 
mission  had  it  done  on  Sundays  after  mass. 

From  Jose  de  Jesus  Vallejo  I  have  the  language  of 
flowers,  as  rendered  by  Governor  Chico  in  1836,  and 
accepted  throughout  California  in  the  interpretation 
of  a  gift  of  flowers :  Yerba  buena,  I  wish  to  be  useful ; 
white  Indian  cress  (nasturtium),  I  wish  to  be  a  nun ; 
red  Indian  cress  (tropoeolum  majus),  my  heart  is  drip 
ping  blood ;  tuberose,  I  wait  for  thee ;  red  rose,  thou 
art  the  queen  of  thy  sex;  white  rose,  thou  art  the 
queen  of  purity;  passion  flower,  hatred  and  rancor; 
hundred  leaves,  I  am  dying  for  thee;  turnsol,  I  can 
not  bear  the  sight  of  thee ;  dahlia,  I  love  only  thee  in 
this  world;  jasmine,  thou  art  a  coquette;  red  pink,  I 
am  justified  in  feeling  jealous;  hortensia,  I  want  to 
marry  thee ;  violet,  modesty ;  geranium,  I  will  always 
love  thee;  evergreen,  my  love  will  be  eternal;  the 
winter  gillyflower,  I  sigh  for  thee. 

Captain  H.  S.  Burton  fell  in  love  with  the  charm 
ing  Californian,  Maria  del  Amparo  Ruiz,  born  at  Lo- 
reto,  and  aged  sixteen.  She  promised  to  marry  him. 
The  servants  reported  this  to  a  certain  ranchero  who 
had  been  unsuccessfully  paying  his  addresses  to  her, 
and  he  informed  Padre  GonzaTez,  saying  that  a  cath 
olic  should  not  marry  a  protestant.  The  padre 
thanked  the  man  in  a  letter,  which  the  latter  hawked 
about  offensively,  out  of  spite,  because  his  suit  had 
been  rejected.  But  for  all  this,  the  Loreto  girl 
married  the  Yankee  captain.  Although  a  heretical 
marriage,  Rubio,  guardian  of  the  see,  deemed  it 
discreet  not  to  declare  it  null,  but  to  remove  the 
impediments.  He  accordingly  allowed  the  marriage 
before  the  padre  at  Santa  Barbara,  before  two 
witnesses,  omitting  proclamas  conciliares,  nuptial 
benediction,  and  other  solemnities,  but  with  the 
condition  that  the  wife  should  not  be  seduced  from 
the  church,  that  the  children  should  be  educated 


A  LOVE  STORY.  331 

as  catholics,  and  that  the  wife  should  pray  God  to 
convert  the  captain  to  the  church. 

Meanwhile  the  guardian  of  the  diocese  learned  with 
great  satisfaction  of  the  pains  the  alcalde  was  at  to 
prevent  the  protestant  clergyman  at  Monterey  from 
authorizing  the  marriage  of  Captain  Burton  and 
Maria  del  Amparo  Ruiz — she  being  a  catholic — and 
on  the  23d  of  August,  1847,  Governor  Mason  ordered 
all  the  authorities  of  California  not  to  authorize  any 
marriage  where  either  of  the  parties  was  a  catholic. 
Padre  Gonzalez  understood  that  this  order  was  bind 
ing,  and  therefore  to  be  observed  until  rescinded  by 
competent  authority.  As  this  order  was  necessary 
in  order  that  catholics  might  not  contract  marriages 
which  would  be  null,  Gonzalez  wrote  to  the  governor, 
requesting  him  to  ratify  his  predecessor's  order,  and 
if  necessary  call  the  attention  of  all  the  authorities 
thereto.  Padre  Gonzalez  again  thanked  the  alcalde 
for  his  zeal  in  preventing  the  infringement  of  the  laws 
of  Catholicism  by  any  catholic  attempting  to  marry 
according  to  the  protestant  rite,  and  hoped  for  his 
aid  in  seeing  that  no  innovation  be  made,  but  that 
the  government  ratified  Mason's  order. 

Concepcion  Maria  Argtiello,  daughter  of  Jose  Dario 
Argtiello,  who  had  been  governor  of  California  in 
1814-15,  and  sister  of  Luis  Argliello,  who  was  ap 
pointed  governor  in  1822,  was  a  beautiful  girl  of  good 
education  and  refined  manners.  She  was  residing  in 
the  fort  of  San  Francisco  in  1807  at  the  time  of  the 
arrival  in  California  of  the  Russian  frigate  Juno,  hav 
ing  on  board  as  passenger  Count  Rezanof,  grand 
chamberlain  of  the  Russian  emperor,  who  fell  in  love 
with  the  young  Californian,  and  with  her  consent 
requested  her  parents  to  allow  him  to  marry  her.  To 
this  proposal  they  agreed,  deeming  it  highly  advan 
tageous  to  be  related  by  marriage  to  the  young  diplo- 
mate.  Count  Rezanof  took  his  departure  from  Cali 
fornia,  intending  to  go  to  Russia,  and  there  make 
the  necessary  arrangement  for  his  intended  marriage. 


332  WOMAN  AND  HER  SPHERE. 

but  unfortunately,  while  crossing  a  desert,  he  fell  from 
his  horse  and  was  killed. 

On  receipt  of  the  terrible  news,  the  fair  Concepcion, 
arrayed  as  a  beata,  that  is  to  say,  one  who  wears  a  re 
ligious  habit,  and  is  engaged  in  works  of  charity,  left 
San  Francisco  and  went  to  Santa  Barbara,  where  she 
spent  her  time  in  the  small  church  of  the  Franciscan 
friars,  and  at  night  retired  to  the  room  allotted  to  her 
in  the  house  of  Captain  De  la  Guerra.  During  the 
many  years  she  thus  lived,  the  young  men  of  Santa 
Barbara  tried  their  utmost  to  induce  her  to  take  part 
in  their  festivities,  and  some  went  so  far  as  to  insist 
that  she  should  marry,  but  all  to  no  purpose.  Had 
she  not  narrowly  missed  being  a  countess?  So  she 
continued  her  works  of  charity  and  humiliation,  going 
into  the  miserable  dwellings  of  the  neophytes,  where 
she  spent  hour  after  hour  attending  to  the  wants  of 
some  dying  Indian,  or  teaching  young  children  the 
Christian  doctrine.  Finally,  when  the  good  sisters  of 
Saint  Dominic,  in  1850,  opened  in  the  town  of  Benicia 
the  academy  of  Saint  Catherine,  she  repaired  to  their 
convent,  and  resided  there  until  1860,  when  she  died,  at 
the  advanced  age  of  seventy-six  years.  This  incident 
is  given  as  an  example  to  be  followed  by  all  good  Cali 
fornia  girls  who  so  narrowly  miss  becoming  countesses ! 

About  the  year  1837,  the  wild  Indians  of  Lower 
California  fell  upon  the  rancho  of  Pio  Pico,  killed  some 
people,  and  carried  off  the  daughters,  Tomasa  and 
Ramona,  of  Ley  va,  the  majordomo. 

The  wife  of  Licentiate  Cosine  Pena,  ex-asesor  of 
California,  eloped  with  a  musician  named  Arias.  On 
their  journey,  they  were  captured  by  Indians  of  the 
Colorado  river;  he  was  killed,  and  she  kept  as  a  wife 
of  one  of  the  chiefs.  She  was  later  captured  from 
them  by  the  Indians  Castucho,  Martin,  and  others, 
who  held  Tomasa  and  Ramona. 

The  occupations  of  the  women  were  not  only  much 
superior,  but  more  laborious  and  continual,  than  those 
of  the  men.  The  kitchen  was,  of  course,  in  their  en- 


MANNERS  AND  MORALITY.  333 

tire  charge,  or  at  least  under  their  supervision.  Many 
of  them  made  bread,  candles,  soap,  and  even  worked 
in  the  field.  Needlework  was  in  constant  demand, 
and  in  every  form.  They  made  their  own  garments, 
as  well  as  those  of  their  fathers,  husbands,  and  broth 
ers,  all  calling  for  embellishments  in  the  way  of  em 
broidery,  fine  stitching,  etc.  The  utmost  care  and 
taste  were  displayed  in  the  beds  and  bedding,  the 
linen  being  embroidered,  or  otherwise  adorned. 
Clothing  being  expensive,  economy  demanded  that 
they  should  be  kept  well  mended,  and  made,  when 
possible,  to  look  almost  new.  Pressing  was  done 
with  the  hand  until  the  piece  became  perfectly  smooth. 

The  well-to-do  of  both  sexes  used  the  best  material 
they  could  procure,  silk,  wool,  velvet,  etc.  The  poorer 
classes,  while  dressing  in  the  same  style,  had  to  be 
content  with  inferior  goods. 

The  women  daily  braided  the  hair  of  their  male 
relatives  till  late  times,  as  long  as  queues  were  in 
fashion.  The  hair  was  usually  parted  in  the  middle, 
and  thrown  over  the  back  and  tied ;  one  braid  of  three 
tresses  was  then  made,  a  la  Chinois.  Most  men  tied 
a  black  silk  kerchief  round  the  head,  with  the  knot 
behind  or  above  the  forehead.  The  women  let  the 
hair  cover  their  ears,  parted  in  the  middle,  and  braided, 
as  with  the  men.  Lugo  has  it  that  men  shaved  all 
the  beard,  except  that  from  the  temple  to  the  border 
of  the  jaw.  The  shaving  was  usually  done  every 
third  day,  and  certainly  on  Saturday  afternoon  or 
Sunday  morning. 

Living  in  concubinage  by  the  common  people  was 
considered,  during  the  Spanish  domination,  a  heinous 
offence,  and  was  severely  punished.  The  man  would 
be  condemned  to  hard  labor  in  irons,  and  exile  for  a 
number  of  years.  The  woman  had  her  hair  clipped 
short,  and  was  forced  to  stand  with  a  puppet-babe  at 
her  breast  at  the  church  door  every  Sunday  at  the 
hour  of  mass,  during  a  month  or  so,  that  she  might 
serve  as  a  warning. 


334  WOMAN  AND  HER  SPHERE. 

About  1829  or  1830,  during  Governor  Echeandia's 
term,  it  was  judicially  proved  that  a  soldier  of  the 
Monterey  company  was  holding  illicit  relations  with 
a  woman  and  her  daughter  at  the  same  time,  and  that 
the  latter  was  pregnant  by  him.  These  facts  having 
become  known  to  Father  Ramon  Abella,  he  reported 
them  to  the  authorities.  The  result  of  the  trial  was 
that  the  soldier  was  made  to  marry  the  pregnant 
woman.  The  man  and  woman,  from  the  day  of  the 
first  publication  of  the  bans,  were  compelled  to  kneel 
near  the  presbytery,  in  full  sight  of  the  public,  bound 
together  by  the  neck  with  a  thick  hempen  rope,  and 
having  before  them  a  washtub  filled  with  green  grass, 
representing  the  manger  of  a  stable,  to  signify  that 
the  man  and  woman  had  been  living  like  beasts.  At 
each  publication  of  the  bans,  Father  Abella  delivered 
remarks  from  the  pulpit  relevant  to  the  subject,  to 
remind  his  flock  that  the  penalties  of  hell  would  cer 
tainly  befall  those  who  indulged  in  incestuous  prac 
tices.  The  couple  afterward  lived  happily  together, 
and  had  a  numerous  family.  Their  descendants  live 
in  California,  and  flourish  to  this  day. 


CHAPTER  XI. 

PASTURES   AND   FIELDS. 

There  Jove  accords  a  lengthened  spring, 
And  winter  wanting  winter's  sting, 
And  sunny  Aulon's  broad  incline 
Such  mettle  puts  into  the  vine, 
Its  clusters  need  not  envy  those 
Which  fiery  Falerimm  grows. 

Horace. 

FOR  many  years  cattle-raising  was  the  chief  if  not 
the  sole  occupation  of  the  Hispano-Californians.  It 
was  a  mode  of  life  well  suited  to  their  temper  and 
habits.  There  was  little  work  about  it,  little  of  the 
drudgery  of  labor  such  as  attended  agriculture  and 
manufactures;  and  if  in  the  pursuit  there  was  little  of 
the  sweet  power  that  displays  itself  in  the  domination 
of  men,  the  ranchero  might  at  least  rule  cattle. 

Then,  too,  stock-raising  brought  men  up  to  a  level; 
for  in  wealth  and  occupation  there  was  here  in  those 
days  a  low  level  and  a  high  level.  Upon  the  low 
level  rested  contented  those  who  had  nothing;  upon 
the  high  level  were  those  who  had  something.  Be 
tween  something  and  a  hundred  times  more,  there  was 
little  difference.  Land  in  itself  was  valueless,  so  that 
it  made  little  difference  whether  one's  possessions  were 
counted  by  acres  or  square  leagues.  So  with  live 
stock.  Four  thousand  of  any  kind  was  as  satisfying 
as  forty  thousand,  or  four  hundred  thousand,  as  a 
moderate  number  was  more  than  a  man  could  sell,  and 
as  many  as  he  cared  to  attend  to.  Hence  as  the 
horses  .  and  cattle  brought  from  Mexico  increased, 

O 

until  the  proper  care  of  them  involved  more  exertion 

(335) 


336  PASTURES  AND  FIELDS. 

than  the  owner  cared  to  put  forth,  they  were  allowed 
to  relapse  into  barbarism,  grow  wild,  and  range  at  will 
over  the  San  Joaquin  and  Sacramento  plains. 

Such  was  the  state  of  things  that  for  a  time  any 
one  might  kill  cattle  at  pleasure  for  food,  so  long  as 
the  hide  was  placed  within  easy  reach  of  the  owner. 
But  later,  when  immigration  set  in,  values  began  to  be 
set  on  cattle.  A  large  amount  of  stock  fell  into  the 
possession  of  the  officers  of  Micheltorena,  who,  seeing 
that  the  revolution  was  about  to  come,  sold  these 
animals  to  Spence,  Fitch,  and  other  foreigners. 

In  the  early  days  it  was  common  for  Californians  to 
go  in  companies  to  catch  wild  horses  on  the  Mariposa 
plains  and  elsewhere  at  certain  seasons  of  the  year, 
carrying  brandy,  tobacco,  and  other  articles  for  festive 
enjoyment.  Sutter  says  there  were  vast  droves  of 
wild  horses  in  the  San  Joaquin  and  Tulare  valleys, 
bred  from  those  stolen  by  the  Indians  from  the  mis 
sions.  They  rapidly  increased  into  immense  droves. 
They  were  not  claimed  by  the  Indians,  to  whom  it 
came  easier  to  steal  horses  when  they  wanted  them 
than  to  tame  them.  Later,  Americans  and  Califor 
nians  went  there  and  lassoed  them,  catching  all  they 
wanted.  There  were  few  wild  horses  in  the  Sacra 
mento  Valley  when  Sutter  went  there. 

Bidwell  affirms  that  in  1842  there  were  many  sheep 
in  some  places.  On  the  rancho  of  Livermore  were 
6,000,  and  Sutter  had  1,000.  They  were  small  and 
the  wool  rather  coarse.  There  were  a  few  fine  hogs; 
one  weighing  200  pounds  was  worth  $4  or  $5.  The 
cattle  were  very  large,  and  were  in  great  numbers. 
There  was  no  regular  price  for  them,  but  it  stood  at 
about  $4  per  head.  Hides  were  worth  $2 ;  tallow  $6  per 
100  pounds.  Horses  were  very  numerous,  and  worth 
from  $8  to  $30.  Mares  were  never  worked  or  ridden, 
and  were  worth  from  $3  to  $5.  The  mules  were  large 
and  fine,  and  worth  $10  unbroken,  and  $15  broken. 
Jacks  were  worth  from  $100  to  $200  each.  Broken 
oxen  fetched  $25. 


AGRICULTURAL  INDUSTRY.  337 

The  missionaries  generally  had  a  manual  on  agri 
culture,  which  they  followed  in  the  cultivation  of  the 
soil.  In  planting  wheat  they  would  soak  the  seed  in 
lye.  This  was  the  practice  in  Spanish  times,  and 
was  continued  after  the  country  became  separated 
from  Spanish  domination.  Cultivation  of  produce  in 
the  district  of  Monterey  was  limited  to  the  space 
lying  between  the  Tucho  and  the  Pilarcitos,  in  small 
portions,  apart  from  the  plantations  at  Alisal,  the 
Sauzal,  Natividad,  San  Cayetano,  Bolsa  del  Pdjaro, 
Corralitos,  Salsipuedes,  Las  Aromas,  a  portion  of  the 
San  Juan,  valley,  San  Felipe,  San  Isidro,  the  Carnea- 
dero,  and  La  Brea,  besides  El  Carmelo. 

Special  droves  of  mares  were  provided  at  the  mis 
sions  and  on  ranchos,  with  jackasses  to  raise  mules. 
And  in  order  to  arouse  the  passions  of  the  former  to 
the  point  of  allowing  themselves  to  be  approached  by 
the  latter,  there  were  caballos  volteados,  which  with 
out  being  capable  of  procreating,  brought  about  the  de 
sired  effect. 

Severe  droughts  were  often  experienced.  In  1809- 
10  the  missions  and  presidios  suffered  greatly  for 
pasturage  and  crops,  especially  the  horses  for  the  use 
of  the  troops  and  mission  vaqueros.  In  1820-21 
there  was  another  visitation  of  the  same  kind,  and 
the  live-stock  of  the  missions,  now  increased  to  400,- 
000,  had  much  difficulty  in  finding  grass  enough  to 
keep  them  in  condition  fit  for  food.  It  was  more 
severely  felt  than  that  of  1809-10.  Governor  Sola 
caused  a  large  number  of  mares  to  be  sold.  Past  ex 
perience  had  taught  the  missionaries  the  necessity  of 
laying  up  grain,  dried  meat,  fat,  etc.,  for  two  years. 
They  also  had  trained  fishermen  to  furnish  food  from 
the  sea,  not  only  in  keeping  lent,  and  weekly  one 
day's  abstinence  from  meat,  but  in  order  that  mussels 
and  fish,  so  abundant  on  the  coast,  should  help  to 
economize  the  laid  up  stores.  In  1823  a  special  dis 
pensation  was  issued  by  Senan,  the  father-president, 
to  use  meat,  eggs,  etc.,  on  forbidden  days,  owing  to 


CAL.  PAST.    22 


338  PASTURES  AND  FIELDS. 

the  scarcity  of  maize  and  beans,  from  want  of  rains, 
especially  in  the  south,  which  was  further  intensified 
by  a  plague  of  locusts  and  caterpillars.  In  the  season 
of  1824-25,  the  best  known  in  California  from  1770 
to  1864,  sufficient  water  fell  to  keep,  together  with 
the  ordinary  winter  rains,  the  pastures  and  sowings 
in  excellent  condition  until  the  great  drought  of  22 
months  between  the  rains  of  1828  and  1830,  during 
which  the  wells  and  springs  of  Monterey  gave  out, 
and  water  for  the  use  of  families  had  to  be  brought 
from  the  Carmelo  river,  three  miles  distant.  Hardly 
any  crops  were  obtained,  and  it  was  estimated  that 
fully  40,000  head  of  horses  and  neat  cattle  perished 
throughout  the  province.  Hundreds  of  mares  were 
killed,  and  many  were  sold  by  the  missions  at  25  and 
5o  cents  each.  At  Purisima  several  large  droves, 
as  reported,  were  driven  over  the  cliff  into  the  sea  to 
speedily  kill  them,  so  as  to  save  pasture  for  the  cattle 
and  sheep.  To  the  north  of  San  Juan  Bautista  the 
grass  was  in  better  condition  than  to  the  south.  At 
this  time  Governor  Echeandia  was  secularizing  the 
missions,  and  the  padres  took  a  great  dislike  to  the 
raising  of  sheep ;  and  indeed  the  native  Californians 
generally  had  the  same  feeling,  sheep  being  by  them 
considered  beneath  the  attention  of  rancheros  and 
vaqueros.  The  season  of  1840-41,  some  years  after 
the  secularization  of  the  missions,  in  which  no  rain 
worth  mentioning  fell  for  fourteen  consecutive  months, 
was  severely  felt,  particularly  south  of  Soledad;  but 
not  nearly  so  many  animals  perished  as  in  the  drought 
of  1828-30.  In  fact  they  were  now  scattered,  and 
better  cared  for.  Large  quantities  having  died  dur 
ing  that  visitation,  or  been  destroyed  by  wolves, 
coyotes,  and  bears,  added  to  the  dislike  of  the  raiich- 
eros  to  herd  them,  their  number  had  been  reduced  to 
less  than  20,000  from  about  153,000  in  1831.  Sub 
sequent  droughts  do  not  come  within  the  scope  of  this 
book,  having  occurred  after  the  period  embraced  in 
the  pastoral  period  of  California. 


CUSTOMS  OF  THE  CATTLE-RAISERS. 


339 


STATISTICS  OF   1834. 


Mission. 

Date  of 
Foundation. 

Indians. 

Horned 
Cattle. 

Horses. 

Sheep, 
Goats, 
and 
Pigs. 

Harvest 

San  Diego 

June  16  1769 

2  500 

12  000 

1  800 

17  000 

Bush. 
13  000 

San  Luis  Rey  
San  Juan  Capistrano 
San  Gabriel.  . 

June  13,  1798. 
Nov.  1,  1776. 
Sept  8  1771 

3,500 
1,700 
^  700 

80,000 
70,000 
105  000 

10,000 
1,900 
20  000 

100,000 
10,000 
40  000 

14,000 
10,000 
20  000 

San  Fernando 

Sept  8  1797 

1  500 

14  000 

5  000 

7  000 

8  000 

San  Buenaventura.  . 
Santa  Barbara 

Mar.  31,  1782. 
Dec  4  1786 

1,100 
1  200 

4,000 
5  000 

1,000 
1  200 

6,000 
5  000 

3,000 
3  000 

Santa  Ines  

Sept  17  1804 

1  300 

14'  ooo 

1  200 

12  000 

3  500 

Purfsima 

Dec  8  1787 

900 

15  000 

2  000 

14'  ooo 

6  000 

San  Luis  Obispo  
San  Miguel 

Sept.  1,  1771. 
July  25   1797 

1,250 
2  000 

9,000 
4  000 

4,000 
2  500 

7,000 
10  000 

4,000 
2  500 

San  Antonio. 

July  14   1771 

1  400 

12  000 

2  000 

14  000 

3  000 

Soledad  
Carmelo.            

Oct.  9,  1791.  . 
June  3  1770 

700 
500 

6,000 
3  000 

1,200 
700 

7,000 
7  000 

2,500 
1  500 

San  Juan  Bautista.  . 
Santa  Cruz  

June  24,  1799. 
Aug  28  1791 

1,450 
600 

9,000 
8  000 

1,200 
800 

9,000 
10  000 

3,500 
2  500 

Santa  Clara 

Jan    18  1777 

1  800 

13  000 

1  200 

15  000 

6  000 

Sail  Jose  .... 

June  18  1797 

2  300 

2400 

1  100 

19  000 

10  000 

San  Francisco  
San  Rafael... 

Oct.  9,  1776.. 
Dec   18  1817 

500 
1  250 

5,000 
3  000 

1,600 
500 

4,000 
4  500 

2,500 
1  500 

Solano 

Aug  25  18°3 

1  300 

3  000 

700 

4  000 

3  000 

Total  . 

31,450 

396,400 

61  600 

321  500 

123  000 

STATISTICS   OF    1842. 


Mission. 

Indians. 

Cattle. 

Horses. 

Sheep,  Goats, 
and  Pigs. 

San  Diego. 

500 

20 

100 

200 

San  Luis  Rey  

650 

2  800 

400 

4  000 

San  Juan  Capistrano  
San  Gabriel  

100 

500 

500 
700 

150 

500 

200 
3  500 

San  Fernando.  .  . 

400 

1  500 

400 

2  000 

San  Buenaventura.. 

300 

200 

40 

400 

Santa  Barbara 

400 

1  800 

180 

400 

Santa  Ines  

250 

10000 

500 

4  000 

Purfsima  

60 

800 

300 

3  500 

San  Luis  Obispo  

80 

300 

200 

800 

San  Miguel. 

30 

40 

50 

400 

San  Antonio  

150 

800 

500 

2  000 

Soledad.. 

20 

Carmelo  

40 

San  Juan  Bautista. 

80 

Santa  Cruz  

50 

Santa  Clara  

300 

1  500 

250 

3  000 

San  Jose  

400 

8,000 

200 

7,000 

San  Francisco.  .    .  . 

50 

60 

50 

200 

San  Rafael  

20 

Solano.    . 

70 

Total  

4  450 

29,020 

3  820 

31  600 

340  PASTURES  AND  FIELDS. 

When  an  hacendado  wished  to  nuquear  or  slaughter 
his  cattle,  he  sent  six  men  on  horseback,  who  rode  at 
full  speed  over  the  fields,  armed  with  knives.  Passing 
near  an  animal,  one  gave  it  a  blow  with  the  knife  in 
the  nerve  of  the  nape  of  the  neck,  and  it  fell  dead. 
These  nuqueadores  passed  on,  and  were  followed  as  by 
a  flock  of  hungry  vultures,  by  dozens  of  peladores, 
who  took  off  the  hides.  Next  came  the  tasajeros,  who 
cut  up  the  meat  into  tasajo  and  pulpa;  and  the  funeral 
procession  was  closed  by  a  swarm  of  Indian  women, 
who  gathered  the  tallow  and  lard  in  leather  hampers. 
The  fat  was  afterward  tried  out  in  large  iron  or  cop 
per  kettles,  and  after  cooling  somewhat  was  put  up  in 
skin  botas,  containing  on  an  average  20  arrobas,  or 
500  pounds.  It  was  sold  in  1840  afc  $2  per  arroba, 
half  in  money  and  half  in  goods.  A  field  after  the 
nuqueo  looked  like  Waterloo  after  the  charge  of  the 
old  guard. 

Marsh  says  that  in  Mexican  times  one  man  had  500 
saddle-horses  for  the  use  of  his  rancho.  One  mission 
had  100,000  horses  and  mules.  Cattle  were  killed  off 
on  the  mission  lands  after  the  secularization  in  1834; 
it  commenced  in  1832,  and  continued  until  checked  by 
the  governor.  They  were  on  the  decrease  until  1840. 
" Sheep  are  small,"  remarks  Clymer,  "and  produce  a 
small  quantity  of  coarse  wool  along  the  back,  the  belly 
being  entirely  bare.  Their  cattle  are  of  good  size,  and 
handsomely  built.  Some  farms  or  ranches  have  from 
five  to  twenty  thousand  head  of  such  stock  on  them, 
with  large  stocks  of  horses  and  sheep."  The  way  the 
padres  estimated  their  stock  was  to  count  those  they 
branded.  If  these  were  5,000,  they  estimated  15,000 
for  the  year. 

A  great  number  of  vaqueros,  or  mounted  herdsmen, 
were  necessary  to  look  after  the  stock,  which  was  half 
wild  at  best.  At  San  Jose,  at  a  rodeo,  or  gathering 
of  stock  for  the  purpose  of  counting  it,  Visitador  Hart- 
nell  says  that  Administrator  Castro  was  assisted  by  a 
mayordomo  and  fifty  vaqueros. 


THE  LASSO.  341 

The  yearly  rodeo  was  not  only  for  branding  and 
dividing  stock,  but  for  making  the  cattle  accustomed 
to  a  certain  place,  and  prevent  their  going  hopelessly 
wild. 

The  missions  had  a  weekly  rodeo,  and  killed  twenty 
or  thirty  or  more  cattle  for  provisions.  The  Indians 
killed  them  before  a  mayordomo  de  campo,  who  dis 
tributed  the  meat  for  the  week.  The  razon  people 
came  to  cut  for  themselves.  The  bones  were  left  in 
the  corral  till  the  following  Friday,  when  they  were 
piled  up  outside  of  the  rodeo.  Each  mission  had 
three  corrals,  one  for  cattle,  the  others  for  sheep  and 
horses. 

On  Friday  morning  some  neophytes  were  sent  to 
bring  in  stock  for  the  Saturday  slaughter.  On  Satur 
day  morning  some  mounted  Indians  lassoed  and 
brought  out  the  stock  from  the  corral,  for  other  In 
dians.  These  lassoed  the  beast  by  peal,  threw  it, 
killed,  flayed,  and  cut  it  up.  Head,  spine,  and  intes 
tines  were  rejected.  The  fat  was  dragged  to  the 
mission  in  the  hide.  Thus  twenty  or  thirty  heads 
were  killed  weekly  for  food. 

When  the  year  was  bad  and  pastures  meagre  the 
padres  ordered  a  desviejar,  that  is,  the  killing  of  old 
stock.  On  such  occasions,  Indians  and  white  men 
were  armed  with  lances,  and  entered  the  corrals 
mounted.  They  were  also  hunted  up  in  the  fields. 
The  hides  were  taken  off,  and  the  flesh  left  for  beasts 
and  birds,  or  for  the  Indians. 

Markoff  tells  of  a  novel  way  of  catching  wild  oxen 
in  California.  A  trained  ox  was  taken  out  with  the 
hunter.  The  wild  ox  was  then  lassoed  and  bound, 
after  which  his  horns  were  tied  to  those  of  the  trained 
ox,  which  dragged  him  home  to  be  slaughtered.  This 
was  to  avoid  carrying  the  meat  a  long  distance. 
Wild  horses  were  caught  at  the  watering-places  by 
lasso,  or  by  false  corrals.  When  several  had  been 
caught  they  were  tied  in  pairs  and  driven  home,  or  to 
the  next  catching-place. 


342  PASTURES  AND  FIELDS. 

The  dexterity  of  the  Californians  with  the  lasso  was 
surprising.  As  for  their  horsemanship  they  were  not 
surpassed  by  the  Cossacks  of  Tartary.  "It  is  com 
mon,"  says  Bidwell,  "for  them  to  take  up  things  from 
the  ground  going  upon  a  full  run  with  their  horses. 
They  will  pick  up  a  dollar  in  this  way.  They  fre 
quently  engage  the  bear  on  the  plain  with  their  las 
soes,  and  two  holding  him  in  opposite  directions  with 
ropes  fastened  to  the  pommels  of  their  saddles.  I  was 
informed  that  two  young  boys  encountered  a  large 
buck  elk  in  the  plains,  and  having  no  saddles,  fastened 
the  ropes  round  the  horses'  necks,  and  actually  dragged 
the  huge  animal  into  the  settlements  alive." 

Morineau  writes :  "  Dans  la  vue  de  menager  les 
pacages  pour  les  bceufs,  un  arrete  de  gouvernement 
defend  a  chaque  particulier  d'avoir  plus  de  20  jumento 
poulinieres.  C'est  aussi  par  le  meme  motif  que  Ton 
fait  tuer  tous  les  ans,  plusieurs  milliers  de  chevaux 
sauvages,  bien  que  Ton  ne  tire  aucun  parti  de  leurs 
depouilles."  Mules  were  employed  on  hard  labor, 
and  asses  were  kept  for  their  reproduction.  Each 
mission  possessed  10,000  or  12,000  sheep.  The 
Creoles  raised  few  sheep.  The  wool  was  good,  but 
that  used  in  the  country  was  made  only  into  coarse 
stuffs.  Pigs  were  not  raised  at  the  missions,  as  the 
Creoles  did  not  care  for  the  flesh,  and  the  Indians  have 
always  had  a  horror  of  it. 

Writes  the  governor,  July  7,  1844,  to  the  alcalde  of 
San  Francisco:  "The  French  fragata  and  other  ves 
sels  may  buy  stock  in  San  Francisco,  but  none  must 
sell  a  heifer  at  less  than  six  dollars,  or  abuse  will 
spring  up  and  injure  the  country." 

In  the  session  of  assembly  of  July  24,  1834,  the 
comision  de  gobernacion  presented  a  dictdmen  on  the 
petition  of  Chabolla  to  catch  (correr)  mesteno  stock 
for  urgent  want.  Permission  was  thereupon  granted 
to  any  one  under  the  same  plea,  on  condition  of  giving 
one  fifth  to  the  nation.  The  sindico  was  to  account 
for  the  one  fifth,  leaving  it  in  care  of  the  grantee.  The 


STOCK  REGULATIONS.  343 

grantee  was  to  destroy  (tumbar)  the  corrals  erected 
for  the  purpose.  This  license  was  valid  for  once  only, 
at  the  judgment  of  the  ayuntarniento,  which  would 
determine  the  time  when  each  one  should  perform  the 
corrida. 

One  Villavicencio,  May  17,  1830,  was  given  a  per 
mit  to  go  after  runaway  cattle  between  the  Final  del 
Temascal  and  the  Sierra  de  la  Panocha.  He  was  to 
report  the  events  which  might  take  place,  names  of 
those  who  accompanied  him,  and  the  marks  on  the 
ears,  in  order  that  he  might  be  paid  immediately  ac 
cording  to  custom. 

Victoria,  writing  to  the  minister  of  relations  on  the 
7th  of  June,  1831,  says:  "As  regards  caballar,  the  wild 
kind  called  mesteiio  inundate  the  fields.  Formerly 
there  were  large  slaughters;  this  he  has  restrained, 
thinking  that  this  slaughter  should  be  made  useful  if 
only  in  the  hides." 

On  the  21st  of  June,  Figueroa  wrote  to  the  alcalde 
of  San  Jose  that  the  assembly  had  ordered  that  every 
owner  of  stock  and  horses  and  his  paid  servants  should 
meet  to  give  personal  aid  at  the  customary  rodeos, 
without  excepting  his  sons,  if  he  should  have  any  old 
enough.  No  persons  might  excuse  themselves  or 
others  from  helping  without  some  good  reason.  Per 
sons  exempted  from  these  services  were  mechanics, 
non-owners  of  stock,  those  physically  impeded,  sexa 
genarians,  except  their  sons  and  paid  servants,  in  case 
the  exempt  parties  owned  stock. 

In  the  San  Diego  archives  I  find  a  decree  of  Feb 
ruary  1835,  in  which  the  assembly  declares  that  150 
head  of  cattle  are  needed  to  entitle  the  owner  to  a 
brand.  The  alcalde  must  determine  who  shall  have 
a  brand  and  who  a  mark. 

A  person  desiring  to  make  use  of  a  particular  iron 
for  marking  cattle  petitioned  the  juez  de  paz  to  that 
effect;  fac-sirniles  of  the  fierro  and  venta  accompanied 
the  petition.  The  juez  decreed  in  accordance  with  the 
petition,  and  registered  the  marks  in  the  libro  de  regis- 


344  PASTURES  AND  FIELDS. 

tros.  The  municipal  regulations  of  San  Jose,  of  Jan 
uary  16,  1835,  say  that  none  might  mark,  brand,  or 
kill  stock  except  on  days  designated  by  the  ayuntami- 
ento,  and  never  without  permit  of  the  juez  de  campo, 
who  should  inform  the  alcalde  of  such.  Penalty  for  first 
offence  twenty  reales;  whoever  lassoed  or  saddled  a 
beast  not  belonging  to  him  should  pay  $9,  and  as  much 
more  as  the  owner  claimed  in  justice. 

California  was  infested  by  Mexican  convicts,  who, 
knowing  that  they  could  make  no  use  of  stolen  cattle  if 
not  bearing  the  mark  of  the  seller,  were  accustomed  to 
forge  the  brands  of  well-known  sellers,  thus  causing 
great  confusion.  A  few  were  arrested;  but  the  local 
authorities  did  not  understand  the  magnitude  of  the 
crime,  and  simply  exiled  the  prisoners  to  other  pueblos, 
where  they  went  on  with  the  traffic. 

"In  1843,"  says  Bias  Pena,  "I  slaughtered  with  my 
men  1,300  heads  of  cattle  in  Captain  Fitch's  rancho. 
Part  of  the  meat  I  made  into  tasajo,  that  is  to  say,  it 
was  jerked  and  dried;  the  rest  was  pickled.  The  tal 
low  was  sent  to  the  United  States  in  guts,  or  bladders, 
or  hides.  The  green  hides  were  stretched  on  the 
ground  until  they  became  sufficiently  aired,  when  they 
were  folded  and  sewed  with  an  awl,  an  opening  being 
left  near  the  neck,  through  which  the  tallow  was 
poured.  These  hides  filled  with  fat  were  called  botas, 
and  when  ship-masters  signed  bills  of  lading  they  ac 
knowledged  having  received  so  many  botas  of  fat." 

As  far  back  as  1770,  every  owner  of  horses,  cattle, 
asses,  mules,  and  sheep  was  by  law  compelled  to  brand 
his  stock.  Each  ranchero  had  two  private  brands,  one 
called  'el  fierro  para  herrar  los  ganados,'  and  the  other 
'  fierro  para  ventear.'  No  one  could  adopt  or  change 
his  branding-irons  without  permission  of  the  governor 
of  California.  Before  me  is  a  decree  of  Governor 
Figueroa  of  May  17,  1834,  granting  to  ensign  M.  G. 
Vallejo  permission  to  use  a  new  branding-iron  for 
the  cattle  and  other  animals  on  his  estate. 

In  order  to  mark  cattle,  sometimes  their  ears  were 


ORIGINAL  STOCK.  345 

cut  in  a  certain  way.  A  petition  to  be  allowed  to 
use  such  marks  was  made  to  the  juez  de  paz,  a  fac 
simile  of  the  mark  accompanying  the  same.  The 
juez  granted  the  permission,  and  registered  the  same 
in  a  book  kept  for  the  purpose. 

On  the  9th  of  April,  1844,  at  Los  Angeles,  Ban- 
dini  made  a  long  speech  before  the  ayuntamiento, 
criticising  the  laws  relating  to  hides,  and  urging 
better  measures  to  protect  stock-owners.  He  ended 
by  proposing  that  no  hides  should  be  sold  which  had 
not  the  owner's  mark.  Stock-raisers,  who  according 
to  the  law  of  1827  should  have  brands,  should  send  in 
the  notice  of  the  registro  thereof,  in  one  month;  others 
should  register  their  brands.  Marks  were  also  to  be 
sent  in. 

The  ayuntamiento  of  Angeles,  on  the  14th  of 
August,  1847,  declared  that  mesteno  (wild)  horses 
might  be  chased  on  Lugo's  rancho,  after  due  notice,  so 
as  to  allow  the  neighbors  to  attend.  All  branded  ore- 
jano  beasts  that  were  mestenos,  and  fell,  belonged  to  the 
one  who  formed  the  corrida.  Fallen  beasts  belonging 
to  participants  in  the  corrida  were  given  up  to  them. 
Those  falling  which  belonged  to  non-participants,  for 
them  the  owners  should  pay  $1  per  head,  §2  for 
mules,  four  reales  for  wild  mares  (bronca  or  potra), 
which  sums  went  to  the  former  of  the  corrida. 
Beasts  with  unknown  brands  were  divided,  one  going 
to  the  former  of  the  corrida,  and  the  other  to  the 
municipal  fund.  A  juez  de  campo  should  attend  the 
corrida,  and  watch  over  these  rules,  and  see  that 
beasts  were  given  to  their  rightful  owners.  A  gratu 
ity  was  to  be  given  him  from  the  part  going  to  the 
municipal  fund. 

The  horses  of  California  were  understood  to  be 
generally  of  Andalusian  stock,  introduced  from 
Mexico,  and  originally  from  Spain.  Among  the 
animals  broke  for  use  were  fine  saddle-horses,  never 
used  for  harness.  Horses  were  excellent  for  their 
work,  and  capable  of  great  endurance,  even  on  poor 


346  PASTURES  AND  FIELDS. 

treatment.  They  were  rarely  stabled  or  groomed. 
The  rancheros  generally  had  large  numbers,  out  of 
which  they  would  choose  two  or  three  or  more  for 
use,  and  keep  them  tied  to  posts  about  the  house; 
and  when  the  horses  began  to,  be  a  little  thin  from 
hard  riding  and  want  of  feed,  they  would  turn  them 
loose  in  the  pasture,  and  bring  in  others.  Nothing- 
was  done  toward  improving  the  breed.  When  a  very 
fine  colt  was  obtained,  instead  of  keeping  it  for  a  stal 
lion,  they  would  castrate  it  and  use  it  as  a  saddle-horse. 

By  1821-4  the  wild  horses  became  very  numerous, 
so  that  approaching  the  towns  they  would  eat  up  the 
grass  and  spoil  the  pasture  for  the  tame  horses,  and 
when  they  went  away  take  the  latter  along  with 
them.  The  government  accordingly  resolved  to  hold 
a  general  slaughter.  Corrals  were  formed  near  the 
pueblos,  and  the  horses,  wild  and  tame,  were  driven 
into  them,  and  the  entrance  closed.  Animals  were 
then  taken  out  by  their  owners.  A  small  gate  was 
then  opened  to  allow  only  one  beast  to  pass  out  at  a 
time.  Two  or  three  lancers  were  then  placed  at  the 
gate,  who  stabbed  the  wild  horses  as  they  passed  out, 
and  thousands  were  thus  killed. 

The  Californian  genius  for  lying  is  shown  by  the 
statement  of  Pio  Pico  that  when,  on  the  arrival  of 
the  Hijar  colony,  Figueroa  convoked  the  diputacion, 
he,  Pico,  rode  from  his  rancho  to  Los  Angeles,  a  dis 
tance,  by  his  own  account,  of  almost  sixty  leagues,  in 
one  day.  He  also  states  that  for  the  purpose  of  being 
present  at  bull-baits  he  frequently  rode  in  one  day 
from  San  Diego  to  Los  Angeles. 

The  California  cavalier  held  it  a  disgrace  to  ride  a 
horse  with  the  hair  clipped  from  the  tail.  On  one 
occasion  a  fandango  was  going  on,  and  surrounding 
the  house  were  the  horses  of  the  participants,  with 
elaborately  trimmed  saddles,  and  the  long  hair  of  their 
tails  combed  out  so  as  to  look  their  best.  One  of  the 
dancers,  Jose  Antonio  Yorba,  a  famous  practical  joker, 
slipped  out  of  the  house  unobserved,  and  cut  oiT  the 


HORSES  FOR  MEN  AND  WOMEN.  347 

tails  of  all  the  horses,  his  own  among  the  number, 
that  suspicion  might  be  averted  from  himself,  and 
returned  quietly  to  the  dance.  Great  was  the  con 
sternation  and  chagrin  of  the  dancers  when,  after  the 
revelry  was  over,  they  led  out  their  fair  partners  to 
place  them  on  their  saddles  before  mounting  behind 
them,  as  was  the  custom.  It  was  as  if  a  great  calam 
ity,  attended  with  shame  or  disgrace,  had  come  upon 
them. 

Horses  de  sobrepaso,  or  as  they  were  called  de 
genero  6  generosos,  were  destined  for  women  and 
friars. 

Some  of  the  rancheros  lived  in  feudal  style,  each 
having  his  band  of  Indian  retainers  subject  to  his 
authority.  Warner's  niayordorno  said  he  could  raise 
for  his  master  300  fighting  men  in  a  few  hours. 

The  rancheros  had  large  bands  of  breeding  mares. 
1  'The  horses  multiplied  to  such  an  extent,"  says  Belden, 
"that  in  seasons  of  drought  they  would  destroy  large 
numbers  of  mares,  and  perhaps  some  of  the  horses, 
driving  them  over  a  precipice  to  get  rid  of  them,  and 
thus  save  feed  for  the  cattle,  which  were  more  valuable 
than  horses,  on  account  of  the  hides  and  tallow.  The 
rancheros  hardly  ever  cut  grass,  had  no  barns,  and 
in  a  dry  time  had  nothing  to  rely  upon.  Occasionally 
a  farmer  might  have  a  little  hay,  but  very  rarely,  and 
so  far  as  they  fed  their  horses  about  the  house,  they 
used  barley." 

Few  cows  were  kept  near  the  house  for  milking ; 
the  milch  cows  generally  were  not  gentle,  and  to  milk 
them  their  hind  legs  were  tied  together,  and  the  head 
tied  to  a  post.  Scarcely  any  cheese  or  butter  was 
made. 

Mission  San  Gabriel  was  the  mother  of  agriculture 
in  California.  She  early  raised  wheat  and  sold  it  to 
the  Russians;  she  planted  the  vine,  and  by  and  by 
the  orange. 

Companies  were  sometimes  formed  for  agricultural 


348  PASTURES  AND  FIELDS. 

pursuits.  Before  me  is  a  contract,  although  very 
loosely  worded,  and  in  every  way  crude,  in  which  nine 
individuals  agree  to  cooperate,  without  dispute  or  dis 
tinction,  in  the  work  and  labor  of  the  Palo  Colorado 
rancho.  They  agree  to  their  compact,  and  whenever 
any  one  of  the  copartners  shall  withdraw,  he  loses  all 
right  to  participation  in  profits.  Profits  are  to  be 
divided  proportionately  between  the  nine  who  sign, 
and  four  women  who  also  take  part  in  the  labors. 

Private  estates,  if  devoted  to  stock,  were  called 
ranchos;  if  chiefly  for  plantation,  haciendas.  The 
establishments  of  Buriburi,  San  Antonio,  Pinole,  San 
Pablo,  Napa,  Santa  Teresa,  and  Petaluma  were  not 
ranchos,  but  haciendas.  In  these  the  buildings  were 
large  and  sumptuous,  had  a  house  for  servants,  and  a 
room  for  implements,  and  another  for  milk  and  cheese, 
another  for  tallow  and  lard  put  up  for  exportation  in 
skins.  Each  establishment  had  thousands  of  cattle 
and  droves  of  mares.  Some  had  over  a  hundred 
Indian  retainers  under  white  mayordomos.  Each 
hacienda  had  rooms  for  guests,  and  travellers  were 
entertained  without  charge.  A  Californian  never 
used  to  speak  of  his  farm  by  acres,  but  by  leagues. 
One  of  four  or  five  leagues  was  considered  quite  small. 
A  thrifty  farmer  should  have  2,000  horses,  15,000 
head  of  cattle,  and  20,000  sheep,  as  his  productive 
stock,  on  which  he  should  not  encroach,  except  in  an 
emergency." 

Vallejo  had  really  land  without  limit;  nominally, 
he  held  thirty-three  leagues,  equal  to  146,000  acres, 
with  400  or  500  acres  under  cultivation,  the  rest  being- 
used  for  pasturage.  Of  stock  he  had  from  12,000  to 
15,000  head  of  neat  cattle,  7,000  or  8,000  head  of 
horses,  and  2,000  or  3,000  sheep.  He  had  also  300 
working  men,  with  their  usual  proportion  of  females 
and  children,  all  kept  in  a  nearly  naked  state,  poorly 
fed,  and  never  paid.  Where  there  was  any  fence,  it 
was  made  of  small  willows,  placed  in  the  ground  and 
woven  into  wicker-work,  the  flimsy  affair  requiring  to 
be  renewed  every  season. 


DWELLINGS  AND  PRODUCTS.  349 

The  people  devoted  themselves  to  raise  only  the 
quantity  needed  for  their  wants.  They  did  not  look 
to  making  a  fortune  for  themselves  or  their  posterity. 
If  they  had,  and  had  raised  1,000  bushels  of  wheat 
or  corn,  where  would  they  sell  it? 

Victoria  declared  to  the  minister  of  relations  on  the 
7th  of  June,  1831,  that  viniculture  promised  to  de 
velop  largely,  and  in  time  to  become  the  most  valuable 
of  exports.  The  progress  of  agriculture  was  due  to 
the  friars  and  their  Indians,  who  were  the  only  in 
dustrious  hands  in  the  country. 

Castafiares  says  that  the  olive-oil  (aceite  de  comer) 
made  at  San  Luis  Obispo  was  as  good  as  or  better 
than  the  Spanish,  and  the  olives  of  San  Diego  were 
as  good  as  those  of  Seville. 

Previous  to  1842,  according  to  Vallejo,  the  Califor- 
nian  rancheros  were  celebrated  for  their  high  sense  of 
honor  and  good  rkith.  They  used  to  select  as  a  site 
for  their  houses  and  corrals  hills  of  small  elevation, 
with  springs  near  by.  They  generally  avoided  the 
plains,  fearing  floods,  although  the  rains  were  never 
so  heavy  as  they  have  on  several  occasions  been  since 
the  American  occupation. 

The  colonists  about  San  Jose  first  selected  a  raised 
spot  near  running  water,  and  placed  four  large  logs  in 
the  ground ;  on  them  other  smaller  ones  were  laid,  and 
on  these  a  roof  of  tule-leaves  tied  together  and  made 
water-proof.  Then  they  placed  a  line  of  large  stones 
on  the  ground  from  post  to  post,  and  with  mortar  and 
smaller  stones  built  the  walls  up  to  the  roof.  Then 
the  house  was  divided  into  two  or  three  rooms,  and 
finally  the  tapanco  or  attic  was  built.  The  furniture 
consisted  of  a  cot  covered  with  skins,  a  few  common 
blankets,  half  a  dozen  trays  (troughs),  a  little  com 
mon  crockery,  three  or  four  small  chairs  of  wood 
covered  with  skins,  half  a  dozen  stools,  and  a  table. 
Thrifty  people  put  in  painted  wooden  doors  and  white 
washed  the  walls  outside  and  in;  but  the  lazy  poor 
used  hides  for  doors.  Near  the  house  they  made  a 
corral  on  a  level  spot,  and  in  front  of  it  they  put  two 


350  PASTURES  AND  FIELDS. 

or  three  large  posts,  nailing  a  fresh  bull's  hide  to  each, 
and  anointing  the  posts  with  bull's  blood.  The  cattle 
were  at  intervals  of  a  few  days  forced  into  this  corral 
until  they  were  used  to  it,  and  hundreds  could  easily 
be  driven  in  by  two  vaqueros.  Each  ranchero  raised 
corn  and  vegetables  enough  for  his  own  family,  be 
sides  raising  cattle. 

Taking  the  fanega  at  2^  English  bushels,  the  har 
vest  in  1831  would  be  as  follows : 

Quarters. 

Wheat 7,857i 

Maize 3,41 4^ 

Frijoles 514 

Barley 2,314 

Beans,  garvanzas,  and  pease 338 


Total 14,438 

Reckoning  the  average  price  of  grain  at  the  same 
period  to  be,  wheat  and  barley  $2  a  fanega,  and  maize 
$1.50,  the  following  would  be  the  value  of  the  produce: 

Wheat $49,114.25 

Maize 21,340.00 

Barley 11,570.00 

Pease  and  beans  (reckoned  as  barley) 4,260.00 


Total $86,284.25 

In  1834  the  several  missions  harvested  in  wheat, 
maize,  beans,  etc. : 

Fanegas. 

San  Diego 13,000 

San  Luis  Rey 14,000 

San  Juan  Capistrano 10,000 

San  Gabriel 20,000 

San  Fernando 8,000 

San  Buenaventura 25,000 

Santa  Barbara 3,000 

Santa  Ines 3,500 

Purisima 6,000 

San  Luis  Obispo 4,000 

San  Miguel 2,500 

San  Antonio 3,000 

Soledad 2,500 

Carmelo 1,500 

San  Juan  Bautista 3,500 

Santa  Cruz 2,500 

Santa  Clara 6,000 

San  Jose 10,000 

San  Francisco. . 2,500 

San  Rafael. 1,500 

Solano 3,000 


Total , 145,000 


AGRICULTURAL  PRODUCTS.  351 

In  1841  so  little  wheat  had  been  sown  in  Upper 
California,  and  the  harvest  was  so  bad  on  account  of 
drought,  that  two  schooners  were  sent  to  San  Bias 
and  Guaymas  for  flour. 

The  various  inventories  of  missions  from  1834  to 
1846  show  a  gradual  abandonment  of  field-work- 
broken  down  fences,  useless  ploughs,  etc.,  fill  the 
record — here  and  there  is  an  announcement  of  a  small 
patch  of  grain.  Orchards  and  vineyards  are  also  half 
if  not  wholly  ruined. 

Some  of  the  Californians  have  tried  to  raise  tobacco 
on  their  farms.  It  grew  luxuriantly,  but  in  quality 
would  not  compare  with  that  of  the  eastern  coast  of 
the  continent.  Cotton  was  planted  in  1846,  and 
grew  well.  The  cotton  of  California  was  pronounced 
superior  to  that  of  Acapulco,  and  received  the  atten 
tion  of  the  Tepic  manufacturers.  Flax  and  hemp 
were  produced  to  meet  all  necessities  for  textures  and 
ropes. 

Wheat  was  sometimes  separated  by  the  Indians 
rubbing  the  heads  of  the  grain  in  their  hands,  and 
blowing  the  chaff  away,  and  was  ground  between  two 
stones  by  hand. 

On  being  harvested  the  grain  was  put  into  a  stack, 
and  a  corral  was  made,  like  the  thrashing  floor  of  an 
cient  times,  an  enclosure,  generally  of  a  circular  form. 
The  grain  was  then  spread  over  the  ground  and  a  band 
of  horses  was  turned  in,  and  driven  round  over  it  to 
tramp  it  out.  The  grain,  after  being  thrashed  out  was 
winnowed  from  the  straw,  which  was  done,  throwing 
it  up  in  the  air  when  there  was  a  wind,  to  have  the 
chaff  blown  away.  They  generally  washed  it  before 
the  grinding,  and  made  their  flour  in  a  mule  mill  with 
two  stones,  one  upon  another,  a  bolt  being  attached 
to  the  upper  stone,  which  made  one  revolution  only 
as  often  as  the  mule  went  round.  The  operation  was 
necessarily  a  slow  and  tedious  one. 

On  the  6th  of  September,  18.45,  Pio  Pico,  senior 
member  of  the  most  excellent  junta  departmental 


352  PASTURES  AND  FIELDS. 

and  acting  governor  of  the  department,  issued  the  fol 
lowing  decree  intended  to  protect  vineyards  and  their 
owners  from  depredators :  1  st.  Every  owner  of  a  vine 
yard  who  sells  grapes  in  any  quantity  exceeding  15 
pounds  must  furnish  a  voucher  to  the  purchaser,  who 
will  keep  it  for  his  protection.  If  such  owner  gives 
to  his  servants  over  two  pounds,  he  must  also  give 
them  a  paper  stating  the  fact.  2d.  It  is  forbidden  to 
purchase  grapes  from  Indians  and  servants  of  the  or 
chards,  without  they  produce  the  voucher  spoken  of 
in  the  preceding  article.  3d.  Any  person,  not  the 
owner  of  a  vineyard,  desiring  to  establish  a  place  for 
fermenting  grape  juice,  must  obtain  a  permit  from  the 
first  alcalde,  and  submit  himself  to  the  police  visits 
that  must  be  made  to  examine  his  premises,  tubs,  etc., 
and  produce,  whenever  it  is  demanded,  the  vouchers 
mentioned  in  article  first.  4th.  The  alcaldes  will  visit 
all  premises  reported  to  them  where  fermentation  is 
carried  on,  and  every  citizen  is  bound  to  render  every 
possible  assistance,  for  the  fulfilment  of  each  one  of 
the  articles  of  this  decree.  5th.  The  alcaldes  per 
sonally,  or  through  trusty  persons,  but  still  under  their 
own  responsibility,  will  make  a  daily  examination  in 
the  huts  of  the  Indian  rancherias  that  may  be  in  the 
environs  of  this  city,  to  ascertain  if  there  are  in  them 
any  grapes,  or  fermentation  thereof,  which  have  not 
been  lawfully  acquired.  6th.  Those  officials  in  the 
same  manner  will  visit  and  examine  all  taverns,  at  least 
twice  every  week ;  also  the  houses  of  persons  having 
the  license  mentioned  in  article  third. 

Any  owner  of  a  vineyard  infringing  the  proviso  of 
article  first,  incurred  the  fine  of  $50,  or  had  to  un 
dergo  the  penalty  of  forty  days  in  the  public  works. 
In  a  tavern  or  house  having  permission  to  ferment 
grape-juice,  if  any  of  this  fruit  was  found  without  the 
proper  voucher,  as  per  article  first,  the  grape  and  juice 
were  confiscated,  and  the  tavern-keeper  or  owner  was 
subjected  to  a  fine  of  $50,  or  two  months  in  the  public 
works,  Any  person  caught  stealing  in  a  vineyard, 


FREE  TOWNS.  353 

upon  being  convicted,  was  to  suffer  the  punishment  of 
four  months  at  public  work,  with  shackles  to  his  legs 
if  a  civilian ;  if  of  the  military,  he  would,  within  the 
time  prescribed  by  law,  be  turned  over  to  military  au 
thority,  with  the  proofs  of  guilt,  to  be  punished  accord 
ing  to  the  magnitude  of  the  offence. 

Among  my  original  documents  is  one  without  date 
or  signature,  but  which  may  be  placed  in  the  year 
1845.  It  is  a  calculation  of  what  a  plantation  in 
Petaluma  could  yield  in  one  year.  It  states  that  15 
yokes  of  oxen  are  needed.  Price  of  their  transporta 
tion  there  unknown.  No  price  given  for  the  land  to 
be  used,  such  a  thing  being  unknown  in  the  country. 

Expense: 

200  quintals  barley,  for  sowing,  at  $6 $1,200 

40  quintals  potatoes,  for  sowing,  at  $4 160 

15  men  needed  say  100  days  for  sowing,  etc.,  cost  of  supporting  them 

at  $4  per  day 400 

15  men  needed  same  time  for  gathering  crops,  etc 400 

Interest  on  money  at  6  per  cent  per  month,   8  months,  from  Dec.  to 

July 844 

$3,004 
Expected  to  yield: 

Barley,  35  quintals  for  each  one  sown— 7,000  quintals,  sold  at  $3 $21,000 

Potatoes,  25  quintals  for  each  one  sown — 1,000  quintals,  sold  at  §2. ...     2,000 

$23,000 
Allowing  to  the  laborers  one  third  for  their  work 7,6(56 


For  the  hacienda $15,334 

Deduct  the  expenses  above 3,004 

Net  proceeds , $12,330 

In  1835  there  were  only  three  free  towns,  with 
charters,  independent  of  the  missions  and  presidios,  in 
all  Upper  California.  These  towns  were  to  a  great 
extent  peopled  by  the  old  Spanish  or  crsole  soldiers, 
who  after  a  certain  term  of  service  at  the  missions 
had  permission  to  return  to  their  native  land  or  settle 
in  the  country.  Most  of  them  were  married  and  had 
families;  and  when  the  retirement  to  the  pueblos  was 
preferred,  grants  of  land  with  some  necessary  articles 
were  given  them  to  commence  their  new  occupation  of 
husbandry,  which,  with  the  aid  of  the  natives,  they 

CAL.  PAST.    23 


354  PASTURES  AND  FIELDS. 

generally  prosecuted  successfully.  The  most  fertile 
spots  were  generally  chosen  for  the  pueblos,  and  the 
produce  of  these  not  only  supported  the  inhabitants 
of  the  place,  but  supplied  the  neighboring  mission 
and  presidio.  The  principal  pueblo  at  this  time  was 
Los  Angeles,  whose  population  was  about  1,500.  It 
had  an  alcalde,  three  regidores,  arid  a  sindico,  com 
posing  the  ayuntamiento,  or  town  council.  Before 
this,  Los  Angeles  had  been  proposed  for  the  capital 
of  the  country;  and  as  the  Spaniards  in  their  colonies 
always  used  to  have  an  inland  site  for  the  capital, 
this  scheme  might  have  been  adopted  if  the  country 
had  remained  in  their  hands;  but  at  this  time  it  was 
thought  that  Monterey  would  be  the  capital  until  a 
population  should  arise  on  the  bay  of  San  Francisco, 
when  it  would  no  doubt  be  fixed  there.  The  second 
free  town  was  San  Jose,  whose  population  in  1835 
was  600.  It  was  governed  in  the  same  way  as  Los 
Angeles.  The  inhabitants  raised  wheat  and  cattle, 
and  traded  in  the  skins  and  tallow  of  deer,  which  were 
abundant  in  this  district.  The  third  free  town  was 
Branciforte,  whose  population  was  not  more  than  150. 
This  place  had  also  its  alcalde,  but  was  dependent  on 
the  military  commandant  of  Monterey. 

The  little  progress  made  by  free  settlers  in  populat 
ing  California  arose  not  only  from  the  inaptitude  of 
the  Spaniards  for  colonizing  such  a  country,  but  from 
the  jealousy  of  the  missionaries  who  claimed  almost 
all  the  land.  By  this  means  only  a  few  settlers  were 
admitted,  and  these  had  to  be  firm  adherents  of  the 
missionaries,  and  blindly  obey  their  mandates.  The 
total  of  the  free  settlers  at  this  time  did  not  ex 
ceed  5,000.  In  this  number  were  included  all  white 
and  mixed  castes  who  lived  in  the  country,  in  the  free 
pueblos,  and  at  the  missions  and  presidios.  Of  such, 
many  lived  at  the  missions  and  on  their  lands,  and 
could  scarcely  be  said  to  be  independent  of  them. 

The  constant  revolutions  in  the  south  caused  great 
discontent  among  the  working  classes,  and  many 


IRRIGATION.  355 

families  who  had  come  from  Sonora  and  San  Bias  to 
settle  about  Los  Angeles  changed  their  minds  and 
went  north  to  the  region  of  San  Jose  and  Santa 
Clara. 

A  growl  was  sent  down  from  Sonoma  to  the  gov 
ernor  in  1844,  setting  forth  the  oppression  felt  by  the 
laboring  class  because  of  the  tithes  and  the  tariff, 
and  whereby  the  ranchero  was-  made  a  vassal  of 
the  trader.  Foreign  hunters  had  destroyed  otter 
hunting,  and  were  destroying  beaver  trapping,  and 
the  supercargoes  were  destroying  cattle-raising — the 
only  three  branches  of  industry  in  California.  Agri 
culture  did  not  flourish,  for  traders  would  receive  only 
hides  and  tallow— and  the  hides  and  tallow  of  all  the 
stock  in  California  would  not  suffice  to  pay  what  was 
owing  to  trading  vessels.  The  remedy  suggested 
was  to  grant  to  whaling  vessels  full  permission  to 
come  into  California  ports  for  repairs  and  supplies. 
This  would  foment  agriculture,  and  take  away  from 
the  trading  vessels  their  ruinous  monopoly. 

It  is  interesting  to  see  how  irrigating  ditches  were 
managed  in  the  olden  time.  Here  is  a  proclama 
tion  made  by  the  alcaldes  of  Los  Angeles  on  the  7th 
of  March,  1841.  The  time  is  at  hand  when  the  irri 
gating  ditch  should  be  repaired,  and  due  order  should 
be  observed  in  the  necessary  work :  1st.  The  ditch 
will  still  be  under  the  charge  of  a  man  of  probity  who 
shall  oversee  the  repairs,  keep  a  list  of  proprietors  of 
vineyards  and  cultivated  lands  which  are  in  the  city, 
and  employ  the  requisite  number  of  laborers.  2d.  As 
soon  as  notice  is  given  by  the  ditch  commissioner,  each 
cultivator  shall  send  an  Indian  with  the  necessary 
implements,  and  whoever  has  three  riegos  must  send 
two  Indians — who  must  not  be  missing  when  the  day's 
work  is  needed.  3d.  From  among  the  cultivators  two 
shall  be  appointed  to  assist  the  commissioner  in  man 
aging  the  Indians  ;  they  must  be  mounted,  and  shall  be 
exempt  from  furnishing  Indians.  4th.  The  commis 
sioner  is  to  see  that  the  ditch  is  kept  clean  and  the 


356  PASTURES  AND  FIELDS. 

minor  ditches  in  good  order;  also  that  fairness  be  ob 
served  in  the  use  of  the  water,  which  shall  not  be 
wasted.  5th.  The  commissioner  must  see  that  each 
citizen  making  use  of  the  water  shall  have  a  good  stop- 
gate — which  does  not  leak — at  the  point  where  he 
taps  the  main  ditch.  6th.  Each  master,  on  sending 
his  peon  to  labor,  is  to  furnish  him  with  the  day's 
ration,  in  order  that  he  may  have  no  pretext  for  leaving 
the  work,  of  which  the  commissioner  shall  fix  the  hours, 
7th.  Should  the  main  ditch  give  way  at  any  point,  the 
nearest  owner  of  a  vineyard  or  tilled  land  shall  with 
his  servants  hasten  thither  in  order  to  prevent  waste 
of  water.  8th.  As  it  has  been  noticed  that  many  wait 
till  the  work  in  the  ditch  is  done  before  sowing,  they 
are  forewarned  that  they  also  must  aid  in  the  neces 
sary  labors.  9th.  The  collector  will  see  that  those 
who  wash  clothes  in  the  main  ditch,  or  who  throw 
filth  into  the  same,  or  who  allow  swamp-land  to  be 
formed,  are  amenable  to  condign  punishment. 

As  these  measures  are  intended  for  the  general  good, 
any  infraction  of  the  first  eight  articles  will  be  pun 
ished  as  follows:  a  fine  of  $4  for  the  first  offence,  and 
$8  for  the  second,  while  a  third  infraction  will  subject 
the  culprit  to  be  punished  as  disobedient.  Each  infrac 
tion  of  article  ninth  will  be  punished  with  a  fine  of  $1, 
That  every  one  be  informed  of  the  above,  and  that  no 
one  may  allege  ignorance,  let  this  decree  be  published 
by  bando,  and  posted  in  the  public  places. 

The  ground  was  ploughed  once  or  twice.  A  yoke  of 
oxen  guided  by  an  Indian  dragged  a  plough  with  an  iron 
point  made  by  an  Indian  blacksmith.  When  iron  was 
wanting,  ploughs  of  oak  without  the  iron  point  were 
used  at  the  missions  as  well  as  by  individuals.  Furrows 
were  made  with  the  same  plough,  with  a  wooden  share 
fastened  thereto  for  the  purpose  of  making  the  furrow 
wider.  Seed  was  sown  by  hand;  three,  four,  or 
five  grains  of  maize  or  beans  were  planted.  Barley 
and  wheat  were  sown  broadcast,  and  the  ground  was 


A  CALIFORNIA  RANCHO.  357 

afterward  harrowed,  for  which  purpose  branches  of 
trees  were  used. 

The  harvest  was  gathered  from  July  to  September, 
sometimes  however  beginning  in  May,  in  which  case 
all  the  grain  was  harvested  by  August.  Men,  women, 
and  children  each  carried  on  their  back  a  cora,  into 
which  the  grain  was  thrown,  and  which  when  full  was 
emptied  into  a  cart.  The  grain  was  thrashed  by  men 
with  sticks  (garrotes),  and  winnowed  by  wromen  who 
tossed  it  in  wooden  bowls  called  bateas.  The  grain 
was  stored  in  bulk,  in  immense  granaries  called  trojes. 
This  is  Pio  Pico's  description. 

Almost  every  native  Californian  had  his  rancho 
and  herds  of  cattle  and  horses.  Some  had  several 
ranches  in  different  parts  of  the  country.  They  grew 
a  few  vegetables  and  fruit,  maize  and  wheat.  The 
women  ground  the  corn  and  made  tortillas.  From 
time  to  time  the  man  killed  a  number  of  cattle  for 
their  hides  and  tallow;  these,  and  some  of  the  beef 
saved,  were  sold  to  vessels,  and  in  this  manner  the 
people  obtained  their  wearing  apparel  and  other  com 
modities.  About  1846  a  change  of  view,  as  regarded 
the  soil,  came  on  gradually,  when  Americans  got  hold 
of  land  and  began  to  cultivate  it.  There  were  not 
many  extensive  attempts  at  agriculture  till  after  1846, 
when  the  new-comers  began  to  scatter  around  the 
Santa  Clara  valley  and  cultivate  there  and  on  the 
other  side  of  the  bay. 

In  early  times,  after  obtaining  an  allotment  of  land 
from  the  governor,  settlers  would  go  to  the  mission 
aries,  and  obtain  the  loan  of  a  few  hundred  head  of 
stock,  which  they  would  return  at  the  expiration  of  a 
certain  time — say  five  years.  The  cost  of  obtaining 
possession  of  the  land  wras  about  $12 ;  so  that  in  those 
days  it  required  no  great  amount  of  capital  or  ability 
to  lay  the  foundation  of  a  large  and  lucrative  business. 
In  order  to  obtain  judicial  possession  of  a  tract  of  land, 
application  was  made  to  the  alcalde  of  the  district, 
who,  with  two  witnesses  and  a  riata  fifty  feet  in 


358  PASTUBES  AND  FIELDS. 

length,  would  go  out  on  horseback,  and  measure  off 
the  tract.  The  ceremony  was  commenced  by  throw 
ing  up  a  pile  of  stones  or  earth  as  an  initial  point,  and 
planting  a  cross  thereon.  This  initial  point  was  called 
a  mojonera.  They  cultivated  only  little  grain,  but 
had  small  milpitas  where  they  raised  vegetables  in 
the  summer.  At  that  season  families  would  go  to 
the  milpitas,  put  up  a  brush  house,  and  plant  a  few 
things — corn,  beans,  melons,  and  peppers;  and  there 
were  some  small  fields  of  corn,  wheat  and  barley, 
where  they  raised  in  favorable  seasons  enough  for 
their  use — corn  and  wheat  for  breadstuff,  and  the 
barley  for  feeding  their  horses. 

Vehicles  consisted  of  carts  with  a  hide  on  the  bot 
tom,  one  on  top,  and  hides  on  the  sides.  The  wheels 
were  made  of  one  piece  of  wood,  not  very  round,  and 
some  with  iron  tires.  They  were  drawn  by  one  or 
more  yokes  of  oxen.  A  cushion  was  at  times  placed 
on  the  hide  in  the  cart  for  the  accommodation  of  the 
family.  The  mission  of  San  Luis  Obispo  had  50 
wagons  of  two  wheels,  which  were,  together  with 
the  harness,  and  other  appurtenances,  including  the 
iron  work,  made  in  it.  The  wao-ons  were  drawn 

O 

by  four  mules  each,  and  were  used  for  carrying  tallow, 
etc.  Francisco  Rico  in  1844  started  from  the  presidio 
of  San  Francisco  with  three  loaded  carts  drawn  by 
lean  oxen,  bound  on  a  revolutionary  expedition,  the 
creaking  of  the  wheels  was  such  that  it  could  be 
heard  for  nearly  a  mile  away.  It  took  them  the 
whole  day  to  reach  Yerba  Buena — the  distance  is 
now  gone  over  by  cable  and  steam  cars  in  about  three 
quarters  of  an  hour.  "  I  know  of  only  two  carriages," 
says  Arnaz,  "an  old  calesa  owned  by  the  padres  of 
Santa  Barbara,  and  another  by  Jose  de  la  Guerra. 
They  were  old-fashioned,  very  like  hand  chairs  with 
low  wheels,  known  as  literas.  Martinez,  the  mission 
ary  of  San  Luis  Obispo  had  a  fine  coach  of  leather, 
varnished  black.  He  used  harness  with  bells.  In 
1842-3,  they  began  to  introduce  calesas  and  carts, 


AGRICULTURAL  IMPLEMENTS.  359 

with  spoked  wheels  from  the  United  States.  On  the 
isthmus  of  Nicaragua  a  species  of  conveyance  ob 
tained  which  was  not  found  on  the  rugged  mule  trails 
of  the  isthmus  of  Panama.  This  was  a  cart,  the 
wheels  of  which  were  two  cross-cuts  from  a  log  with 
holes  bored  through  the  heart,  and  a  pole  run  through, 
and  linch-pinned  at  either  end,  on  which  rests  a  cane 
or  reed  frame  covered  with  rawhides.  The  vehicle 
was  drawn  by  one  or  two  yoke  of  oxen,  yoked  by 
lashing  the  foreheads  of  two  abreast  to  strong  sticks 
about  four  feet  in  length.  This  was  the  orthodox 
vehicle  throughout  all  Central,  and  indeed  all  Span 
ish  America,  including  the  Californias. 

The  California  plough  was  a  crooked  limb  of  a  tree, 
with  a  piece  of  flat  iron  for  a  point,  and  a  small  tree 
for  the  pole.  Each  plough  was  drawn  by  a  yoke  of 
oxen  and  tended  by  a  ganan.  The  field  once  broken 
and  corn  ploughed,  was  well  moistened  and  harrowed. 
Furrows  were  made  wherein  maize  and  beans  were 
thrown.  The  Russian  plough,  though  difficult  to 
manage,  and  complicated,  was  not  much  better.  Sut- 
ter's  blacksmith  improvised  a  few  better  ploughs.  At 
nearly  every  mission  two  or  three  date  palms  were 
grown.  They  were  planted  in  most  of  the  southern 
missions  in  honor  of  St  Francis,  and  as  symbols  of 
the  holy  land.  They  had  some  connection  in  the 
priests'  mind  with  Christ  and  the  trinity,  and  were 
planted  by  the  padres,  among  other  purposes,  to 
supply  leaves  and  branches  for  Palm  Sunday. 


CHAPTER  XII. 

FOOD,  DRESS,  DWELLINGS,  AND  DOMESTIC  ROUTINE. 

Non  bene  olet,  qui  bene  semper  olet. — Martial. 

FEW  people  of  any  age  or  clime  did  more  living  per 
diem  than  the  pastoral  Californians.  Not  that  they 
ate  and  drank  excessively,  or  spent  large  sums  in  fes 
tivities,  or  on  the  whole  were  extravagant  in  their 
dress,  or  built  for  themselves  palatial  residences;  in 
all  these  things  they  were  quite  temperate,  for  one 
very  good  reason,  if  no  other — lack  of  opportunity. 
As  for  eating,  their  appetite  was  healthy,  but  there 
were  few  French  cooks  in  the  country,  and  condiments 
and  groceries  were  not  present  in  great  variety  or 
refined  quality.  They  could  make  strong  drink  in 
unlimited  quantity,  and  they  could  get  drunk  upon 
occasion.  Dress  they  certainly  would  have  gone  much 
further  in,  if  they  had  had  the  money,  and  if  there 
had  been  anything  at  hand  to  buy.  As  for  houses, 
the  climate  was  kind  and  men  were  lazy. 

And  so  they  lived.  Opening  their  eyes  in  the 
morning  they  saw  the  sun;  they  breathed  the  fresh 
air,  and  listened  to  the  song  of  birds;  mounting  their 
steeds  they  rode  forth  in  the  enjoyment  of  healthful 
exercise;  they  tended  their  flocks,  held  intercourse 
with  each  other,  and  ran  up  a  fair  credit  with  heaven. 
How  many  among  the  statesmen,  among  the  profes 
sional  and  business  men  and  artisans  of  our  present 
high  civilizations,  can  say  as  much'?  It  was  their 
business  to  live,  to  do  nothing  but  exist;  and  they 
did  it  well. 

(360) 


FOOD,    SUPPLIES   AND  HABITATIONS.  361 

It  was  with  difficulty,  during  their  first  years  in 
California,  that  the  good  padres — for  the  early  priests 
were  really  good  men — were  able  to  secure  food  for 
themselves  and  their  dusky  lambs.  They  lacked  the 
pozole  and  atole  which  had  proved  so  efficacious  in 
drawing  the  natives  of  Lower  California  into  the 
Christian  fold.  Indeed,  down  to  the  middle  of  March 
1773,  Father  Junipero  and  his  associates  could  offer 
their  converts  nothing  but  a  little  milk.  On  the 
other  hand,  the  natives  had  furnished  much  in  the 
form  of  seed  and  fish.  Missionaries  and  soldiers  had 
to  depend  on  the  chase  for  meat.  This  was  owing  in 
a  great  measure  to  the  bad  quality  and  careless  packing 
of  provisions  sent  from  San  Bias. 

In  the  beginning  all  were  poor ;  the  rich  as  a  rule 
did  not  penetrate  the  wilds  of  America;  so  that  in 
matters  of  dress,  food,  and  habitation  there  was  little 
difference.  When  settlement  began,  the  head  of  a 
family  was  his  own  architect  and  builder.  Country 
houses  were  mostly  of  one  style,  in  the  form  of  a 
parallelogram ;  four  adobe  walls  were  put  up,  though 
sometimes  a  frame-work  of  timbers  was  erected,  the 
spaces  and  interstices  being  filled  with  adobes.  Some 
church  walls  were  made  in  this  way.  But  generally 
there  was  no  wood  about  the  structure,  except  the 
door,  widow-frames,  and  roof-timbers.  The  simplest 
style  of  an  adobe  house  is  a  tenement  of  one  room. 
The  next  more  pretentious  had  a  cross  partition  sepa- 
ratino*  the  one  room  into  two.  Then  a  still  larger 

O  O 

house  would  contain  several  rooms,  or  additional 
rooms  were  added  to  the  original  structure,  or  out 
houses  were  built.  Better  class  houses  had  a  portico 
on  one  or  both  sides.  Tiles  were  the  orthodox  roof 
covering,  but  frequently  tules  or  rods  were  placed  on 
the  rafters,  over  them  a  coating  of  ,mud,  and  then 
straw  or  asphaltum.  Roofs  of  thatch  were  sometimes 
used.  The  old  manners  and  usages  of  the  Califor- 
nians  beo-an  to  undergo  material  changes  with  the 

O  CD  O 

coming,  in  1834,  of  quite  a  numerous  colony,  most  of 


362  FOOD,   DRESS,  AND  DWELLINGS. 

i 

whose  members  were  from  the  city  of  Mexico.  Many 
ladies  at  once  adopted  wide  dresses,  combs,  dressing 
their  hair  high,  silk  shawls,  shoes  of  silk  or  other  fine 
material.  Some  of  the  most  prominent  among  the  men 
adopted  the  pantaloons  and  other  garments.  A  ma 
jority  of  the  rancheros  left  off  the  short  breeches  for 
the  calzonera  and  the  heeled  boot  for  the  bota  de  ala. 
After  the  Americans  became  possessed  of  the  coun 
try  another  change  was  experienced,  which  still  sub 
sists.  But  more  of  this  hereafter.  Domestic  routine 
from  the  first  was  based  on  that  of  Spain  with  some 
modifications.  The  kitchens  in  some  houses  had 
hornillas  made  of  adobes,  on  which  the  pans  or  pots 
were  placed  to  stew  or  boil.  In  other  parts  they  had 
only  stones  for  ovens. 

The  Spanish  missionaries,  as  a  rule,  after  the  mass 
broke  their  fast  with  chocolate  and  toast  or  some  sort 
of  biscuit.  At  about  11  A.  M.  they  would  take  a  glass 
of  brandy,  with  a  piece  of  cake  and  cheese,  "  para 
hacer  boca."  Dinner  at  noon  consisted  of  vermicelli, 
rice,  or  bread  soup ;  next  the  olla,  made  with  beef  or 
mutton  and  ham,  together  with  legumes,  as  beans,  len 
tils,  Spanish  peas,  and  greens.  The  dinner  ended 
with  fresh  or  dried  fruit,  sweetmeats,  and  cheese. 
Wine  was  taken  ad  libitum.  Supper  was  served  be 
tween  7  and  8,  and  consisted  of  a  roast  pigeon  or 
other  light  meat  and  chocolate.  This  was  about  the 
daily  fare.  When  the  fathers  had  guests  at  table,  as 
commissioned  officers,  occasionally  sergeants,  mer 
chants,  or  other  respectable  persons,  extra  dishes  were 
provided.  No  charge  was  made  for  lodging  or  re 
freshments,  and  the  guests  were,  moreover,  furnished 
with  provisions  and  fresh  horses  to  continue  their 
journey.  This  practice  afterward  became  general  at 
private  ranchos,  hospitality  being  only  limited  by  the 
means  of  the  host. 

The  usual  fare  in  well-to-do  families  was  as  follows : 
first,  the  desayuno,  at  daybreak,  milk  mixed  with  a 
little  pinole  of  maize,  finely  sifted,  and  a  small  quantity 


CALIFORNIA  TABLE  FARE.  303 

of  sugar;  some  had,  instead  of  milk,  chocolate,  or 
coffee  with  or  without  milk,  and  bread  or  biscuit  with 
butter;  next,  between  8  and  9  A.  M.,  was  served  the 
almuerzo,  or  regular  breakfast,  consisting  of  good  fresh 
beef  or  veal,  roastedr  or  otherwise  prepared,  well  fried 
beans,  and  a  cup  of  tea  or  coffee,  with  milk.  Some 
used  bread  made  of  wheaten  flour,  others  a  kind  of 
bread  made  of  maize,  of  a  circular  shape,  flattened  out 
very  thin,  baked  over  a  slow  fire  on  aflat,  earthen  pan, 
and  which  was  known  as  tortilla  de  maiz,  to  distinguish 
it  from  the  one  made  of  wheaten  flour  with  a  little  fat, 
which  was  called  tortilla  de  harina.  Dinner  took 
place  at  noon,  and  consisted  of  good  broth,  d,  la  espa- 
nola,  made  usually  of  beef  or  mutton,  and  to  thicken 
the  broth  rice,  garbanzos,  good  cabbage,  etc.,  were 
boiled  with  it.  After  the  broth  came  soups  d  la  es- 
panola,  made  with  rice,  vermicelli,  tallarines,  macca- 
roni,  punteta,  or  small  dumplings  of  wheaten  flour, 
bread,  or  tortilla  de  maiz.  The  next  course  was  the 
puchero,  which  usually  was  the  meat  and  vegetables 
from  which  the  broth  had  been  made,  with  sauce  to 
stimulate  the  appetite.  This  sauce  was  generally 
confectioned  in  summer  with  green  peppers  and  red 
tomatoes,  minced  onions,  parsley,  or  garlic.  In  win 
ter  the  sauce  was  made  with  dried  peppers.  Lastly, 
there  were  fried  beans.  With  this  meal  the  tortilla 
de  maiz  was  generally  eaten,  and  sometimes  some 
dulce  or  sweetmeat,  which  made  a  drink  of  water 
after  it  quite  palatable.  In  the  afternoon,  chiefly  in 
summer,  a  cup  of  chd,  as  tea  was  called  in  California, 
or  coffee,  was  taken,  by  the  women  with  milk,  and  by 
the  men  with  a  small  glass  of  liquor.  At  night  there 
was  a  light  supper  of  meat  ragout,  or  roast,  finishing 
with  beans.  These  were  the  usual  meals  among  the 
principal  classes.  It  is  hardly  necessary  to  say  that 
fish  of  every  kind,  where  it  could  be  had,  was  fre 
quently  used,  especially  on  Fridays,  and  other  days 
when  the  church  inhibited  the  use  of  flesh. 

On  this  fare  the  inhabitants,  for  the  most  part,  suf- 


364  FOOD,  DRESS,  AND  DWELLINGS. 

fered  from  few  diseases,  kept  robust,  strong,  agile,  and 
of  good  color,  had  a  numerous  progeny,  and  lived  to 
a  good  old  age.  For  the  food  was  simple  and  whole 
some.  Then,  too,  the  Californians  were  no  gourmands ; 
a  sensitive  palate  was  too  troublesome.  The  Mexican 
tortilla  remained  the  substitute  for  bread.  Stewed 
beans  were  a  favorite  dish  of  rich  and  poor.  Meat, 
particularly  beef,  was  largely  consumed,  fresh,  jerked, 
and  in  soups.  Nearly  all  dishes  were  highly  seasoned 
with  peppers  and  garlic.  Chicken  and  hard  green 
cheese  were  common  enough,  but  milk,  though  in  a 
country  occupied  by  hundreds  of  thousands  of  cattle, 
was  not  plentiful.  Chocolate,  being  high-priced,  was 
reserved  for  the  few.  Drunkenness,  in  the  early  times, 
had  little  opportunity  for  indulgence,  o?ring  to  salu 
tary  regulations,  which  limited  the  sale  of  liquors  and 
rendered  them  costly.  Later,  there  was  more  of  it. 
According  to  Pio  Pico,  brandy  was  not  abundant  at 
the  northern  missions  in  1821,  and  when  any  was  sent 
thither  from  the  south,  it  was  as  the  smile  of  provi 
dence,  particularly  the  brandy  of  San  Fernando,  then 
preferred  to  any  native  article.  In  1841,  there  was 
quite  a  stir  against  the  sale  of  spirituous  liquors,  par 
ticularly  on  holidays  and  Sundays. 

The  people  at  large  lived  almost  entirely  o.i  beef, 
reddish  beans,  and  tortillas.  They  used  but  little 
flour.  Corn  they  ate  in  the  form  of  tortillas.  Beef 
was  frequently  cut  in  slices  or  strips,  and  roasted  be 
fore  an  open  fire  on  an  iron  spit.  Peppers  and  beans, 
as  well  as  the  corn,  were  raised,  and  the  peppers  were 
used  to  season  almost  everything. 

Pozole  was  a  stew  composed  of  maize,  pigs'  feet, 
pumpkin,  and  peppers.  Pinole  was  flour  of  roasted 
maize.  It  was  generally  taken  in  water,  with  sug-ar 
or  panocha  added.  Atole  was  a  thick  gruel  of  maize 
flour ;  an  atole  de  pinole,  a  gruel  of  pinole.  Panocha, 
so  called  in  different  parts  of  Spanish  America,  chin- 
cate  in  Mexico,  charicaca  in  Peru,  panela  in  Colombia, 
was  the  coarsest  of  brown  sugar  in  small  cakes,  moulded 


MORE  OX  CALIFORNIA  FOOD.  365 

in  wooden  moulds,  without  any  pretence  of  clarifica 
tion. 

An  early  breakfast  amono-  the  better  class  mio-ht 

«/  O  O 

be  of  good  chocolate  of  Spain,  made  with  milk  or 
water,  and  taken  with  bread,  tortilla  of  wheat  or 
maize,  with  butter  (mantequilla).  The  poorer  class 
breakfasted  still  earlier,  taking  milk  with  pinole,  es- 
quite,  or  roasted  maize  (tostado).  Others  ate  frijoles, 
or  fried  meat,  often  cooked  with  chile,  onions,  tomatoes, 
and  frijoles — a  solid  meal  taken  by  those  who  would 
not  eat  again  until  four  or  five  in  the  afternoon.  In 
lent,  the  first  meal  was  not  taken  till  12  o'clock,  and 
the  second  at  8  p.  M.  These  two  meals  of  noon  and 
night  generally  consisted  offish,  abalone,  good  colache, 
made  of  minced  (picado)  squash  cooked,  quelites  (field 
plant)  cooked,  and  mixed  with  some  frijoles.  There 
was  no  coffee  or  tea.  Coffee  was  not  generally  known 
in  California  for  many  years  after  the  settlement  of 
the  country. 

Lechatoli  was  a  dish  of  wheat  with  milk  and  pano 
cha,  or  squash  with  milk  and  panocha  or  sugar.  Then 
there  was  roasted  asadera,  or  curded  milk  formed  like 
round  tortillas,  but  thicker,  cheese,  butter-cakes,  and 
cuajadas,  or  curd.  In  lent,  the  supper  was  of  colache, 
quelite,  and  beans,  with  maize  tortillas.  The  women 
also  made  a  thick  tortilla  of  maize  called  niscoyote,  in 
which  fat  was  an  ingredient  in  a  small  quantity,  to 
gether  with  sugar,  panocha,  or  honey  to  sweeten  it. 
There  was  a  way  of  making  the  common  tortilla  last 
many  months  by  mixing  in  yucca,  and  drying  in  ovens. 
Thus  prepared,  they  were  called  totopo,  and  furnished 
to  campaigning  soldiers.  Bunuelos  were  round  cakes 
made  of  white  corn-meal  generally,  and  fried  in  lard 
after  the  manner  of  doughnuts.  Women  sent  them 
to  their  friends  at  Christmastide,  and  often,  for  a  joke, 
would  fill  them  with  cotton  wool.  Bunuelos  were 
much  appreciated  at  that  season. 

Except  in  some  of  the  best  families,  they  never  set 
a  table,  but  would  go  into  the  kitchen,  have  the  food 


366~  FOOD,  DRESS,  AND  DWELLINGS. 

taken  from  the  kettles,  and  passed  round  in  plates. 
Some  had  no  plates;  most  people  used  clay  dishes 
(cajetes)  of  the  same  form  as  common  plates.  Knives, 
forks,  and  spoons  of  our  day  were  seldom  seen,  but 
there  were  horn  spoons  and  forks ;  or  they  would  take 
up  the  meat  and  beans  with  a  piece  of  tortilla,  and  eat 
it  all  together.  The  knives  used  were  those  employed 
for  any  purpose.  Town  and  country  life  were  alike. 

Green  corn,  helotes,  was  a  favorite  dish  with  the 
white  men,  according  to  Alvarado.  Th.3  Indians  did 
not  like  it,  or  thought  it  sat  heavy  on  the  stomach. 
It  was  eaten  roasted,  baked,  or  boiled.  It  was  often 
an  ingredient  of  the  .sancocho,  a  dish  of  meats,  pota 
toes,  and  other  vegetables,  boiled  together,  and  sea 
soned.  The  result,  besides  sancocho,  was  the  olla  podri- 
da ;  in  fact,  the  latter  was  probably  the  earlier  name  in 
California,  but  the  other  was  introduced  from  South 
America  by  Bandini,  Malarin,  Hartnell,  and  Fitch. 
Potatoes  were  unknown  until  introduced  from  Oregon. 

The  board  furnished  a  farm  hand  at  the  missions 
included  neither  liquor,  coffee,  nor  tea,  even  after 
these  drinks  became  common  among  the  better  class. 
Rations  were  given  him  weekly,  and  consisted  of  as 
much  as  he  could  consume  of  beef,  lard,  maize,  beans, 
and  lentils.  Other  things,  such  as  pumpkins,  onions, 
and  chiles,  the  laborer  raised  on  land  which  he  was 
allowed  to  make  use  of. 

At  the  proper  season  the  neophytes  were  permitted 
to  go  out  to  the  forest  and  gather  nuts,  seeds,  and 
fruits,  to  which  they  were  accustomed,  and  of  which 
they  were  very  fond.  This  store,  with  the  regular 
food  of  the  mission  crops,  made  a  great  abundance. 
After  cattle  became  plenty,  they  were  killed  every 
Saturday,  and  enough  meat  was  given  to  each  Indian 
for  eight  days. 

In  Spanish  America,  the  miking  of  a  cow — wher 
ever  it  happened  there  was  a  cow  to  be  milked — gen 
erally  required  the  united  efforts  of  three  persons. 
One  held  the  cow  by  the  head;  a  second  held  the 


MORE  ON  TABLE  DELICACIES.  367 

reata  confining  her  hind  legs,  and  battled  with  the 
hungry  calf,  while  the  third  milked  with  one  hand, 
holding  the  receptacle  for  it  in  the  other.  Milk  pails 
were  unknown,  and  the  rancho's  assortment  of  crock 
ery  was  small,  so  that,  if  several  cows  were  milked, 
all  the  tumblers,  tea-cups,  and  bowls  were  brought 
into  requisition.  Meanwhile  the  ranchero,  his  wife 
and  children,  the  unoccupied  servants,  and  the  stranger 
within  the  gates,  assisted  as  spectators.  Milk  was 
sold  by  the  bottle.  One  of  the  missionaries  of  San 
Fl-ancisco  offered,  in  1815,  to  supply  Kotzebue's  ship 
with  fresh  stores  daily,  including  two  bottles  of  milk, 
boasting  that  he  was  the  only  man  about  all  San 
Francisco  bay  who,  after  many  difficulties,  had  suc 
ceeded  in  obtaining  milk  from  cows. 

Markoff  speaks  of  a  supper  he  partook  of  at  Santa 
Clara  in  1835.  "The  tea-kettle  was  brought  in,  and 
with  it  the  supper.  The  Spaniards  had  been  sitting 
with  their  hats  on  during  the  conversation,  and  when 
they  seated  themselves  at  the  table  they  did  not  doff 
them.  Don  Jose's  family  sat  at  one  table,  which  was 
set  with  various  dishes.  The  first  course  consisted  of 
hashed  meat;  and  following  his  example,  we  also  fell 
to  with  our  spoons  over  the  dish  in  the  centre  of  the 
table.  In  this  mess  there  was  so  much  pepper  that 
my  mouth  was  burning  after  eating  two  small  pieces, 
while  the  Spaniards  were  attacking  it  with  the  great 
est  gusto .  .  .  The  banquet  was  concluded  with  baked 
apples  and  plenty  of  tea.  After  supper  all  hands 
smoked."  Duhaut-Cilly,  in  1827,  said  that  Califor- 
nians  did  not  consider  venison  fit  to  eat.  Hijar  as 
sures  us  that  the  cow  was  killed  to  obtain  the  calf, 
which  was  held  to  be  a  succulent  morsel,  and  that 
only  a  small  portion  of  the  cow  was  eaten,  the  rest 
being  left  to  Indians  or  beasts.  I  have  it  on  good 
authority  that  among  the  Hispano-Californians  were 
beings  in  the  form  of  men  who  did  not  scruple,  when 
on  a  journey,  to  lasso  a  vaquilla,  cut  out  the  frazada, 
and  let  her  loose  again.  This  frazada,  or  fresada  as 


368  FOOD,  DRESS,   AND  DWELLINGS. 

the  illiterate  called  it,  was  f  he  meat  covering  the  ribs. 
Hispano-Californians  never  took  kindly  to  bear's  meat, 
pork,  or  even  mutton.  They  liked  beef,  and  were 
particularly  found  of  veal,  to  obtain  which  they 
killed  the  female  calf  of  six  months  to  a  year.  But 
their  favorite  morsel  was  the  frazada,  which  they 
would,  when  in  the  field,  throw  upon  the  hot  coals, 
and  turning  it  once  or  twice,  would  eat  it  half  raw 
with  a  little  salt,  of  which  article  they  always  had 
some  with  them.  Arnaz  says  that  he  tasted  the 
frazadas  several  times,  and  his  palate  never  appre 
ciated  their  vaunted  merits,  as  it  always  found  them 
tasteless,  and  tough  as  sole  leather. 

Some  of  them  were  good  cooks.  Arnaz  even 
assured  us  that  they  could  have  compared  with  those 
served  at  the  celebrated  bodas  de  Camacho  so  elo 
quently  described  by  Cervantes  in  his  Don  Quixote. 

But  the  aboriginal  California!!  always  liked  beef, 
horse-flesh  better,  and  donkey's  meat  still  more. 
Poor  jack,  so  despised  elsewhere,  except  when  needed 
for  hard,  unrequited  work,  or  to  breed  a  hybrid,  was 
here  highly  appreciated  by  the  native  American  for 
his  meat.  Inocente  Garcia  relates  the  following  in 
cident.  About  1836  he  was  appointed  by  Governor 
Alvarado  administrator  of  San  Miguel  mission.  Be 
fore  taking  possession  of  his  trust  he  ascertained  that 
the  neophytes  were  in  the  habit  of  going  out,  way 
laying  travellers  to  rob  them,  and  stealing  horses  to 
eat  them,  not  even  those  of  the  mission  escaping  their 
depredations.  He  saw  the  necessity  of  checking 
these  abuses,  and  afterward  corrected  them.  One 
day,  sitting  on  a  bench  in  the  portico  of  the  minister's 
house,  two  gentiles  from  the  Tulare  region  came  to 
see  him ;  they  spoke  in  a  dialect  which  he  pretended 
not  to  understand,  and  he  called  for  an  interpreter, 
through  whom  they  asked  for  food.  He  gave  them 
some  bread.  The  interpreter  went  away,  but  the 
gentiles  stayed.  At  this  moment  a  vaquero  passed 
by  mounted  on  a  fine  horse.  One  of  the  gentiles 


HORSE  AND  MULE  MEAT.  369 

then  remarked,  "see  how  fine  and  fleshy  that  horse 
is,  so  good  to  eat;"  to  which  the  other  fellow  an 
swered,  "Yes,  very  good  indeed;  but  it  could  not 
possibly  be  so  good  and  so  sweet  as  the  young  donkey 
which  was  sold  us  last  nigrht  by  the  alcalde.  Juan,  arid 

O  */ 

we  ate  up  at  the  temascal."  Garcia  understood  them 
well,  arid  had  the  temascal  searched  for  the  bones  cf 
young  jack.  The  Indian's  words  proved  true.  This 
was  but  one  instance,  among  many,  of  Indian  predi 
lection  for  asses'  meat. 

Senora  Paz  Esprnola  used  to  do  washing,  and  besides 
kept  a  wooden  bench  in  front  of  her  house  where  she 
sold  fried  fish.  For  half  a  real,  an  Indian  or  a  laborer 
could  buy  two  or  three  tortillas  and  fried  fish  enough 
to  appease  hunger  for  twelve  hours.  On  feast  days, 
said  senora  used  to  move  her  establishment  to  the 
church  door,  and  sell  meat  pies,  well  seasoned  with 
chile.  For  a  real  she  gave  two  of  the  empanadas  and 
a  glass  of  apple  cider. 

There  was  a  somewhat  puerile  attempt  at  bread 
laws  by  the  Monterey  ayuntamiento  in  1835.  The 
sfndico  asked  for  instructions  as  to  the  weight  and 
quality  of  bread.  It  was  agreed  that  no  rules  could 
be  made  as  to  the  weight,  except  that  persons  should 
be  obliged  to  sell  the  weight  they  declared  to  deliver; 
and  when  the  quality  was  bad,  they  should  lose  the 
amount  of  their  baking.  If  not  of  bad  quality,  but  fell 
short  in  weight,  the  bread  should  be  disposed  of  among 
the  prisoners. 

"The  Californians,"  says  one,  "are  celebrated  for 
the  manufacture  of  sugared  pastry ;  amongst  these  are 
azucarillos,  a  kind  of  white  biscuit  formed  from  crys 
tallized  sugar.  It  is  melted  in  iced  water,  and  forms 
a  delightful  drink,  being  sweet,  with  a  delicate,  aro 
matic  flavor." 

They  were  a  great  people  to  make  visits  to  their 
friends  and  relatives,  the  whole  family  going,  and  stay 
ing  a  week  or  a  month.  Of  these  visitors,  sometimes 
fifty  of  them  would  light  upon  a  place  together,  when 

CAL.  PAST.    24 


370  FOOD,  DRESS,  AND   DWELLINGS. 

the  tortilla-makers  would  get  no  rest  day  or  night. 
Of  a  bullock  butchered  one  morning,  there  would  not 
bo  enough  left  for  breakfast  next  morning. 

For  a  long  time  there  was  a  prejudice  against  pork, 
the  people  refusing  even  to  use  lard  in  their  cooking, 
confining  themselves  to  beef  fat.  Pigs  were  only  fit 
to  make  soap  of,  they  thought.  Neither  did  they 
care  to  eat  bear,  or  sheep  flesh ;  beef  alone  suited  them, 
especially  vaquillas  six  or  twelve  months  old ;  and  they 
relished  roasted  meat  the  best.  When  a  beef  was 
slaughtered,  the  ribs  were  quickly  bared  of  the  hide, 
and  thefrazada — the  meat  on  the  ribs — cut  out.  This 
was  thrown  on  the  coals  with  a  sprinkling  of  salt,  and 
when  half  cooked  was  eaten  with  relish.  "I  never 
cared  for  it,"  says  Arnaz;  "it  had  no  taste,  and  seemed 
like  leather."  Roast  meat  and  milk  was  the  usual 
food  of  rancheros,  with  cheese,  asaderas,  frijoles,  and 
tortillas.  But  at  feasts  they  could  prepare  many  rich 
dishes.  Women  did  not  eat  with  the  men.  Poor 
people  had  no  tables;  they  sat  on  the  ground  and  ate 
with  their  fingers. 

All  mankind  will  have  their  alcohol  and  opium  in 
some  form.  The  California  aboriginals  had  a  drink, 
the  pispibata,  which  the  padres  would  not  allow  them 
to  use,  so  strong  was  it,  and  so  deleterious.  It  was 
made  of  powdered  calcined  shells,  wild  tobacco  juice, 
and  islais,  or  wild  cherries,  powdered,  shaken,  and 
ground,  water  being  added,  until  it  assumed  a  consis 
tency  almost  solid.  Sometimes  maize,  or  fruit  of  easy 
fermentation,  was  used.  The  pispibata  was  a  power 
ful  decoction,  equal  to  a  mixture  of  rum,  tobacco  juice, 
and  opium — if  one  can  imagine  what  that  would  be. 
The  horrible  mixture  prepared,  the  savages  would  seat 
themselves  round  it,  in  the  hot  sun,  and  dipping  the 
forefinger  into  the  mass  they  would  touch  it  to  their 
tongue  and  give  a  smack  of  satisfaction.  This  done 
two  or  three  times,  the  participant  fell  back  dead 
drunk,  or  dead  indeed  if  a  little  too  much  should  be 


INTOXICATING  BRINK.  371 

taken.  It  is  said  that  during  the  lethargy,  the  moder 
ate  participant  seemed  to  realize  his  most  ardent  hopes 
indulged  in  while  awake,  and  that  though  the  body 
was  paralyzed,  the  soul  entered  the  realms  of  superla 
tive  happiness, 

In  1834  Gallardo  and  Arzaga  of  Sonora  petitioned 
the  jefe  for  permission  to  erect  a  brandy  distillery  near 
San  Felipe,  and  to  have  the  ten  dollars  municipal  tax 
removed.  This  was  in  June.  Before  the  year  had 
expired,  Gamboa  y  Caballero  was  granted  permission 
by  Figueroa  to  make  mescal  brandy  for  one  year 
between  Monterey  and  San  Luis  Obispo,  but  he  must 
pay  the  municipal  dues. 

Most  of  the  missions  manufactured  aguardiente 
from  grapes,  apples,  and  pears.  The  brandy  of  San 
Fernando  acquired  great  reputation  in  California. 
Graham  had  a  still  on  the  Vergeles  rancho,  and  used 
wheat  and  maize.  A  bottle  of  Catalan  brandy  used  to 
cost  twelve  reales,  or  an  ox-hide.  Gamboa  used  to  fill 
an  empty  brandy-keg  with  water,  expose  it  to  the  sun 
for  half  a  day,  then  put  in  burnt  sugar  and  ground 
chile.  This  he  would  sell  to  the  savages  as  brandy; 
and  when  they  complained  that  there  was  no  happiness 
in  it,  he  would  say  that  he  had  kept  it  so  long  it  had 
lost  its  strength.  An  alcoholic  liquor  was  obtained 
from  the  baked  torogtii  root,  which  was  crushed,  left 
in  earthen  pots  to  ferment,  and  then  heated  for  dis 
tillation. 

At  San  Jose  good  wine  and  brandy  were  made  long 
before  the  days  of  the  amorous  Naglee.  Padre  Duran 
was  skilled  in  this  pious  industry.  His  aguardiente 
was  as  clear  as  crystal,  or  when  treated  with  burnt 
sugar  became  of  a  clear  yellow.  It  was  doubly  dis 
tilled,  and  as  strong  as  the  reverend  father's  faith. 

The  wine  of  pastoral  days  was  made  after  this  man 
ner:  Suitable  ground  was  selected,  and  a  desvan  or 
platform  placed  thereon.  This  was  covered  with  clean 
hides,  and  the  grapes  piled  upon  it.  Some  well- 
washed  Indians,  having  on  only  a  zapeta,  the  hair 


372  POOD,  DRESS,  AND  DWELLINGS. 

carefully  tied  up  and  hand  covered  with  cloth  where* 
with  to  wipe  away  the  perspiration,  each  having  a 
stick  to  steady  himself  withal,  were  put  to  treading  out 
the  grape  juice,  which  was  caught  in  coras,  or  in  leath 
ern  bags.  These  were  emptied  into  a  large  wooden  tub, 
where  the  liquid  was  kept  two  or  three  months,  under 
cover  of  the  grape-skins,  to  ferment.  Such  as  did  not 
flow  off  was  put  into  wooden  presses,  and  the  juice 
into  copper  jars,  and  covered  with  a  kind  of  hat. 
Through  two  or  three  inserted  tubes  heat  was  con 
veyed  to  the  mass  to  aid  evaporation  and  condensa 
tion  These  jars  served  as  a  still  for  brandy.  For 
white  wine  the  first  juice  only  was  taken  and  stored. 

On  the  28th  of  April,  1840,  the  assembly  passed  to 
the  committee  the  proposition  of  Gonzalez  to  prohibit 
brandy  distilling  from  wheat,  maize,  and  barley,  as 
prejudicial  to  health;  and  the  introduction  thereof  from 
abroad,  for  this  was  prejudicial  to  the  agriculturists. 
The  prohibition  of  wheat,  maize,  and  barley  brandy 
was  approved. 

In  1843  there  were  at  Santa  Barbara  two  good 
stills,  and  two  that  were  valueless;  San  Buenaventura 
had  four,  two  being  useless,  with  eleven  barrels  of 
brandy  in  store;  San  Antonio  had  a  still  worth  $100 
in  1845,  and  two  wine-presses  with  some  jars,  barrels, 
and  tools,  worth  in  all  $200. 

On  the  10th  of  October,  1845,  the  prefect  writes 
from  Monterey  to  the  secretary  of  government  of  the 
harm  done  by  making  aguardiente  from  grain,  as  well 
as  the  abuses  and  public  scandal  caused  by  its  cheap 
ness,  and  the  evil  effects  to  the  public  health  by  its 
use;  he  thinks  the  prefecture  should  not  grant  licenses 
for  its  manufacture.  Two  years  before  this;  the  Mon 
terey  prefect  had  ordered  the  sub-prefect  at  San  Jose 
not  to  allow  the  making  of  liquor  from  molasses  and 
grains,  with  an  'orden  superior.' 

Drunkenness  was  not  common,  says  Arnaz;  the  men 
usually  took  a  mouthful  or  so  of  brandy,  but  few 
drunken  men  were  seen,  although  liquor  was  common 


PASSION   FOR  ADORNMENT.  373 

and  cheap.  Most  took  wine  for  dinner  at  Angeles, 
where  it  was  made ;  elsewhere  water  was  used.  Drink 
ing  was  more  prevalent  in  the  north,  though  not  ex 
cessive  there. 

On  this  outskirt  of  civilization,  not  to  say  creation, 
we  find  humanity  just  as  insane  over  the  subject  of 
dress  and  ornamentation  of  person  as  in  Paris  or  St 
Petersburgh,  and  the  men  were  as  silly  as  the  women. 
There  was  a  great  variety  of  attire  present,  more  among 
the  men  than  among  the  women ;  arid  to  give  what 
everybody  says  upon  the  subject  may  have  the  appear 
ance  of  repetition;  but  in  this  way  only  can  this  va 
riety  be  intelligently  placed  before  the  reader.  I 
arrange  my  notes  on  this  subject  chronologically,  to 
give  the  sketch  the  greater  historical  value.  If  there 
are  apparent  contradictions  herein,  they  must  be 
charged  to  my  authorities,  who  wrote  at  different  times, 
and  under  various  circumstances.  It  is  only  in  listen 
ing  to  them  all,  however,  that  we  can  learn  all. 

This  much  may  be  said  by  way  of  preface,  that 
the  ordinary  orthodox  dress  of  the  Californian  was 
a  broad-brimmed  hat  of  dark  color,  gilt  or  figured 
band  round  the  crown,  lined  under  the  riin  with  silk ; 
short  silk  or  figured  calico  jacket;  open-necked  shirt; 
rich  waiscoat,  if  any;  pantaloons  open  at  sides  below 
the  knee,  gilt  laced,  usually  of  velveteen  or  broadcloth ; 
or  short  breeches  and  white  stockings ;  deer-skin  shoes, 
dark  brown,  and  much  ornamented ;  a  red  sash  round 
the  waist,  and  poncho  or  serape.  The  latter  was  al 
ways  a  mark  of  the  rank  or  wealth  of  the  owner,  and 
was  of  black  or  dark  blue  broadcloth,  with  velvet  trim 
mings  down  to  the  coarse  blanket  poncho  of  various 
colors. 

Women  wore  gowns  of  silks,  crape,  calicoes,  etc., 
with  short  sleeves,  and  loose  waist  without  corset; 
shoes  of  kid  or  satin,  sashes  or  belts  of  bright  colors; 
and  almost  always  necklace  and  ear-rings.  They  had 
no  bonnets,  the  hair  hanging  loose  or  in  long  braids. 


374  FOOD,  DRESS,  AND  DWELLINGS. 

Married  women  did  it  up  on  a  high  comb.  Over  the 
head  a  large  mantle  was  thrown,  drawn  close  round 
the  face  while  but  of  doors.  In  the  house  they  carried 
a  small  scarf  or  neckerchief,  and  on  top  of  the  head  a 
band  with  star  or  ornament  in  front.  This  according 
to  Dana  in  1835. 

The  men  of  1780,  says  Amador,  soldiers  and  civil 
ians  alike,  used  knee-breeches  of  cloth  or  velveteen — - 
pana;  it  had  a  flap,  called  a  tapabalazo,  sometimes 
narrow,  sometimes  wide,  and  the  band  at  the  knee  was 
fastened  by  a  buckle  of  silver  or  other  metal.  The 
stocking  was  of  wool  or  silk.  The  jacket  was  short. 
The  military  jacket  was  also  short;  the  little  standing 
collar — collari fn—  facings — vueltas — and  braidings  or 
other  adornments — franjas—were  red,  as  was  the  waist 
coat  of  cloth.  The  stock,  or  corbatin,  was  black  and 
well  adjusted,  so  that  the  chin  remained  up. 

When  the  soldier  went  on  service  he  put  on  his 
cuera.  This  was  made  of  seven  thicknesses  of  ante 
lope  hide,  called  gamuza.  It  was  a  sort  of  waistcoat, 
made  in  three  pieces,  and  was  fastened  under  the  arms 
with  thongs  of  the  same  material.  It  fell  to  the  knee, 
and  served  as  a  protection  against  arrows.  He  carried 
also  an  oval  adarga,  or  shield,  of  ox-hide  doubled;  on 
the  inside  it  had  a  loop  for  the  arm. 

The  bota,  or  legging,  was  shaped  like  a  stocking-leg, 
reached  from  the  ankle  to  just  below  the  knee,  where 
it  was  confined  by  a  garter  of  silk  or  thread,  according 
to  the  taste  or  means  of  the  wearer.  The  shoe  of  ber- 
ruchi — a  term  probably  applied  to  the  shape  or  make 
of  the  shoe — came  to  above  the  ankle,  and  outside  of 
the  bota,  being  fastened  on  the  outside.  The  hat  was 
of  wool,  low  in  the  crown,  broad  in  the  brim,  and  fas 
tened  by  means  of  a  cord  passing  under  the  chin  and 
called  a  barbiquejo.  The  dress  of  the  officer  was 
the  same  as  that  of  the  enlisted  man,  except  that  the 
materials  were  finer.  It  bore  devices  indicative  of  the 
wearer's  rank.  The  officer  in  full  dress,  in  1780,  wore 
a  three-cornered  hat ;  and  for  ordinary  service  one  like 


WOMEN  OP  QUALITY.  375 

that  of  the  soldier,  The  officer  wore  a  sword  four  or 
five  Flemish  spans,  cuartas  flamencas,  in  length,  and 
having  a  steel  scabbard,  which  he  used  as  a  cane.  On 
a  campaign  he  carried  also  a  lance,  a  poignard,  pistols, 
and  a  carbine.  The  soldiers  carried  the  same  offens 
ive  arms  as  the  officer  on  a  campaign. 

In  my  collection  of  state  papers  relative  to  early 
California  is  a  list  of  two  and  a  half  pages,  giving  the 
goods  and  various  supplies  required  for  the  annual 
consumption  of  San  Jose  and  Los  Angeles  in  1796. 
It  comprises  varieties  of  silk,  woollen,  and  cotton 
goods,  thread,  needles,  and  scissors.  Among  the 
articles  of  dress  are  six  dozen  scarlet  silk  stockings  for 
women;  the  prevailing  colors  of  other  goods  are  scar 
let  and  blue.  Various  implements  of  agriculture  are 
named ;  also  a  considerable  supply  of  carpenters'  tools. 

A  woman  of  quality,  of  this  period,  when  she  paid 
or  received  visits,  or  on  festive  occasions,  would  appear 
in  a  white  skirt  with  an  embroidered  hem  of  four 
fingers  in  width;  over  this  another  of  a  silky  stuff  called 
sarga,  and  blue,  green,  or  black  in  color;  a  low  shoe 
with  a  buckle  of  silver  or  other  metal,  the  heel  being 
of  moderate  height;  silken  stockings,  black  or  red;  a 
rebozo  of  silk  or  thread;  a  necklace  of  pearls — or  rather 
an  imitation  of  them.  In  the  house,  occupied  in 
domestic  duties,  she  wore  a  white  skirt  pf  a  coarse 
linen  fabric  called  crea,  and  over  it  a  colored  skirt  of  an 
inferior  kind  of  sarga  of  color.  The  poor  woman 
dressed  in  the  same  way  as  the  rich,  except  that  her 
skirt  was  of  a  very  coarse  bayeta,  or  flannel,  a  coarse 
woollen  stuff,  generally  red  or  blue. 

In  the  San  Jose  archives  is  written  that  in  1804,  at 
Monterey,  Cornandante  de  la  Guerra,  with  great  pain, 
had  noticed  that  the  uniform,  by  which  the  grace  of  so 
many  monarchs  had  desired  to  distinguish  that  portion 
of  their  loyal  vassals  who  serve  under  their  banners, 
had  in  this  jurisdiction  become  not  only  despicable,  but 
even  ridiculous,  on  account  of  the  number  of  paisanaje, 
or  civilians,  who  had  shamelessly  adopted  the  same, 


376  FOOD,  DRESS,  AND  DWELLINGS. 

without  any  privilege  other  than  their  own  fancy.  To 
correct  this  abuse,  he  prohibited  thenceforth  to  civil 
ians  of  any  class  the  wearing  of  any  insignia  or  adorn 
ment  of  those  used  by  the  troops — especially  the 
cuffs,  collarin,  or  edging  of  the  collar,  and  the  solapa 
or  lapels  of  a  red  color,  which  said  civilians  have  here 
tofore  notably  affected.  Any  one  who  hereafter  might 
be  seen  with  any  of  these  appendages  should  have 
them  taken  away,  and  should  suffer  eight  days'  arrest 
in  the  calabozo.  A  repetition  of  the  offence  would  be 
punished  according  to  the  condition  and  circumstances 
of  the  offender.  All  which  was  published  by  bando, 
and  corporals  of  escoltas  were  charged  with  carrying 
out  the  order. 

In  1816  Amador  says:  "I  came  to  wear  trousers 
made  of  deer-skin,  which,  well  made  and  having  a  sil 
ver  braid  down  the  side,  were  worth  $12."  This  was 
during  the  scarcity. 

The  dress  of  the  women  at  .Governor  Sola's  inaugu 
ration  ball  in  1816  was  the  same  style  as  had  been 
used  by  the  first  families  nearly  half  a  century  before — 
an  enagua  of  fine  white  muslin,  almost  transparent, 
coming  down  half-way  from  knee  to  foot,  ornamented 
with  spangles  of  gold  and  floreado,  all  round,  presenting 
a  very  striking  appearance  in  the  light  of  lamps,  torches, 
and  candles. 

Hair  in  front  was  cut  short  and  came  down  to  the 
middle  of  the  forehead;  this  front,  or  as  a  modern 
girl  would  say,  bang,  was  then  called  the  tupe.  A 
lock  on  each  side,  called  balcarras,  hung  down  to  the 
cheek ;  the  rest  of  .the  hair  was  gathered  up  behind  in 
black  or  colored  silk  net.  A  close-fitting  jacket  of  silk 
joined  the  enagua  at  the  waist,  and  was  buttoned  or 
hooked  up  to  the  neck.  Flesh-colored  silk  stockings, 
low  shoes  of  white  satin,  pendants  and  dormilonas, 
very  long  ear-drops,  and  strings  of  Lower  California 
pearls  round  the  neck,  were  worn;  also  a  wide  scarlet 
ribbon  round  the  waist,  whose  ends  fell  to  the  bottom 
of  the  skirt,  with  a  gold  plate  five  or  six  inches  wide 


DURING  SOLA'S  RULE.  377 

terminating  each  end.  There  was  also  a  rebozo  of 
silk  of  different  colors.  Street  shoes,  or  zapatos  de 
patillo,  had  high  heels  made  of  light  wood.  This  dress 
seems  to  have  been  different  from  that  worn  in  Mex 
ico;  for  Governor  Sok  is  said  to  have  regarded  it  as 
a  novelty;  and  he  was  much  gratified  to  find  here  re 
vived  the  costume  of  ancient  Castilian  women,  which 
recalled  the  scenes  of  his  youth.  What  a  reflection 
on  damsels  and  dames  all  the  time  imagining  they 
were  conquering  in  the  latest  cut  and  fit  of  their 
clothes!  ' 

In  1816-18,  when  no  goods  came  from  Mexico  on 
account  of  the  war  for  independence,  the  women,  rich 
and  poor  alike,  made  use  of  the  jerga,  a  very  coarse 
woollen  stuff  woven  at  the  missions,  and  were  glad  to 
get  it,  holding  it  as  the  finest  muslin.  Those  who  were 
able  bought  wool  and  sent  it  to  be  knitted  into  stock 
ings  by  the  Mexicans  or  Indians;  the  poor  wore  the 
stockings  which  nature  gave  them.  The  jerga  was 
currently  known  as  muselina  de  las  misiones,  or  mis 
sion  muslin. 

The  officers,  who  of  all  others  were  best  able  to 
obtain  clothes,  had  only  a  collar  and  shirt  front  fastened 
to  the  inside  of  the  waistcoat  by  means  of  a  button 
hole  to  the  flap.  The  back  of  the  waistcoat  was  next 
the  skin,  for  the  wearer  had  no  shirt.  Some  of  the 
soldiers  wore  a  shirt  made  of  the  jerga  at  the  missions; 
others  wore  their  old  shirts  patched  until  frayed  into 
mere  threads.  In  fact,  the  troops  were  almost  naked. 
Almost  all  were  shoeless.  Many  even  mounted  guard 
with  bare  feet  and  the  body  wrapped  in  a  blanket. 
Nevertheless,  they  served  contentedly,  so  great  was 
their  affection  for  their  officers! 

The  same  condition  of  things  existed  throughout 
California.  The  women  dressed  in  garments  of  jerga; 
occasionally  one  had  a  chemise  of  manta,  or  cotton 
goods,  but  the  nagua  or  skirt  was  always  of  jerga. 
The  wives  of  officers  made  out  to  do  with  indiana,  as 
tiie  printed  cotton  stuff  was  called,  and  sarga.  For 


378  FOOD,  DRESS,  AND  DWELLINGS. 

slippers  they  used  coletilla,  a  coarse  unbleached  hempen 
stuff,  or  pafio— cloth — when  obtainable. 

Before  Echeandia's  arrival,  observes  Machado,  the 
dress  was  a  shirt  of  cotton  or  other  fabric,  vest  with 
out  facings  (chaleco  sin  voltear)  reaching  to  the  waist 
of  different  color,  the  troops  using  blue.  Over  the 
chaleco  went  the  chupin,  which  was  a  levita  with  lap 
pets,  and  bright  red  braiding,  also  round  the  neck. 
This  was  the  soldiers'  fashion ;  but  the  rest  wore  nearly 
the  same,  the  color  varying  according  to  taste. 

Short  pants  of  cloth,  coleta,  drill,  or  other  stuff,  the 
troops  using  pafio.  They  reached  to  the  knee,  where 
they  opened  to  the  outside,  with  lapels  to  both  sides, 
and  with  six  buttons  on  each  side.  The  fine  hats 
from  Spain  were  kept  with  care.  The  common  palm 
hats  were  made  by  Indians. 

Speaking  of  1824,  Torre  says  that  the  women 
dressed  nearly  all  alike,  whatever  their  position,  ex 
cept  that  those  who  were  better  off  used  finer  tex 
tures.  The  customary  dress  was  blue  indianas  or  coleta 
for  work-days;  on  festival  days  muslins  and  other 
finer  material.  Petticoats  were  trimmed  with  blue 
silk  and  black  bodice,  the  sleeves  coming  to  half-way 
between  the  elbow  and  forearm.  They  had  a  purple 
or  scarlet  belt  around  the  waist,  and  a  black  or  other 
colored  kerchief  around  the  neck  fastened  with  pins 
across  the  breast.  The  hair  was  neatly  combed  into 
a  single  plait  which  hung  down  the  back,  the  plait 
set  off  with  various  colored  ribbons  according  to  taste. 
Women  of  superior  pretensions  dressed  the  hair  like 
ordinary  women  until  the  fashions  came,  and  aristo 
cratic  distinctions  became  more  marked.  Their  shoes 
were  of  calf-skin,  blue  coleta,  or  satin,  with  silk  or 
cotton  stockings.  A  silk  or  cotton  rebozo  covered 
the  head  and  part  of  the  face  when  they  went  out  into 
the  street.  When  mounted  on  horseback  it  was  car 
ried  tied  to  the  left  side. 

Lugo  places  upon  women  of  this  period  short  skirts 
fastened  about  the  waist.  Their  upper  garment  was 


ANGELES  COSTUMES.  379 

a  short-sleeved  chemise,  which  came  to  a  little  below 
the  waist.  Beneath  this  skirt  they  wore  another  of 
bayeta— a  coarse,  heavy  flannel — and  under  this  an 
other  of  material  coarse  or  fine,  according  to  their 
means.  This  latter  skirt  very  poor  women  did  not 
wear.  O n  feast  days  the  well-to-do  women  wore  j ack ets 
of  velvet,  cloth,  or  satin.  About  1830  women  began 
to  use  combs  of  tortoise-shell,  or  other  less  costly  mate 
rial.  They  wore  low  shoes,  with  or  without  heels, 
the  latter  called  de  resbalon,  and  were  used  at  balls. 
Women  wore  hats  only  when  they  rode  to  some  dis 
tant  place. 

Soldiers  dressed  like  civilians,  except  that  on  their 
jackets  were  their  insignia,  and  when  they  went  on 
an  expedition  they  wore  the  cuera,  which  was  a 
kind  of  waistcoat  of  many  thicknesses  of  antelope- 
skin,  and  in  the  exterior  seams  had  a  welt  of  green 
cloth.  This  cuera  was  used  by  the  cavalry  de  cuera 
only. 

He  who  could  buy  them  wore  stockings,  but  many 
had  neither  shoes  nor  socks,  because  unable  to  pur 
chase  them.  Men's  neckerchiefs  were  frequently 
embroidered  at  the  ends  like  lace. 

When  mounted,  the  men  often  wore  two  pieces  of 
well-tanned  deer-skin,  very  soft,  stitched  to  a  narrow 
belt  of  the  same  skin,  which  was  tied  round  the 
waist;  each  of  these  fell  over  the  thigh  below  the 
knee,  and  was  fastened  underneath  with  small  thongs. 
These  were  called  armitas,  and  were  used  when  they 
entered  the  corrals  to  lasso  cattle,  the  armitas  pro 
tecting  the  breeches  from  the  chafing  of  the  rope. 
Others  somewhat  similar  were  worn,  called  armas, 
made  of  goat-skin,  tanned  with  the  hair  on.  At  the 
narrowest  part  they  were  fastened  to  a  belt  of  skin  to 
tie  round  the  waist,  and  hung  down  to  the  tapadera  of 
the  stirrups.  The  armas  afforded  shelter  from  the 
rain,  and  from  the  brambles  and  chamise;  they  were 
also  useful  for  sleeping  in  when  obliged  to  camp  out. 

At  Los  Angeles,  Duhaut-Cilly  remarks  that  the 


380  FOOD,  DRESS,  AND  DWELLINGS. 

men  alone  wear  a  dress  that  can  be  termed  national, 
arid  adapted  to  their  life  on  horseback.  Short 
breeches  of  dark  cloth  or  velvet,  terminating  at  the 
knee  with  gold  or  silver  galloon,  but  not  buttoned. 
The  open  breeches  permit  a  view  of  the  edge  of  the 
\vide  white  drawers  descending  half-way  down  the  leg, 
covering  partly  white  stockings,  which  are  loose,  for 
tight  and  drawn-up  stockings  would  be  ridiculed. 
The  doublet  worn  as  a  sobretodo,  or  surtout,  is 
usually  of  the  same  material  as  the  breeches,  without 
collar,  but  adorned  with  a  red  flounce  and  facing.  Its 
many  metal  buttons  are  not  for  use,  nor  are  the  laps 
big  enough  to  cover  the  chest. 

As  they  use  no  braces,  the  white  shirt  peeps  out 
between  trousers  and  vest.  To  avoid  this,  a  red  faja 
or  sash  is  wound  round  the  waist.  Their  shoes  or 
short  boots  are  laced  over  the  foot.  The  upper-leather 
is  divided  lengthwise  in  two  parts,  one  yellow,  the 
other  brown — rather  tasteful.  At  the  heel  of  the  shoes 
a  fringed  piece  of  leather  projects,  serving  to  support 
the  big  spurs. 

When  on  horseback  they  wear  the  leg  enveloped 
in  leggings  called  gamuzas;  of  this  they  are  most 
proud,  and  the  manner  of  enveloping  the  calf  is  an 
esteemed  art.  Woe  to  him  who  allows  the  form  of 
the  leg  to  be  seen !  The  shoe  is  besides  tightly  fixed 
around  the  leg  by  a  cord  of  silk  and  gold  worked  by 
his  lady-love.  Hats  are  usually  of  felt,  flat  and  broad- 
brimmed.  A  mantle  is  worn  in  cold  weather,  and 
consists  of  a  piece  of  cloth  with  an  opening  for  the 
head,  called  a  poncho,  or  mangas,  in  different  parts  of 
Spanish  America.  This  dress  wants  neither  grace 
nor  dignity,  but  the  chief  advantage  is  the  freedom  of 
limbs  it  allows. 

The  dress  of  the  women  is  more  ridiculous,  being  a 
strange  mixture  of  California  and  foreign  styles. 
When  seeking  to  imitate  the  Mexican  fashion  they 
go  to  the  extreme  of  extravagance,  so  as  to  make 
gravity  difficult  to  observe.  Few  are  content  with 


AT  THE  DANCE.  381 

simple  home  fashions.  A  certain  set  who  had  intro 
duced  about  1826  an  extreme  in  Parisian  bonnets, 
like  small  baskets  or  melons,  were  dubbed  cabezas 
melones.  The  women  of  good  families,  remarks  Ser 
rano,  speaking  of  the  next  decade,  dressed  with  much 
plainness  and  modesty,  the  chief  characteristics  being 
the  exceeding  cleanliness  of  their  linen  at  all  great 
gatherings,  whether  at  church  or  at  the  frequent  pic 
nics.  At  the  dances  so  frequently  given  at  private 
houses,  and  tp  which  indiscriminate  entrance  was  not 
allowed,  the  females  appeared  not  only  well  dressed, 
but  with  good  display.  Some  days  before  a  large 
party,  the  women  used  to  put  their  heads  together 
and  agree  upon  what  dress  they  would  wear,  what 
kind  of  stuff,  its  color,  and  trimmings,  and  color  of  the 
shoes ;  this  was  that  they  might  appear  very  charming 
from  the  harmony  of  their  dress  and  ornaments.  The 
material  on  these  occasions  was  sometimes  silk,  or 
Very  fine  lawn  or  linen,  the  stockings  being  usually 
silk,  and  shoes  of  the  very  finest  satin.  It  was  a  low 
shoe  of  a  single  sole;  some  were  white,  others  dark 
blue  or  coffee-color;  and  there  were  the  very  whitest 
and  finest  lace  kerchiefs  over  the  shoulders,  covering 
the  upper  part  of  the  breast.  Necklaces,  ear-rings, 
and  rings  of  gold  were  abundant ;  the  hair  was  dressed 
according  to  the  fashion  of  the  period,  with  fine  tor 
toise-shell  openwork  combs  and  a  golden  band. 

They  wore  other  adornments,  such  as  flowers,  belt, 
and  ribbons  in  great  variety. 

The  daily  female  foot-wear  consisted  of  thread 
stockings,  and  strong,  black  leather  shoes,  or  of 
morocco  leather.  Their  dresses  were  usually  of  calico 
or  merino,  with  long  sleeves  down  to  the  hand,  and 
neck  close  to  the  throat;  the  skirt  being  extremely 
wide,  and  reaching  to  the  instep  without  touching 
the  ground.  The  breast  was  covered  with  a  fine  and 
pretty  silk  kerchief,  flowered,  in  different  colors; 
the  hair-dressing  consisted  in  separating  their  beauti 
ful  tresses  in  two  equal  parts,  and  forming  a  plait  of 


382  FOOD,  DRESS,  AND  DWELLINGS. 

each  interlaced  with  ribbons  of  some  dark  shade ;  these 
plaits  were  crossed  in  opposite  directions,  and  wound 
round  the  upper  part  of  the  head,  terminating  on  the 
top,  at  the  back  part,  and  thereon  was  placed  a  black 
or  coffee-colored  velvet  bow.  While  occupied  in 
household  duties,  to  protect  this  from  dust  the  head 
was  covered  with  a  good-sized  silk  kerchief  of  differ 
ent  colors,  arranged  in  graceful  folds,  so  as  to  give  it 
the  appearance  of  a  coquettish  little  cap.  The  gen 
eral  mode  of  dress  of  all  classes  was  modest  and 
simple. 

The  women's  hat  when  on  horseback — for  only  then 
they  wore  one — was  of  felt,  very  high,  less  than  two 
inches  of  brim,  wider  above  than  below — looked  like  a 
sugar  loaf.  Before  putting  on  the  hat,  a  handkerchief 
bordered  with  different  colored  silk  was  laid  on  the 
head,  which  covered  the  back,  front,  and  part  of  the 
cheeks,  and  was  fastened  by  a  pin  under  the  chin. 

This  was  the  dress  usually  worn  in  former  times ; 
later  came  in  the  fashion  of  the  tunic,  which  was  a 
narrow  sack  without  sleeves,  with  only  loops  for  the 
arms.  This  tunic  was  called  the  medio  paso,  for 
it  was  so  narrow  the  woman  could  scarcely  walk. 
Small  sleeves  were  worn  to  cover  the  arms,  with  a 
strap  behind  and  in  front  to  keep  them  up ;  the  one 
in  front  was  buttoned.  Such  an  arrangement  was 
very  inconvenient.  This  tunic  was  the  only  change 
that  took  place  in  a  long  time.  Afterward  came  wide 
tunics,  buttoned  behind  with  wide  sleeves — mangas 
de  monjas.  So  successive  changes  were  introduced, 
varying  until  the  arrival  of  the  Mexican  colony  in 
1834;  and  as  intercourse  with  the  outside  world 
became  more  frequent,  there  was  little  difference  be 
tween  the  dress  of  California  females  and  those  of 
other  countries 

The  cavalry  soldier's  carbine  was  carried  in  the 
leather  cover  of  the  saddle ;  the  lock  was  enveloped  in  a 
piece  of  chamois,  and  was  moreover  enveloped  in  a  fox- 
skin  bag,  the  whole  fixed  in  the  saddle  cover,  leaving 


SOLDIERS'  UNIFORMS.  383 

the  tail  and  part  of  the  fox's  legs  outside.  A  shield 
hung  at  one  side  of  the  saddle  bow.  The  soldier  also 
carried  a  lance  and  sword,  a  cartridge-box  on  the  belt, 
at  one  side  of  which  was  a  little  pocket  for  spare 
flints.  The  shield  was  of  several  hides,  slightly  con 
vex  in  front,  with  armlet  inside  so  as  to  cover  nearly 
the  whole  front  of  the  rider  without  preventing  the 
use  of  his  fire-arm.  The  infantry  arms  were  musket 
and  bayonet,  with  cross -belts,  one  to  carry  the  bayo 
net,  the  other  the  cartridge-pouch.  The  artillery 
carried  a  carbine  and  short  sword. 

The  presidio  companies  wore  the  following :  The 
hat  was  the  usual  wide-brimmed  one  with  the  crown 
de  la  panocha;  instead  of  the  parti-colored  ribbons,  it 
had  a  silk  cord  with  tassels  hanging  on  the  brim. 
The  hair  in  a  plait  with  a  piece  of  ribbon  at  the  end, 
green  or  red;  a  kerchief  loose  around  the  neck,  fall 
ing  over  the  breast,  adorned  with  spangles;  cotton  or 
linen  shirt  and  black  cloth  jacket  with  scarlet  facings. 
The  vest  was  of  stuff  called  coleta,  yellow  and  bor 
dered  in  front  with  black  silk.  One  or  two  sashes  of 
different  colors  passed  around  the  stomach ;  some  put 
a  woman's  cotton  scarf  or  a  sash  of  blue  coleta  of  a 
third  of  a  vara  wide.  Short  breeches  of  cloth  with 
bragueta,  a  fall  or  flap  in  front,  fastened  with  a  large 
silver  or  copper  button.  These  were  open  on  the 
outside  of  the  leg  for  about  a  third  of  a  vara  above 
the  knee.  In  this  opening  were  a  row  of  buttons  on 
one  side  and  holes  on  the  other;  the  breeches  reached 
a  little  below  the  knee,  having  at  the  extremity  about 
an  inch  breadth  of  gold  lace;  pockets  on  each  side 
called  bolsicos;  below  the  breeches  were  wide  linen 
or  cotton  drawers.  White  cotton  or  woollen  stock 
ings;  chamois  riding-leggings  reaching  down  to  the 
instep,  sewed  a  little  at  the  heel,  and  otherwise  open 
behind;  they  were  in  several  folds  tied  with  silken 
garters,  hand-wrought  and  adorned  with  spangles, 
scales,  and  tassels,  which  hung  upon  the  leg  below  the 
knee;  the  shoe,  which  was  called  del  berruchi,  opened 


384  FOOD,  DRESS,  AND  DWELLINGS 

on  the  outside,  where  it  was  fastened  with  a  thong; 
the  shoe  came  up  to  the  instep,  and  the  leggings  went 
inside,  and  over  the  shoe  fell  a  flap  of  the  same 
chamois. 

On  service  a  soldier  had  a  thick  cuera  de  gamuza 
stitched;  this  was  a  kind  of  short  sack  which  reached 
to  the  knees  with  a  button  to  fasten  it  at  the  neck  a 
little  below  the  throat;  on  the  left  shoulder  was  a 
button  whereon  to  hang  the  hat  when  the  soldier 
went  to  mass  without  arms.  The  officers  appeared  in 
black  pantaloons  with  low  waistband,  rather  wide,  de 
tapabalazo  ancho,  a  broad  flap  across  the  front,  and  a 
pocket  on  each  side,  a  short  jacket  or  frock  of  black 
cloth  with  lace  appointments  and  epaulets  according 
to  rank.  When  in  full  dress  they  wore  a  three-cor 
nered  hat,  and  also  a  cuera  when  on  field  duty.  Citi 
zens  wore  a  similar  dress  to  that  of  the  soldiers,  ex 
cepting  the  cuera  and  military  distinctions. 

The  full  dress  of  the  artillery  was  white,  a  short 
buttoned-up  coat  called  huacaro,  with  blue  facing;  a 
mameluke  of  cotton  or  linen  stuff;  a  wide  scarlet 
sash;  half-boots  open  in  front,  tied  with  a  thong; 
on  the  head  a  kind  of  cap  with  tricolor  pompon  the 
shape  of  the  Mexican  flag;  a  waistcoat  of  white 
cotton  buttoned  to  the  throat.  Officers  wore  a  red 
coat  with  green  facing,  white  pantaloons  with  wide 
flap;  sometimes  light  blue  pantaloons  with  broad 
gold  lace  on  the  outer  seam;  a  purple  velvet  waist 
coat  or  of  scarlet  cloth.  When  dressed  in  white  the 
waistcoat  was  scarlet;  when  the  coat  was  scarlet  they 
wore  blue  pantaloons  and  purple  waistcoat.  Infan 
try,  full-dress  coat,  dark  blue  cloth,  scarlet  facings; 
pantaloons,  blue  cloth  wTith  red  piping  down  the  seam; 
waistcoat  of  same  cloth,  tall  chaco  with  pompon. 
Officers  wore  the  same  uniform,  with  only  the  differ 
ence  of  the  lace  on  the  pantaloons,  shoulder-straps 
and  facings,  and  coat  and  vest. 

The  affairs  of  the  nation  were  insignificant  as  com 
pared  with  the  importance  of  the  caballero's  trappings. 


CAVALIER'S  ATTIRE.  385 

The  bit  was  very  rude  and  heavy,  and  suspended  by 
narrow  leather  bands  dyed   black.     The   reins  were 
woven  of  very  narrow  strips  of  calf-skin,  the  same  as 
the  lazo;  they  were  very  long,  and  to  the  end  was  at 
tached  a  long  whip  (Idtigo)  plaited  in  a  similar  manner, 
and  which  terminated  in  two  pointed  ends;  the  bridle 
(head-stall)    that    supported    the    bit  was  called    the 
cabezadas,  and  this  as  well  as  the  reins  was  adorned  by 
the  poorer  classes  with  buttons  and  silver  buckles,  and 
by  the  rich  with  ornaments  of  the  same  metal  engraved 
or  in  relief  (ya  grabados,  6  ya  calados),  the  same  kind 
of  adornment  was  on  the  monturas  (saddles)  and  spurs. 
The  montura,  or  saddle,  should  consist  of  an  immense 
wooden  saddle-tree,  whose  colossal  rounded  head  served 
to  hold  the  lasso  when  a  horse  or  bull  was  caught. 
This  saddle-tree  was  secured  to  the  back  of  the  horse 
by  a  broad  band  made  fast  to  the  lower  part  by  strong 
strips  of  hide  passing  under  the  belly  to  the  other  side 
of  the  saddle,  which  had  an  iron  ring   and    buckle. 
There  was  a  leather  band  made   fast  to  the  tree  to 
save  the  horse  from  being  chafed.     Under  the  tree 
were  placed  one  or   two   blankets,  called    sudaderos, 
doubled  several  times;  the  tree  was  covered  with  a 
broad  sheet  of  leather  having  two  openings,  one  for 
the  head  of  the  tree,  the  other  for  the  cantle,  the  ends 
hanging  down  over  both  sides  of  the  horse;  this  cover- 
was  called  a  mochilla,  and  upon  it  was  set  another 
somewhat  larger,  the  coraza.     This  was  handsomely 
set  off  with  embroidery- work  called  talabarteria,  such 
as  birds,  flowers,  or  other  tasty  patterns ;  also  through 
little  holes  pierced  in  it  could  be  seen  pieces  of  silk  or 
cloth  of  various  colors.     This  second  cover  was  rather 
costly,   as    it  was    also    bordered    with    silk  or    gold 
and  silver  thread,  and  it  was  not  used  on  work-days. 
When  travelling,   over  these  two  covers  was  placed 
a  third,  also  finely  adorned,  and  at  the  sides  in  front 
were  two  pockets,  cubos,  of  leather  with  covers,  like 
holsters,  the  covers  secured  by  a  strap  and  buckle, 
broche,  of  the  same  material.     These  holsters  served 

CAL.  PAST.    25 


386  FOOD,  DRESS,  AND  DWELLINGS. 

to  carry  food,  or  anything  else  too  large  to  be  carried 
in  the  coat  pocket.  At  the  back  of  the  saddle-tres  to 
cover  the  croup  of  the  horse,  and  tie  with  thongs  a 
maleta  with  clothes  or  the  serape  doubled,  was  placed 
a  large  piece  of  leather  in  semicircular  shape,  or  like 
the  tail  of  a  bird.  This  was  fastened  to  the  saddle 
tree  with  thongs,  and  was  called  an  anquera.  The  stir 
rups  were  made  of  coarsely  wrought  oak,  hung  from 
the  saddle-tree  by  leather  straps  called  arzones;  the 
front  of  the  stirrups  were  each  covered  with  two 
rounds  of  leather,  over  which  was  another  piece  of 
triangular  shape.  These  three  pieces  were  called  the 
tapaderas,  and  were  so  large  as  almost  to  touch  under 
the  horse's  belly.  The  enormous  spurs  had  four 
or  six  long  sharp  rowels,  under  the  infliction  of 
which  the  poor  beast  suffered  the  tortures  of  the  in 
quisition. 

Bias  Pena,  born  at  Monterey  in  1823,  says  that  in 
his  day  men  wore  corduroy  or  cloth  breeches,  jackets, 
broad-brimmed,  low-crowned  hats,  placing  around  the 
crown  a  girdle  of  silver  or  gold  thread,  or  simply  of 
beads,  commonly  called  chaquiras,  but  to  which  the 
missionaries  gave  the  name  of  paternosters.  In  rainy 
weather  the  hat  was  covered  with  a  thin  yellow  oil 
cloth.  Top-boots  were  common,  botas  de  ala  6  de  talon, 
of  chamois-skin  or  leather,  most  of  them  being  made  in 
the  country,  the  upper  part  secured  with  silk  ribbons 
of  various  colors.  They  also  wore  berruchi  shoes,  and 
another  kind  called  zapatones,  a  large  clumsy  affair. 
The  berruchi  were  tied  on  the  outer  side,  the  zapatones 
on  the  middle  of  the  foot,  with  thin  straps  or  with 
strings. 

Some  of  the  men  wore  short  breeches,  reaching 
down  to  the  knee  only,  open  about  six  inches  on  the 
outer  side,  where  were  buttons  of  silver,  or  of  some 
base  metal,  according  to  the  wearer's  means.  They 
had  falls  which  were  closed  with  a  fine  silver  button, 
or  with  one  of  copper  if  the  wearer  could  riot  afford 
the  former.  The  buttons  used  by  the  wealthy  had  the 


CALIFOUNIAN  TOILETS.  387 

Mexican  eagle  stamped  on  them.  The  breeches  were 
secured  round  the  waist  with  a  handsome  silk  or  crape 
sash,  which  was  further  ornamented  with  tassels  of 
gold  or  silver  thread,  the  ends  hanging  on  either  side, 
or  both  on  one  side,  but  never  in  the  middle.  Men 
were  likewise  accustomed  to  wear  cloth  sleeves  of  blue, 
coffee-color,  or  black,  with  silk  or  velvet  cuffs,  round 
which  was  silver  or  gold  thread  wound.  The  hair 
was  braided  like  that  of  the  Chinese,  but  never  in 
creased  by  any  false  hair.  In  1840  they  began  to 
leave  off  these  cues,  and  cut  the  hair  short  behind, 
leaving  it  long  in  front.  This  way  of  dressing  the 
hair  went  by  the  name  of  peinado  de  fwriay  the  fury 
fashion  of  carrying  the  hair. 

Women  in  former  times  braided  the  hair  in  one  piec^, 
and  twisted  it  round  the  top  of  the  head,  which 
fashion  was  called  peinado  delmolote,  the  molote  being 
held  by  a  comb  made  of  horn,  or  of  tortoise  shell,  ac 
cording  to  the  pecuniary  means  of  the  wearer.  The 
American  captain,  Fitch,  in  one  of  his  voyages  from 
Peru,  brought  four  tortoise-shell  combs,  which  he  sold 
at  $600  each,  one  of  them  being  purchased  by  Jose  de 
la  Guerra  y  Noriega  for  his  wife,  one  by  Mariano  Es 
trada,  another  by  Joaquin  Maitorena,  who  shortly 
afterward  was  elected  a  deputy  to  the  national  con 
gress,  and  Vallejo  the  last  one. 

Until  six  or  eight  years  of  age,  children  wore  short 
shirts.  From  an  early  day,  boys  whose  parents  could 
afford  it  indulged  in  trousers  of  cloth.  After  that 
age  they  wore  pantaloons  of  jerga,  or  bayeton,  or 
coleta — chiefly  the  last.  Children  of  wealthy  parents 
wore  shoes,  but  generally  a  boy  put  on  shoes  only 
after  he  could  earn  them.  More  pains  were  taken 
with  regard  to  girls'  shoes.  It  was  rare  to  see  a  boy 
of  less  than  12  or  14  years  with  a  hat. 

The  following  was  the  way  in  which  a  rich  young 
man  of  Los  Angeles  was  dressed  on  his  wedding  day, 
in  1842.  Yellow  hat  of  vicuna  wool,  with  abundance 
of  glass-seed  beads ;  the  under-part  of  the  brim  nearly 


388  FOOD,   DRESS  AND  DWELLINGS. 

covered  with  silver  lace.  The  jacket  easy  set,  of 
green  satin,  with  large  flaps  of  the  same  material,  its 
buttons  being  of  Mexican  pesetas  with  the  eagle  stamp 
on  the  exterior.  The  waist-coat  of  yellow  satin  with 
the  pocket  flaps  buttoned  up  with  gold  dollars.  Broad 
breeches  of  red  velvet  to  the  knees,  held  with  silver 
buckles.  The  buttons  of  the  breeches  flap,  plainly 
visible  being  also  pesetas.  On  these  buttons,  the  one 
known  as  the  atrancador  exhibited  a  motto  in  these 
words,  "No  me  saques  sin  razon,  ni  me  metas  sin 
honor."  A  buckskin  boot  of  the  natural  color,  bound 
to  the  knee  where  the  breeches  ended,  with  green 
silk  ribbons  forming  a  flower,  and  with  tassels  from 
which  depended  little  figures  of  cats,  dogs,  puppets, 
etc.,  made  of  seed-glass  beads,  interpolated  with  em 
bellishments  of  gold  and  silver  thread.  Where  the 
boot-leg  ended  began  the  shoe,  which  was  sharp- 
pointed  and  turned  upwards,  with  tinsel  ornaments, 
most  of  them  in  the  form  of  roses.  The  manga  was  of 
sky-blue  cloth  of  the  finest  quality,  with  red  lining ; 
the  opening  for  the  head  was  lined  with  black  velvet, 
and  was  oval-shaped,  with  silver  galloon  all  round  it, 
and  fringed.  The  hair  in  three  braids  fell  upon  the 
jacket ;  at  the  end  was  a  large  flower  of  green  ribbon. 
To  light  his  cigarette  he  used  a  meehero,  or  cotton 

O  O  ' 

twist  burnt  at  one  end,  with  a  steel  piece  and  a  flint- 
stone  weighing  about  an  ounce  ;  from  the  meehero 
hung  an  ornament  of  beads,  beautifully  made.  This 
media  or  tinder  was  perfumed  with  Peruvian  balsam. 

The  bride  of  about  eighteen,  a  brunette,  was  brisk 
in  her  movements.  She  wore  a  dress  of  yellow  satin, 
adorned  in  the  lower  part  with  green  ribbons;  white 
satin  shoes  with  the  points  turning  upward,  flesh 
colored  stockings,  black  handkerchief  round  the  head, 
a  triangular  shawl,  and  artificial  flowers. 

Lugo,  who  in  his  Vida  de  un  Ranchero,  writes  of 
1824,  says  that  most  of  the  men  bound  around  the 
head  a  black  silken  handkerchief,  some  tying  it  behind, 
others  over  the  forehead.  Over  this  was  placed  a 


HATS  AND   SHOES.  389 

hat  of  the  fashion  we  now  use.  It  was  always  se 
cured  by  a  barbiquejo,  or  throat-strap,  of  antelope- 
skin,  or  of  silken  ribbon,  which  latter  mode  was  in 
vogue  among  such  as  were  in  comfortable  circum 
stances.  He  who  affected  a  dashing  style  wore  his 
hat  cocked  on  one  side,  or  tilted  far  back  on  the  head. 
The  hats  in  general  use  were  called  poblanos,  because 
they  came  from  Puebla  in  Mexico,  and  were  low  in 
the  crown  and  rather  broad  of  brim.  Some  of  fine 
vicuna  wool  were  bought  only  by  the  officers,  or  men 
of  means.  Some  hats  were  of  leather,  and  others, 
which  were  made  by  the  Indians,  of  palm-leaves. 
The  botas,  which  may  be  translated  leggings,  were 
of  antelope-skin — a  whole  skin,  less  the  legs,  forming 
one  bota — from  the  neck  of  the  animal  downward. 
The  skin  reached  to  just  below-  the  ankle,  and  was 
sewn  for  a  short  distance  at  the  lower  end. 
Most  men  used  the  whole  width  of  the  skin,  but 
some  doubled  it  into  two,  others  into  three  folds. 
The  bota  was  secured  by  a  strap,  a  ribbon  or  a  garter 
woven  of  silk  intermingled  gold  and  silver  thread 
spangles  and  escarchi  (gold  and  silver  twist,  such 
as  is  used  in  epaulettes).  The  bota  was  well  and 
elaborately  stamped  or  worked  (dibujada),  and  bound 
on  the  edges.  The  shoes  were  of  calf-skin,  embroi 
dered  with  white  thread  of  the  maguey ;  came  up  to 
the  ankle  only;  were  open  on  the  outside  that  the 
foot  might  be  introduced,  the  opening  being  closed  by 
a  flap  bound  with  some  colored  material,  and  fastened 
with  black  leathern  straps  or  silken  cords.  Men  of 
means  wore  about  the  neck  a  whole  silken  handker 
chief — black  generally.  A  man's  hair  was  seldom  cut 
—never,  were  he  a  soldier.  His  hair  was  combed 
back  and  parted  in  the  middle.  It  was  then  tied  as 
high  on  his  head  as  possible,  and  in  three  strands, 
braided  into  a  sort  of  cue  which  hung  down  the 
back  like  those  of  the  Chinese.  At  last  the  soldiers 
were  forced  to  cut  their  hair.  The  women  wore 
the  hair  in  the  same  fashion — except  that  their  ears 


390  FOOD,  DRESS,  AND  DWELLINGS. 

were  concealed.  The  face  was  clean-shaven,  except 
the  part  covered  by  a  whisker  from  the  temple  to  the 
edge  of  the  lower  jaw.  Generally  men  shaved  every 
four  or  five  days;  but  some  did  so  only  on  Saturday 
night  or  Sunday  morning — in  order  to  present  them 
selves  clean  of  face  at  mass. 

The  full  dress  uniform  of  the  frontier  soldier  was 
that  in  use  from  the  earliest  days  of  the  conquest. 
All  the  horses  were  large  and  of  one  color.  The  sol 
diers  wore  their  cueras,  or  leather  jackets,  being  a 
sleeveless  sack,  or  surtout,  sewed  and  quilted,  with 
four  or  five  dressed  sheep-skins,  finely  tanned,  of  a 
yellowish  color,  and  so  thick  that  the  Indian  arrows 
could  not  easily  penetrate  them.  They  had  also 
an  adarga,  or  shield,  made  of  the  thickness  of  two 
ox-hides,  untanned ; '  they  were  oval-shaped,  and  of 
about  ]  00  inches  in  circumference.  Inside  of  it  was 
a  strap,  through  which  the  soldier  put  his  left  arm. 
The  face  of  the  shield  was  well  varnished,  and  the 
king's  arms  painted  on  it.  The  flint-lock  gun  was 
carried  in  a  sack  of  well-tanned  cow-hide,  embroidered 
on  the  outside,  laid  across  the  pommel  of  the  saddle, 
and  was  well  covered  to  protect  it  from  the  rain. 
They  used  also  a  long  lance,  or  spear,  with  a  flexible 
filbert-wood  pole.  A  cartridge-box  attached  to  the 
waist  contained  the  powder  and  ball;  five  days'  provis 
ions  were  carried  in  bags  at  the  saddle  bow;  a  cow 
hide  covering  extended  from  the  waist  to  below  the 
knee,  to  protect  the  legs  from  rain  and  from  shrubs; 
the  trousers  were  quite  short,  reaching  only  to  the 
knee,  and  from  there  was  visible  a  boot  of  chamois 
leather  that  covered  the  legs.  The  hat  was  low- 
crowned;  the  soldier  wore  his  hair  long,  and  flowing 
on  the  back  on  gala-days. 

A  California  dragoon's  dress,  as  Beech ey  saw  it, 
was  a  round,  blue  cloth  jacket,  with  red  cuffs  and 
collar,  blue  velvet  breeches  unbuttoned  at  the  knees, 
showing  white  cotton  stockings,  cased  over  half-way 
in  deer-skin  boots;  a  black  hat,  with  very  wide 


WOMEN  OF  THE  TWENTIES.  391 

brim  and  low  crown,  kept  in  order  by  its  own  weight; 
a  profusion  of  dark  hair,  which  met  behind  and  dangled 
half-way  down  the  back  in  a  thick  cue.  A  long 
musket,  with  fox-skin  round  the  lock,  was  balanced  on 
the  pommel  of  the  saddle ;  the  bull's-hide  shield  still 
had  the  Spanish  arms ;  a  double-fold  deer-skin  cuirass 
covered  the  body.  The  feet  were  armed  with  a  tre 
mendous  pair  of  iron  spurs,  secured  by  metal  chains, 
and  were  thrust  into  enormous  wooden,  box-shaped 
stirrups. 

The  dress  of  the  middle  class  of  females  in  1829, 
says  Robinson,  "is  a  chemise  with  short  embroidered 
sleeves,  richly  trimmed  with  lace,  a  muslin  petticoat 
flounced  with  scarlet,  and  secured  at  the  waist  by  a 
silk  band  of  the  same  color,  shoes  of  velvet  or  blue 
satin,  a  cotton  rebozo  or  scarf,  pearl  necklace  and  ear 
rings,  with  the  hair  falling  in  broad  plaits  down  the 
back.  Others  of  the  higher  class  dress  in  the  English 

O  O 

style,  and  instead  of  the  rebozo,  substitute  a  rich  and 
costly  shawl  of  silk  or  satin.  .  .  .  Short  clothes  arid 
jacket  trimmed  with  scarlet,  a  silk  sash  about  the 
waist,  botas  of  ornamented  and  embroidered  deer-skin, 
secured  by  colored  garters,  embroidered  shoes,  the 
hair  long,  braided,  and  fastened  behind  with  ribbons, 
a  black  silk  handkerchief  around  the  head,  surmounted 
by  an  oval  and  broad-brimmed  hat,  is  the  dress  uni 
versally  worn  by  the  men  of  California." 

Tomas  Yorba,  proprietor  of  the  rancho  de  Santa 
Ana,  between  San  Gabriel  and  San  Juan  Capistrano, 
wore  upon  his  head  a  black  silk  handkerchief,  the  four 
corners  hanging  down  behind.  "An  embroidered 
shirt,  cravat  of  white  jaconet  tastefully  tied,  a  blue 
damask  vest,  short  clothes  of  crimson  velvet,  a  bright 
green  cloth  jacket,  with  large  silver  buttons,  and  shoes 
of  embroidered  deer-skin."  On  some  occasions,  such 
as  a  feast  day  or  festival,  his  display  exceeded  in  value 
a  thousand  dollars. 

After  1832-3  the  dress  of  the  men  was  modified. 
Calzorieras  came  into  fashion.  The  calzoneras  are 


392  FOOD,  DRESS,  AND  DWELLINGS. 

pantaloons  with  the  exterior  seam  open  throughout 
its  length.  On  the  upper  edge  was  a  strip  of  cloth- 
red,  blue,  or  black — in  which  were  the  button-holes. 
On  the  other  edge  were  eyelet-holes  for  the  buttons. 
In  some  cases  the  calzonera  was  sewn  from  the  hip  to 
the  middle  of  the  thigh,  in  others  buttoned.  From 
the  middle  of  the  thigh  downward  the  leg  was  cov 
ered  by  the  bota,  used  by  every  one,  whatever  his 
dress. 

Gomez  states  that  up  to  1834,  when  the  colony 
came,  the  dress  was  a  big  green  silk  kerchief  tied 
round  the  head,  the  knot  in  front;  another  kerchief 
wrapped  the  neck;  a  blue  wide  chaleco,  partly  open 
below  to  exhibit  a  belt  of  crimson  silk — often  two  or 
three  belts — a  blue  jacket  adorned  with  big  metal 
buttons;  short,  wide  breeches  secured  at  the  knees; 
boots  of  deerskin  like  polainas — spatterdashers  or  leg 
gings — secured  with  colored  silk  bands,  adorned  with 
mottoes  in  silk  and  beads;  shoes  clasped  in  front— 
abrochados — a  wide-brimmed  hat.  low  crowned,  and 
small  opening  secured  by  a  string — barbiquejo.  In 
the  wide  pockets  of  the  jacket  a  silk  handkerchief 
was  carried.  The  braided  hair  fell  over  the  shoulder. 

And  thus  Pena:  The  men  wore  braids  like  Chi 
nese,  but  without  adding  false  hair.  In  1840  this  form 
was  abandoned  for  short  hair,  very  short  behind,  leav 
ing  it  very  long — largo — in  front.  This  was  termed 
de  furia.  The  women  formerly  used  one  braid,  later 
two.  The  single  braid  was  coiled  on  the  crown,  and 
this  was  termed  del  molote.  A  comb  of  horn  or  tor 
toise  kept  it  in  place. 

Coronel,  in  1834,  describes  the  underskirts  of  the 
women  as  elaborately  and  tastefully  embroidered. 
The  clothing  of  the  men  who  could  afford  it  was  made 
by  the  women  of  the  family.  The  jacket,  of  cloth,  with 
many  button-holes  worked  round  the  edges,  was  bound 
with  ribbon  or  cloth  and  elaborately  stitched.  The 
waistcoat,  of  cloth  or  silk,  was  also  elaborately  stitched 
with  silks  of  divers  colors,  the  button-holes  also  being 


COSTUME  IN  THE  THIRTIES.  393 

elaborately  worked  with  the  same.  The  manga,  or 
riding-jacket,  adorned  at  the  wrist  with  cloth,  velvet, 
or  fringe,  was  also  made  by  the  women,  as  were  the 
ataderas,  or  garters,  used  by  the  men  to  keep  up  the 
legs  of  their  boots,  and  which  were  woven  of  silk  with 
beads  in  the  figures  of  animals,  fruit,  etc.  The  skirts 
of  the  men  were  also  embroidered. 

The  dress  of  a  senora  of  some  means  was  a  tunico, 
or  gown,  the  skirt  very  narrow  and  de  medio  paso,  be 
fore  mentioned,  that  is,  so  small  in  circumference  at  the 
bottom  that  the  wearer  could  take  but  half  a  step  at  a 
time,  made  of  gauze  or  of  silk,  with  the  waist  very  high 
in  the  neck  and  close  fitting.  This  was  adorned  with 
ribbons  and  the  like  according  to  the  taste  of  the  wearer. 
Underneath  the  skirt  was  worn  another  of  red  flannel. 
On  the  shoulders  was  a  rebozo  of  the  shape  of  the 
Spanish  mantilla,  and  on  the  feet  low  shoes  of  divers 
materials.  The  hair  was  drawn  smoothly  and  tightly 
to  the  back  of  the  head,  and  plaited  in  a  single  braid, 
which  was  tied  above  by  a  ribbon,  and  below  ended  in 
a  rosette  or  bow,  also  of  ribbon.  A  kerchief  of  silk  was 
worn  about  the  neck,  the  ends  being  knotted  in  front. 
Some  women  used  the  camorra,  a  black  silken  shawl 
coquettishly  disposed  about  the  head  and  shoulders. 

The  men  wore  breeches  which  reached  almost  to 
the  knee.  The  exterior  seam  was  open  for  about  six 
inches  from  the  bottom,  the  edges  being  bound  with 
ribbon,  cloth,  or  braid,  and  ornamented  with  four  or 
six  buttons  of  silver  or  some  other  metal.  The  open 
ing  in  front  of  the  breeches  was  secured  by  a  single 
button  of  silver  about  the  size  of  a  silver  dollar.  The 
waistcoat  was  of  cloth,  velvet,  silk,  or  cotton  stuff, 
came  well  down  over  the  belly,  and  was  capriciously 
adorned.  The  jacket  was  of  like  materials,  but  larger, 
and  was  similarly  adorned.  The  botas,  a  sort  of  leg 
ging  which  had  heels,  were  made  each  of  the  entire 
skin  of  a  deer  tanned  and  dyed  black  or  red,  and  was 
tooled  or  embroidered  with  silk  capriciously.  A  strap 
passed  under  the  bottom  of  the  foot.  From  the  top 


394  FOOD,  DRESS,  AND  DWELLINGS. 

the  bota  was  doubled  over  until  it  came  to  just  below 
the  knee,  where  it  was  confined  by  the  atadera,  or  gar 
ter.  The  shoe  was  made  of  tanned  calf  or  buckskin 
in  four  or  six  pieces,  each  being  of  two  colors,  red  and 
black,  the  piece  going  over  the  instep  being  embroi 
dered  with  silk  or  thread  of  maguey.  The  sole  of  the 
shoe  was  of  tanned  ox-hide,  single,  so  that  it  might  be 
flexible,  allowing  the  foot  to  cling  to  the  stirrup,  and 
ending  in  a  point  which  turned  up  over  the  toe  and 
protected  the  leather  of  the  shoe  from  the  stirrup. 
The  shoe  so  made  was  called  del  berruchi.  The  hat, 
broad  in  the  brim  and  round  as  to  the  crown,  was  of 
wool,  and  kept  on  the  head  by  means  of  a  ribbon  two 
inches  wide  passing  under  the  chin,  and  ornamented 
below  the  chin  by  a  great  rosette.  Almost  all  the 
men  bound  a  large  black  handkerchief  about  the  head 
after  the  manner  of  the  lower  classes  in  Andalusia. 

On  the  arrival,  in  the  Hijar  colony,  of  women  from 
the  city  of  Mexico,  fashionable  females  exchanged 
their  narrow  skirts  for  more  flowing  garments,  and 
abandoned  the  braided  hair  for  the  coil,  and  the  large 
combs  till  then  in  use  for  smaller  combs.  The  poorer 
women,  and  in  general  old  women,  from  the  waist 
down  dressed  in  an  underskirt  only,  dispensing  with 
the  gown — the  material  being  according  to  the  means 
of  the  wearer — and  a  chemise  with  sleeves  coming 
below  the  elbow.  The  neck  and  breast  were  covered 
by  a  black  handkerchief,  of  silk  or  cotton,  doubled 
corner-wise,  the  corner  being  secured  at  the  back  and 
the  two  points  passing  over  the  shoulders  and  cover 
ing  the  neck  and  breast,  and  fastened  at  the  waist  by 
pins.  The  poorer  women  retained  and  continually 
wore  the  rebozo  of  linen  or  cotton.  Their  shoes, 
made  by  a  member  of  the  family  or  other  relative,  were 
called  del  berruchi,  for  the  sole  ended  in  a  turned-up 
point,  and  another  point  at  the  heel.  All  women  of 
means  wore  stockings,  for  it  was  deemed  immodest 
to  allow  more  than  the  face  and  hands  to  be  uncovered. 
Sheets  and  pillow-cases  were  embroidered,  more  or 


PECULIARITIES   OF  THE   PERIOD.  395 

less  elaborately,  and  as  stuffs  were  costly,  they  were 
mended  and  remended  as  long  as  possible. 

At  the  missions  were  kept  a  great  store  of  woollen 
cloths,  blankets,  serapes,  jergas,  etc.,  and  at  length 
some  of  them  manufactured  sayal  and  patio  good 
enough  for  clothes  for  the  missionaries.  Formerly 
no  gente  de  razon  went  without  shoes;  but  the  cholos 
of  Micheltorena  introduced  the  custom  of  wearing 
sandals  of  rawhide,  protecting  the  feet  from  stones, 
but  not  against  the  hot  sun.  t 

In  the  Vallejo  documents  are  some  satirical  verses 
of  Buelna  entitled,  Paquete  que  se  andan  dando— 
Dandies  arriving — in  bad  rhyme  and  worse  grammar, 
addressed  to  the  first  native  rancheros  who  wore 
levitas,  frock-coats,  and  tirantes,  or  suspenders. 

"On  arriving  from  Mexico  in  1834,"  says  Hijar,  "I 
was  surprised  to  see  the  men  with  hair  as  long  as  that 
of  the  women,  worn  in  a  braid  over  the  back,  or 
gathered  in  the  crown  of  the  hat." 

When  he  went  on  an  Indian  expedition,  or  when  in 
the  military  service,  the  Californian  added  to  his  usual 
riding-dress  the  cuera,  a  long  overcoat  made  of  seven 
thicknesses  of  antelope-hide  stitched  together,  which 
covered  the  body  from  the  neck  to  the  knees,  and  pro 
tected  the  wearer  against  arrows.  He  also  carried  on 
his  left  arm  a  concavo-convex  oval  shield — adarga — the 
convex  side  outward.  His  arms  consisted  of  an  old 
flint-lock  escopeta,  occasionally  a  lance,  sometimes 
pistols,  these  latter  rarely,  and  only  for  officers. 
Generally  all  carried  the  Spanish  Toledan  rapier. 
The  same  arms  and  equipment  were  used  by  military 
men,  who  were  however  distinguished  by  their  in 
signia  and  devices.  The  knife  was  an  article  of  prime 
necessity,  and  was  carried  in  a  sheath  stuck  in  the 
garter  on  the  outside  of  the  right  leg.  The  sword, 
although  not  of  much  use  to  civilians,  was  carried  by 
all  mounted  men,  and  was  fastened  on  the  left-hand 
side  of  the  saddle,  under  the  leg. 

Markoff,  at    San   Francisco    about  1835,  thus  de- 


396  FOOD,  DRESS,  AND  DWELLINGS. 

scribes  the  rig  of  Senor  Castro,  the  alcalde^  on  his 
visit  to  that  place:  "He  rode  in  a  long  blue  velvet 
cloak,  with  a  small  cape  of  the  same  color,  resembling 
a  woman's  pelerine,  embroidered  and  trimmed  with 
yellow  velvet.  Beneath  the  cloak  a  petticoat  or  short 
skirt  was  visible,  held  together  by  a  wide  silk  scarf, 
from  which  a  beautiful  dagger  protruded.  A  black 
felt  hat  and  long  black  mustaches  gave  his  face  a 
martial  and  severe  expression."  At  this  time  the 
women  wore  slipper-shaped  shoes  of  satin  or  buck-skin, 
with  heels;  they  were  fond  of  jewelry;  had  each  as 
many  silk  dresses  as  she  could  afford.  Bernardo  Yorba, 
of  Santa  Ana,  had  150  dress  patterns  of  silk  and  satin 
of  the  finest  sort,  and  whenever  a  son  or  daughter 
married,  to  the  bride  was  given  a  trunk  full  of  dresses 
worth  $80  or  $100  each. 

A  cuotom  which  called  my  attention  in  Santa  Bar 
bara  in  1840,  says  Arnaz,  was  the  camorra  of  the  wo 
men — a  black  silk  kerchief,  folded  into  a  band  of  about 
two  inches  in  width,  tied  round  the  forehead,  into  a 
knot  under  the  nape.  This  gave  the  Santa  Barbara 
women  a  different  appearance  from  others  in  southern 
California,  and  all  there  used  it. 

Wealthy  women  wore  pearl  or  gold  bead  necklaces; 
aretes  or  coquetas  of  gold,  diamond  rings,  and  the  like. 

The  shoes  of  the  men  were  often  of  gamuza,  em 
broidered  with  gold  and  silver  thread.  The  women 
had  silken  shoes  for  balls,  but  cotton  shoes  for  ordinary 
wear.  People  sometimes  bought  ready-made  clothing, 
but  generally  purchased  the  cloth,  made  it  up  them 
selves  into  the  style  of  dress  desired. 

Sir  Simpson,  of  the  honorable  Hudson's  Bay  Com 
pany,  found  the  women  of  California  in  1844  wearing 
a  short  gown,  displaying  a  neat  foot  and  ankle  with 
white  stockings  and  black  shoes;  a  handkerchief  on 
the  head  concealed  all  the  hair,  except  a  single  loop  on 
either  cheek ;  the  shoulders  were  swathed  in  a  shawl, 
and  over  all  when  they  walked  out  was  the  "beautiful 
and  mysterious  mantilla." 


HATS,  BOOTS,  AND  BREECHES.  307 

The  dress  of  the  men  was  more  showy  and  elab 
orate:  a  broad-brimmed  hat  tied  round  with  parti 
colored  cord  or  handkerchief;  a  shirt  usually  of  the 
finest  linen,  with  a  profusion  of  lace  and  embroidery 
on  the  breast;  a  cotton  or  silk  jacket  of  the  gayest 
hues,  with  frogs  on  the  back  and  numerous  buttons 
on  breast  and  cuffs;  the  pantaloons  split  on  the  outside 
from  the  hip  to  the  foot  with  a  row  of  buttons  on 
either  edge  of  the  opening,  which  is  laced  nearly  down 
to  the  knee;  and  a  silken  belt  round  the  waist  serving 
the  purpose  of  braces.  Under  the  pantaloons  peer 
out  full  linen  drawers,  with  boots  of  untanned  deer 
skin,  the  one  on  the  right  leg  invariably  forming  a 
scabbard  for  a  knife. 

Heeled  boots,  de  ala  6  de  talon,  were  used  of  deer 
or  calf  skin,  and  chiefly  made  in  California.  The 
upper  part  of  the  boot  was  secured  with  silk  bands  of 
various  colors.  The  shoes  were  called  berruchi  and 
zapatones.  The  berruchis  were  laced  on  the  side,  the 
zapa tones  in  the  centre  of  the  foot  with  cords  or  thongs. 
When  women  went  out  to  ride,  Serrano  says,  they 
put  on  the  head  a  broad  sun  cloth,  white  or  colored, 
and  ornamented  at  the  four  corners  with  embroidery 
of  silk,  gold,  silver,  or  beads.  This  was  intended  to 
keep  the  face  cool  by  its  flapping ;  over  it  was  placed 
a  wide  straw  hat  as  a  protection  from  the  sun;  at  the 
ri^ht  side  she  carried  her  silk  shawl  or  rebozo,  a  part 
of  the  dress  that  is  highly  esteemed  and  great  care 
taken  of. 

It  was  regarded  as  ill-bred  to  expose  the  ears,  and 
so  the  long  hair  was  allowed  to  cover  them.  Says 
the  Calif ornian,  in  April  1847:  "For  a  month  past 
the  question  has  been  agitated  among  the  women, 
S'lall  they,  or  shall  they  not,  adopt  the  use  of  bonnets  ? 
From  present  indications  the  ayes  have  it.  Who 
will  supply  them?" 

At  Angeles  twenty-six  years  later  we  find  a  bride 
groom  at  a  fashionable  wedding  dressed  in  a  yellow 
hat  of  vicuna-skin,  adorned  with  heavy  bands  of  cha- 


398  FOOD,  DRESS,  AND  DWELLINGS. 

quira  beads  of  different  colors,  with  tufts  of  the  same 
material,  the  falda  or  skirt  almost  covered  below  with 
heavy  silver  galloons.  A  wide  chaqueta,  or  jacket,  of 
green  satin,  with  large  flaps,  was  ornamented  with 
buttons  of  Mexican  pesetas,  the  eagle  on  the  face. 
Vest  of  yellow  satin,  with  pockets  de  cartera,  buttoned 
with  gold  escuditos,  worth  $1  each,  eagle  facing  out 
ward.  Wide  breeches  of  red  velvet  were  sometimes 
seen,  reaching  to  the  knees,  where  they  were  fastened 
by  silver  hebillas  on  the  side.  The  bragueta,  which 
revealed  itself  at  every  movement,  was  set  with 
pesetas,  one  of  which,  of  copper  and  very  large,  called 
atrancador,  bore  an  inscription  which  decency  forbids 
a  mention  of  here.  Some  of  the  people  displayed 
botas  of  deer-skin,  of  natural  color,  reaching  to  the 
knee,  where  they  were  secured  with  green  silk  bands, 
tied  in  a  rose,  with  pendants  holding  figures  of  cats, 
dogs,  dolls,  etc.,  of  chaquira  beads  and  gold  and  silver 
thread,  called  alifios.  Where  the  botas  ended  began 
the  shoe,  which  was  pointed  upwards,  with  colgaduras 
covered  with  tinsel  figures,  generally  roses,  which 
were  introduced  between  the  coverings  and  fixed  wTith 
cement ;  the  rest  was  covered  with  embroidered  green 
silk  manga,  tastefully  braided — terciada — of  blue  fine 
cloth,  with  red  lining.  The  opening  for  the  head, 
called  muceta,  was  bordered  with  black  velvet  of  oval 
form,  with  silver  galloon  around  and  pendones  of  the 
same  stuff.  The  hair,  according  to  the  prevailing 
fashion,  fell  in  a  braid  over  the  jacket,  ending  in  a  rose 
of  green  ribbons.  He  used  a  mechero  to  hold  the 
cigarrito  of  native  tobacco  and  maize  leaf,  with  flint  and 
steel  weighing  an  ounce.  From  the  end  of  the  mecha, 
or  wick,  hung  a  bead  doll,  well  worked,  one  cuarta  in 
size,  and  perfumed  with  Peruvian  balsam. 

The  bride  wore  a  tunic  of  yellow  satin,  adorned  be 
low  with  green  stripes;  white  satin  shoes  called  ber- 
ruchi,  pointed  upwards  ;  stockings  of  flesh-colored  silk; 
panoleta  with  green  points,  triangular,  with  a  green  silk 
flower  in  the  end  falling  over  the  back  and  secured 


CLOAK  AND  SPURS.  399 

over  the  breast  with  a  similar  flower;  black  mascada 
gathered  like  a  turban  on  the  head,  surmounted  by  a 
crown  of  white  artificial  flowers,  closed  by  costly 
Chinese  silk  of  different  colors,  with  figures  of  birds, 
fruit,  etc.;  ear-rings  of  false  pearls  and  necklace  of  the 
same. 

A  writer  on  Santa  Bdrbara  speaks  of  the  prevailing 
costume  of  the  country  as  consisting  of  "a  broad- 
brimmed  hat,  usually  black,  with  a  gilt  or  figured  band 
round  the  crown,  and  lined  with  silk;  a  short  jacket  of 
silk  or  figured  calico,  the  European  skirted  body-coat 
being  never  worn;  the  shirt  usually  open  at  the  neck  ;  a 
waist-coat,  when  worn,  always  of  a  rich  quality;  the 
trousers,  wide,  straight,  and  long,  usually  of  velvet, 
velveteen,  or  broadcloth,  occasionally  knee-breeches 
are  worn  with  white  stockings;  shoes  of  deer-skin  are 
used;  they  are  of  a  dark  brown  color,  and  being  made 
by  the  Indians,  are  commonly  much  ornamented; 
braces  are  never  worn,  the  indispensable  sash  twisted 
round  the  waist  serving  all  their  purposes;  the  sash 
is  usually  red,  and  varies  in  quality  according  to  the 
means  of  the  wearer;  if  to  this  is  added  the  never- 
failing  cloak,  the  dress  of  the  Californian  is  complete. 
The  latter  article  of  dress,  however,  is  a  never-failing 
criterion  of  the  rank  or  wealth  of  its  owner.  The 
caballero,  or  gentleman  aristocrat,  wears  a  cloak  of 
black  or  dark  blue  broadcloth,  with  as  much  velvet 
and  trimming  on  it  as  it  is  possible  to  put  there;  from 
this,  the  cloaks  gradually  descend  through  all  grades 
until  the  primitive  blanket  of  the  Indian  is  reached. 
The  middle  class  wear  a  species  of  cloak  very  much 
resembling  a  table-cloth,  with  a  large  hole  in  the  cen 
tre  for  the  head  to  go  through;  this  is  often  as  coarse 
as  a  blanket,  but  it  is  generally  beautifully  woven  with 
various  colors,  and  has  a  showy  appearance  at  a  dis 
tance.  There  is  no  working-class  amongst  the  Span 
iards,  the  Indians  doing  all  the  hard  work;  thus  a 
rich  man  looks  and  dresses  like  a  grandee,  whilst  even 
a  miserably  poor  individual  has  the  appearance  of  a 


400  FOOD,  DRESS,  AND  DWELLINGS. 

broken-down  gentleman ;  it  is  not,  therefore,  by  any 
means  uncommon  to  see  a  man  with  a  fine  figure  and 
courteous  manner  dressed  in  broadcloth  or  velvet,  and 
mounted  on  a  noble  horse,  completely  covered  with 
trappings,  who  perhaps  has  not  a  real  in  his  pocket, 
and  may  even  be  suffering  from  absolute  hunger." 

Many  Californians  wore  silver  spurs,  and  plated 
work  on  their  saddles  and  reins;  and  on  arriving  at 
the  house  of  a  friend,  they  would  give  the  servant  a 
dollar  to  take  off  their  spurs.  General  Vallejo  says 
that  after  the  discovery  of  gold  he  used  to  fling  the 
boy  who  held  his  horse  an  ounce,  equivalent  to  sixteen 
dollars.  Later  the  general  would  have  been  glad  to 
have  had  some  of  those  ounces  back  in  his  pocket. 

"Leading  Californians,"  Torres  remarks,  "as  Guerra, 
Alvarado,  Vallejo,  Alvarez,  always  wore  short  hair 
since  I  knew  them,  while  the  middle-blood  people 
wore  it  long."  A  popular  hat  was  the  sombrero  de 
vicuna,  yellow,  with  wide  rim,  and  a  crown  four  or 
five  inches  high.  They  were  not  flexible,  but  were 
light.  On  the  rim  round  the  crown  lay  a  coil  of  gold 
or  silver  braid,  while  some  persons  placed  an  emerald 
where  the  coil  united.  A  hat  without  a  coil  cost  $40 ; 
but  after  the  conquest  an  imitation  very  similar  to  the 
vicuna  was  introduced,  which  at  first  brought  the 
same  price  as  the  real  article,  and  then  fell  to  half  an 
ounce.  Americans  liked  them  for  their  comfort. 

Thus  we  see  that  although  the  appetite  was  moder 
ate,  vanity  ruled  high,  as  displayed  in  elaborate  and 
costly  trappings  and  attire,  and  that  here,  as  in  the 
animal  kingdom,  the  male  donned  the  gayer  plumage. 
To  this  love  of  finery,  the  trading  vessels  pandered 
by  bidding  freely  for  hides  and  tallow  with  articles  of 
fancy  and  utility.  While  supplying  cloth  and  ribbons, 
however,  they  could  not  dictate  the  fashions,  which 
followed  those  of  Mexico,  although  there  they  were 
greatly  modified  by  Europe. 

The  true  import  of  home,  that  great  promoter  of 


HOME  SURROUNDINGS.  401 

culture,  was  little  understood.  The  Californian  lived 
in  the  open  air  and  in  the  invigorating  sunshine.  The 
low,  one-story  dwelling  of  adobe,  or  mud  and  sticks, 
was  reserved  for  sleep  and  storage.  Notwithstanding 
the  gleaming  whitewashed  walls  and  bright  tile  roof, 
it  lacked  allurements,  and  was  devoid  of  the  romantic 
aspect  so  widely  attributed  to  Anglo-Saxon  country 
houses.  No  pretty  creepers,  no  infolding  grove,  no 
shady  trees  in  close  proximity,  no  ornamental  garden 
fringe,  to  relieve  the  desolate  bareness,  which  was  in 
creased  by  the  absence  of  architectural  decorations, 
and  by  the  smallness  and  depth  of  the  window  open 
ing,  seldom  glazed,  and  often  barred.  This  combined 
dearth  of  taste  and  carelessness  was  a  Spanish  inher 
itance. 

The  door  opened  frequently  into  an  only  room,  with 
clay  floor,  for  lumber  was  costly  from  the  lack  of 
mills.  The  simple  furniture  consisted  of  a  bench  or 
two  along  the  walls,  perhaps  some  chairs  plaited  with 
rawhide  thongs,  a  table;  in  one  corner  a  stretcher 
with  a  hide  cover  for  a  bed,  perhaps  curtained  off  in 
the  absence  of  walled  partitions.  The  low  walls  were 
relieved  with  a  looking-glass,  some  gaudy  prints  of 
martyrs,  and  a  madonna  image,  or  crucifix,  with  its 
dim  light  which  shed  a  gleam  of  solemnity  through 
the  half-gloom  of  the  corner,  a  guiding-star  to  loftier 

O  '  O  O 

thoughts.  The  Anglo-Saxon  hearth  was  not  to  be 
seen.  The  only  fireplace  was  in  a  shed  or  separate 
hut,  partly  because  of  the  mild  climate,  partly  from  a 
superstitious  aversion  to  fires  in  dwellings.  In  this 
hut  could  be  seen  a  few  pieces  of  pottery  and  iron 
ware,  and  a  hand-mill  for  grinding  the  daily  supply  of 
flour.  Near  by  hung  the  hammock  wherein  the  lord 
and  master  swung  himself  into  reverie  while  awaiting 
preparation  for  the  meal  by  the  mistress  and  her 
handmaidens. 

The  guest  was  placed  in  possession  of  the  premises 

—theoretically;   the    key    to    the    gate    perhaps  was 

given  him ;  the  house  was  his  own,  and  all  its  inmates 

CAL.  PACT.    26 


402  FOOD,  DRESS,  AND  DWELLINGS. 

were  his  servants.  On  retiring  to  rest,  the  family 
united  in  pronouncing  a  benediction,  and  calling  on  all 
the  saints  to  guard  him. 

There  was  also  a  better  class  of  houses,  built  after 
the  Spanish  fashion,  in  squares,  with  small  inner  court 
filled  with  luxuriant  plants,  watered  by  a  fountain  in 
the  centre.  All  around  the  court  ran  a  corridor,  upon 
which  opened  the  large,  half-lighted  rooms,  with  low 
ceiling,  and  furnished  with  something  of  barbaric 
luxuriousness.  The  red-tiled  roof  with  fervid  stolid 
ity  returned  the  sun's  stare.  Several  of  the  richer 
families  possessed,  after  1824,  handsome  bureaus,  large 
mirrors,  tables  inlaid  with  shells — all  brought  from 
China  or  Peru. 

The  rancho  house  was  of  wood  (palo  parado),  with 
tule  roof,  and  had  at  the  most  two  divisions,  one  for  a 
sitting-room  (sala  y  alcoba),  the  other  for  sleeping  in. 
If  the  family  was  large,  they  spread  into  both  rooms. 
Many  houses  had  a  door  of  sticks  covered  with  an  ox 
or  horse  hide,  but  none  had  locks;  nor  was  it  neces 
sary  to  lock  the  door  on  the  outside,  for  none  wished 
to  rob,  and  besides  there  was  nothing  to  steal.  If  the 
family  were  absent  for  some  days,  the  things  of  value 
were  taken  along,  such  as  the  trunk  of  clothes  and 
bed. 

Some  had  beds  of  poplar  (dlamo  or  alamillo)  lined 
with  leather,  and  with  it  sheets,  blankets,  and  cushions, 
according  to  means.  Others  slept  in  big  cacdistes, 
made  of  latitas  with  a  hide  on  top.  Others  slept  on  a 
hide.  The  furniture  consisted  of  a  table,  a  bench, 
stools,  whalebone  seats,  small  cacdistes  of  reed,  latita. 

Outside  the  house  were  adobe  benches  (poyetes)  at 
least  a  vara  high,  often  whitewashed  like  the  wall. 
Sometimes  the  whitewash  was  too  difficult  to  obtain. 

In  some  parts  the  kitchen  was  an  adobe  oven  (hor- 
nillas),  upon  which  the  pots  were  placed  to  cook. 
Others  had  only  stones  to  support  the  pots  over  the 
fire. 

"  The  ;houses,"  remarks   a   traveller,   "  in   all  the 


MISSIONS  AND  RANCHOS.  403 

towns,  are  of  one  story,  and  are  built  of  bricks.  These 
bricks  are  about  four  and  a  half  inches  square  and 
from  three  to  four  inches  thick,  hardened  in  the  sun. 
They  are  cemented  by  mortar  made  of  clay,  and  the 
whole  is  of  a  common  dirt  color.  The  floors  are  gen 
erally  of  earth,  the  windows  grated,  mostly  without 
glass,  and  the  doors,  which  are  seldom  shut,  open  into 
the  common  room,  there  being  no  passage  or  entrance 
halls.  Some  of  the  wealthier  inhabitants,  however, 
have  glass  to  their  windows,  and  have  their  floors 
boarded.  The  common  houses  have  two  or  three 
rooms  which  open  into  each  other,  the  furniture  con- 
tisting  of  a  bed  or  two,  a  few  chairs  and  tables,  a 
looking-glass,  a  crucifix  of  some  material  or  other,  and 
a  few  small  daubs  of  paintings  enclosed  in  glass,  repre 
senting  some  miracle  or  martyrdom.  They  have  no 
chimneys  nor  fireplaces  to  the  houses,  the  climate 
being  such  as  to  make  fires  unnecessary;  all  the 
kitchens  are  detached  from  the  houses.  The  Indians 
do  all  the  hard  work,  two  or  three  being  attached  to 
every  house;  and  even  the  poorest  amongst  the 
inhabitants  are  able  to  keep  one  at  least.  All  that 
has  to  be  given  to  these  poor  creatures  is  their  food, 
and  occasionally  a  small  piece  of  coarse  cloth  and  a 
belt  to  the  men,  and  a  coarse  gown,  without  either 
shoes  or  stockings,  to  the  females." 

The  mission  children,  Wilkes  affirms,  were  for  the 
most  part  left  to  take  care  of  themselves  and  run 
about  naked  and  dirty.  A  large  number  died  from 
accidental  falls  from  horses,  which  they  rode  from 
earliest  childhood,  Amador  says:  "When  I  wras  a 
young  man  every  one  retired  for  the  night  at  eight  or 
nine  o'clock,  immediately  after  supper.  Each  young 
person  of  either  sex  slept  in  an  apartment  under  lock 
and  key.  The  parents  always  arose  very  early  in  the 
morning  in  order  to  open  the  doors,  the  father  those 
of  the  boys'  apartments,  the  mother  those  of  the  girls'." 

Although   hospitable,  the  Californians  seldom  al- 


404  FOOD,  DRESS,  AND  DWELLINGS. 

lowed  strangers  in  their  private  family  rooms.  In  the 
houses  of  the  wealthy  there  were  rooms  for  strangers, 
but  they  were  not  allowed  to  enter  into  familiar  con 
versation  with  the  young  women.  It  was  common 
for  the  Californian  to  sleep  out  of  doors,  when  the 
saddle-tree  served  as  a  pillow,  while  lying  on  the  sad 
dle-cover  with  his  serape  over  him. 

Small  children  of  both  sexes  had  various  games. 
On  moonlit  nights  they  played  gallina  ciega,  or  blind- 
man's  buff;  they  rode  wooden  horses  about  the  hills; 
they  played  vaquela,  which  consisted  of  throwing  bits 
of  stone,  or  the  like,  at  a  mark  drawn  on  the  ground 
at  a  certain  distance.  There  was  also  a  game  called 
cana,  or  tangano,  the  American  ducks  and  drakes, 
a  game  which  Roman  children  played,  meta  in  ludo, 
and  to-day  almost  universal.  On  the  result  of  the 
game  they  bet  buttons,  encouraged  so  to  do  by  their 
elders,  who  staked  money.  Often  urchins  might  be 
seen  without  a  button  on  their  clothes,  all  having  been 
cut  off  by  them  and  laid  upon  the  altar  of  fortune. 

A  fondness  for  some  particular  name  was  frequent. 
Thus,  Juan  Antonio  Hernandez  had  three  sons  named 
Jose  Basilio,  Jose  Fernando,  and  Jose  Antonio,  while 
two  of  his  daughters  were  named  Maria. 

Parents,  or  rather  fathers — for  the  punishment 
usually  hurt  the  mother  as  much  as  the  child — were 
very  strict  with  their  children.  A  common  way  of 
inflicting  punishment  was  to  oblige  the  youthful 
wrong-doer,  while  his  parents  and  playmates  were 
eating  their  noon  meal  at  the  table,  to  kneel  before  a 
hide-covered  stool,  bearing  an  earthen  plate,  a  tin  cup, 
and  a  wooden  spoon,  in  one  corner  of  the  dining-room. 
"It  was  a  thousand  times  worse  than  flogging,"  says 
Alvarado,  "as  I  know  by  frequent  experience;  but 
we  never  used  to  increase  the  shame  of  it  by  laughing 
at  the  culprit.  And  as  soon  as  the  father  went  out, 
mother  and  brothers  and  sisters  always  hastened  to 
the  one  en  penitencia,  and  gave  him  all  the  choice 
food  he  could  eat,  besides  their  sympathy." 


BOYS  AND  WOMEN.  405 

And  Vallejo  laments:  "In  our  day  a  boy  would 
have  been  buried  in  the  bowels  of  the  earth  sooner 
than  appear  before  his  father  with  a  cigar  in  his 
mouth ;  but  now  it  is  common.  Before  the  Americans 
came,  our  sons,  meeting  us  on  the  street,  came  up  re 
spectfully,  and  with  hat  in  hand,  said,  'Sefior  padre, 
he  salido  de  su  casa  con  animo  de  ir  con  Fulano  a"  dar 
un  paseo.  £  Me  permite  Vd.  que  continue  divirtiendo- 
mef  If  we  consented,  he  saluted  again,  and  went 
away;  but  if  we  refused,  he  obeyed  without  a  word. 
Now,  children  say,  'como  te  va,  papa",  a"  donde  vas?' 
Then,  'como  esta"  Vd.,  senor  padre,  que  se  le  ofrece?" 

Writing  from  Monterey,  on  the  1st  of  July,  1785, 
to  Diego  Gonzalez,  Governor  Fages  communicated 
the  following  order  by  the  comandante  general.  It 
being  notorious  that  the  officers  and  troops  of  the  pre 
sidios  conduct  themselves  among  the  missions  with 
great  laxity  and  immorality,  very  prejudicial  from  the 
scandalous  deeds  committed  with  the  Indian  females, 
the  governor  is  ordered  to  prevent  a  continuance  of 
such  evils,  and  to  issue  an  order  condemning  such 
practices,  and  imposing  severe  punishment  to  those 
who  commit  them,  overlooking  none  in  this  matter. 

The  padre  presiderite,  speaking  to  his  flock  the  6th 
of  May,  1829,  regrets  the  many  promises  given  by 
men  to  incautious  women,  often  merely  for  the  pur 
pose  of  enjoying  the  privileges  of  marriage.  When 
the  men  thereupon  wish  to  marry  others,  the  women 
interposed  objections.  He  finds  the  remedy  in  a  ce- 
dula  of  April  10,  1803,  which  orders  that  no  tribunal 
shall  admit  petitions  regarding  marriages  unless  cele 
brated  by  authorized  persons,  or  promised  by  public 
writing.  Hence  the  women  must  know  that  no  heed 
will  be  given  to  their  complaints,  unless  the  promise 
is  proved  by  escritura  publica. 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

AMUSEMENTS. 

Vemm  pone  moras,  et  studium  lucri; 
Nigrorumque  memor,  dum  licet,  ignium, 
Misce  stultitiam  consiliis  brevem: 
Dulce  est  desipere  in  loco. 

— Horace. 

THE  Californians  were  much  given  to  diverting 
themselves.  Indeed,  to  pass  the  time  pleasantly,  joy 
ously,  was  one  of  the  serious  considerations  among  this 
world's  affairs,  and  was  on  a  par  with  eating,  drinking, 
and  religion,  which  latter  wras  but'  the  securing  of  a 
happy  existence  in  the  heavenly  kingdom,  while  busi 
ness,  learning,  and  all  that  were  but  secondary  affairs. 
And  why  should  they  not  devote  themselves  to  what 
ever  they  most  enjoyed?  Is  not  this  the  privilege — 
nay,  the  chief  end — of  man,  of  all  animate  things,  the 
butterfly  and  the  bee,  apes  and  women,  and  no  less 
the  merchant,  the  politician,  the  preacher,  and  ped- 
ler,  and  pig? 

It  is  said  by  Senor  Arnaz  that  the  San  Diego  peo 
ple  were  very  merry  and  fond  of  fandangos,  while  those 
of  Los  Angeles  were  more  reserved,  and  at  Santa  Bar 
bara  they  were  still  more  so,  their  superior  gravity  in 
that  quarter  having  a  religious  tint,  due  to  the  padres 
and  to  the  great  De  la  Guerra.  the  latter  being  not 

O  '  O 

only  the  defender  of  Santa  Barbara,  but  the  consoler 
of  the  poor.  During  the  later  years  of  Mexican  rule 
morals  declined,  as  shown  by  the  many  bastard  chil 
dren,  sober  Santa  Barbara  having  her  full  quota  of 
these.  Entertainments  were  more  common  at  Mon- 

(406) 


SAN  DIEGO  AND  SANTA  BARBARA.  407 

terey,  where  the  contact  with  strangers,  the  presence  of 
the  governor  and  officials,  had  stamped  the  customs  and 
manners  in  accordance.  Picnics  (paseos  al  campo)  and 
balls  were  frequent.  Society  was  organized  and  classes 
separated ;  order  and  fun  reigned  at  entertainments. 
Cooper,  Arnesti,  and  Abrego's  houses  were  the  cen 
tres  where  balls  were  given  on  festival  nights,  with 
out  ostentation  or  cost.  At  public  balls  rich  wines 
and  delicacies  were  plentiful. 

Picnics  to  the  country  were  common,  in  which  sev 
eral  families  joined,  each  contributing  something,  such 
as  chickens,  stuffed  turkeys,  tamales,  enchiladas,  etc  ; 
usually  a  fat  calf  was  killed  on  the  spot  and  roasted 
in  the  open  air. 

One  or  more  carretas  went  in  advance  with  provis 
ions.  Elderly  and  married  females  went  on  horseback, 
on  their  own  saddles ;  the  young  women  rode  with  the 
young  men,  having  a  straw  stirrup  to  rest  the  foot,  the 
man  seated  behind  with  an  arm  around  the  damsel  to 
support  her,  his  hat  on  her  head,  while  his  head  was 
bare,  or  a  handkerchief  bound  around  it. 

Arrived  at  the  picnic-ground,  all  alighted,  and  the 
fun  began  under  the  trees,  eating,  drinking,  singing, 
dancing,  and  games.  For  the  picnic,  mats  covered 
with  shawls  were  spread  on  the  ground,  and  on  these 
were  placed  the  eatables,  wines,  etc.  On  returning 
to  town,  a  ball  was  given  in  the  house  of  some  one  of 
the  party,  which  lasted  until  the  following  morning. 
The  young  men  supplied  the  wines.  It  was  usual  to 
have  a  supper  at  midnight. 

Sometimes  on  a  picnic  they  would  ride  in  wagons 
drawn  by  oxen,  and  in  returning  various  popular  songs 
would  be  sung.  If  a  violin  or  guitar  player  was  pres 
ent,  a  friend  would  mount  behind  him  to  guide  the 
horse  while  he  played.  In  the  fruit  season,  people  de 
razon  were  always  allowed  to  enter  the  mission  or 
chards  and  gather  fruit. 

Dona  Kefugio  de  Bandini  speaks  enthusiastically 
of  the  time  when  she  was  a  girl.  ''How  often  did  we 


408  AMUSEMENTS. 

spend  half  the  night  at  a  tertulia  till  2  o'clock  in  the 
morning,  in  the  most  agreeable  and  distinguished  so 
ciety.  Our  house  would  be  full  of  company — thirty 
or  forty  persons  at  the  table;  it  would  have  to  be  set 
twice.  A  single  fiesta  might  cost  $1,000,  but  in  those 
days  the  receipts  at  my  husband's  store  were  $18,000 
a  month.  The  prettiest  women  were  to  be  found  at 
San  Diego." 

The  permission  of  the  authorities  had  to  be  obtained 
to  hold  a  ball  and  illumination ;  as  for  instance,  the  one 
at  Carrillo's  house,  in  honor  of  Fitch's  return  with  his 
bride  in  1830. 

Dancing  was  a  passion  with  the  Californians.  It 
affected  all,  from  infancy  to  old  age;  grandmothers 
and  grandchildren  were  seen  dancing  together;  their 
houses  were  constructed  with  reference  to  this  amuse 
ment,  and  most  of  the  interior  space  was  appropriated 
to  the  sala,  a  large,  barn-like  room.  A  few  chairs 
and  a  wooden  settee  were  all  its  furniture.  If  a  few 
people  got  together  at  any  hour  of  the  day,  the  first 
thought  was  to  send  for  a  violin  and  guitar,  arid  should 
the  violin  and  guitar  be  found  together,  in  appropri 
ate  hands,  that  of  itself  was  sufficient  reason  to  send 
for  the  dancers. 

In  early  times  balls  broke  up  at  10  or  11  o'clock 
at  night.  Subsequent  to  1817,  or  thereabout,  the 
keeping  of  such  early  hours  began  to  be  disregarded. 
Finally  the  balls  lasted  the  night  through.  In  1840, 
on  the  occasion  of  the  marriage  of  one  of  his  sons, 
Amador  remembers  that  there  was  a  ball  at  the  house 
of  Salvio  Pacheco,  at  San  Jose,  which  lasted  all  night, 
and  until  9  o'clock  in  the  morning,  continuing  again 
at  8  in  the  evening  of  this  second  day,  and  kept 
up  all  night.  In  1843,  at  the  marriage  of  another 
son,  dancing  continued  for  three  days  and  nights.  The 
supply  of  wine,  aguardiente,  and  comestibles  of  all 
kinds  was  unlimited. 

Probably  the  best  analysis  of  California  dances  and 
dancing  is  by  Coronel,  and  dates  from  1834.  For  a 


PASTORAL  DANCES.  409 

ball,  he  says,  a  large  space  in  front  of  the  house 
selected  was  roofed  with  boughs,  three  of  its  sides 

O          ' 

being  covered  with  white  cotton   stuff  adorned  with 

O 

ribbons  and  artificial  flowers.  The  fourth  side  was 
left  open,  and  there  horsemen  collected  in  a  group,  a 
strong  fence  preventing  the  intrusion  of  the  horses. 
Around  the  three  enclosed  sides  were  seats  for  the 
women.  The  musicians,  consisting  of  a  violinist,  a 
guitarist,  and  two  or  three  singers,  stationed  them 
selves  in  a  corner,  where  they  were  out  of  the  way.^ 

The  master  of  ceremonies,  or  bastonero,  was  called 
el  tecolero;  from  the  first  he  was  present  organizing 
everything  connected  with  the  ball.  He  led  out  the 
women  when  they  danced  singly;  beginning  at  one 
end  of  the  salon.  Clapping  his  hands,  he  took  steps 
to  the  music  in  front  of  her  whom  he  desired  to  call 
out.  She  rising  went  to  the  centre  of  the  salon,  and 
with  both  hands  taking  hold  and  extending  her  skirts, 
began  to  dance  to  the  sound  of  the  music.  After 
taking  a  turn  or  two  in  the  centre  of  the  salon,  she 
retired  and  another  took  her  place.  In  this  way  all 
the  women  present  were  in  turn  called  out,  except 
such  as  could  not  dance  or  did  not  desire  to  do  so, 
and  these,  for  compliment's  sake,  rose,  and  giving  a 
hand  to  the  tecolero,  were  by  him  turned  and  reseated. 
While  the  women  were  dancing,  the  men  on  horseback 
kept  up  a  continual  movement,  and  sky-larking,  com 
ing  and  going,  and  disputing  places,  each  endeavoring 
to  force  his  horse  to  the  front. 

If  the  piece  were  to  be  danced  by  a  couple,  the 
horsemen  who  wished  to  take  part  dismounted,  re 
moved  their  spurs,  and  hung  them  at  the  saddle-bow; 
then,  hat  in  hand,  they  entered  the  salon,  and  took 
out  each  the  female  selected.  The  piece  concluded, 
the  women  retired  to  their  seats  and  the  men  re 
mounted. 

Their  balls  the  Californians  called  semes,  and  though 
all  were  much  alike,  they  varied  in  the  song  and  in 
the  ceremonies.  The  jota  was  the  favorite,  and  was 
danced  thus:  Each  cavalier  took  out  a  lady,  and  the 


410  AMUSEMENTS. 

couples  faced  one  the  other.  The  music  commenced, 
and  the  singers  began  their  verses,  or  estribillos — a 
kind  of  refrain  of  lyric  couplets  of  not  a  very  high 
order  of  poetry — and  immediately  each  set  of  couples 
commenced  to  move  the  hands  and  arms  capriciously, 
taking  care  that  this  should  last  as  long  as  the  verse 
lasted.  Then  the  singers  began  an  estribillo,  and  all 
the  couples  taking  hold  of  hands  formed  in  a  circle  a 
chain,  whereupon  the  men  went  in  one  direction  and 
the  women  in  the  other  until  partners  met  again,  when 
each  couple  took  its  proper  place.  The  singers  then 
began  another  verse,  and  the  couples  began  to  make 
different  figures,  but  during  the  estribillo  the  move 
ments  were  as  during  the  first.  Of  this  dance,  the 
step  consisted  in  alternately  raising  the  feet  and  hop 
ping  gracefully  in  time  with  the  music.  When  the 
dancers  understood  this  dance  it  was  very  harmonious 
and  graceful ;  hence  it  was  generally  executed  by  the 
older  people  who  fully  understood  it,  and  because  this 
dance  required  in  its  execution  a  certain  majestic  grace. 
The  words  of  the  verses  were  according  to  the  caprice 
of  the  singers,  arid  perhaps  came  down  from  ancient 
times.  The  estribillo  was  long  or  short,  according  to 
the  number  of  couples  taking  part  in  the  dance. 

The  bamba  was  danced  only  by  those  women  who 
knew  it,  for  it  consisted  of  many  intricate  steps  which 
changed  frequently.  The  most  dexterous  placed  on 
the  head  a  tumbler  of  water;  on  the  floor  was  placed 
a  handkerchief  with  two  of  the  corners  tied  together. 

O 

This  handkerchief,  the  dancer  while  dancing  took 
up  with  her  feet  and  concealed  about  her  person — 
sometimes  doing  so  with  two  or  three  handkerchiefs. 
These  she  would  afterward  again  place  on  the  floor. 
All  this  she  did  without  a  single  drop  of  water  being 
spilled.  The  feat  concluded,  the  tecolero  took  from 
her  the  glass  of  water,  and  amid  frantic  applause  she 
returned  to  her  seat. 

The  zorrita  was  danced  by  couples,  as  was  the  sota, 
from  which  it  differed  in  that  during  the  singing  of 
verse  the  men  made  to  their  partners  signs  or  demon- 


ZORRITA,  ZOTA,  AND  FANDANGO.  411 

strations  in  keeping  with  the  sentiment  of  the  verse. 
During  the  estribillo  each  two  couples,  joining  hands, 
made  a  turn  or  chain.     A  second  estribillo  indicated 
the  time  when  the  men  gave  a  leap  while  clapping 
their   hands.     Los  camotes  was  a  dance   somewhat 
similar  to  the  foregoing,  though  the  time  of  the  music 
as  well  as  the  verses  and  movements  were   distinct. 
This  dance  was  characterized  by  very  measured  move 
ments,   and   at   the    end    of  the    estribillo    the    man 
saluted  his  partner,  another  taking  his  place.     More 
over,  the  dancers  also  sang.     El  borrego  was  danced 
by  a  man  and  a  woman.     When  the  music  struck  up 
they  began  to  take  steps,  and  on  the   singing   com 
mencing,  each  took   out   a   handkerchief  and    made 
motions  with  the  hands  appropriate  to  the  sense  of 
the  words — for  if  the  verse   said  borrego,  the   man 
feigned  an  attack  on  his  partner,  who  made  motions 
with  the  handkerchief  as  if  baiting  a  bull,  capear ;  if 
the  verse  said  borrega,  the  roles  were  reversed.     El 
burro  was  generally  danced  at   reunions  of  persons 
who  were  intimate,  and  toward  the  close  of  the  diver 
sion.     As  many  men  as  women  took  hold  of  hands 
and  formed  a  circle.     Another  person,  either  man  or 
woman,  took  place  within  the  circle  as  burro.     When 
the  music  commenced,  those  forming  the  circle  began 
to  dance  about  the  central  figure.     Two  or  three  verses 
were  sung,  and  at  a  certain  word  each  man  embraced 
a  woman,  and  the  person  who  was  left  alone  became 
burro.     In  all  these  dances,  there  was  a  great  variety 
in  the  words  of  the  versos  and  estribillos. 

The  fandango  was  danced  by  a  man  and  a  woman. 
It  was  necessary  that  he  should  understand  the  dance, 
for  after  a  jaleo  with  castanets,  or  if  he  did  not  know 
how  to  use  them,  snapping  his  fingers,  with  changes 
and  motions  of  arms,  several  walks  were  taken,  while 
the  music  played  and  the  singer  finished  the  verso  and 
estribillo.  The  music  ceasing,  the  singer  said  bomba ! 
and  the  man  had  to  recite  a  verse,  generally  of  an 
amorous  character,  to  his  partner — which  poetry  was 
good  or  bad  according  to  the  intelligence  of  him  re- 


412  AMUSEMENTS. 

citing  the  same.  On  a  repetition  of  the  performance, 
the  lady  was  the  one  who  recited  the  verse.  If  she 
did  not  or  could  not  do  so,  the  man  recited  another 
verse.  Another  man  would  then  step  forward,  and 
the  tecolero  would  lead  out  another  woman. 

El  jarabe  is  the  national  dance  of  the  Mexican  peo 
ple,  and  is  of  a  capricious  character,  for  many  words 
and  airs  being  mingled,  each  change  requires  new  steps 
and  movements.  The  tecolero  selected  a  man  and 
woman  who  he  knew  could  dance  it  well.  They 
began  to  dance,  and  in  the  pauses  between  the  differ 
ent  airs  the  singers  sang  verses  according  to  the  music 
which  had  just  been  played. 

La  contradanza  was  a  dance  of  the  better  class  of 
society.  The  partners  stood  in  two  rows — the  men 
facing  the  women.  The  music  was  that  of  a  slow 
waltz — during  the  first  four  bars  the  figure  was 
formed,  and  during  the  next  four  waltzing  took  place. 
The  figures  referred  to  were  capricious,  but  generally 
the  same  routine  was  followed.  Young  persons  rarely 
took  part  in  this  dance.  The  old  women  of  the  lower 
class  also  had  their  popular  dances.  El  caballo  was 
danced  by  a  man  and  woman,  who,  when  the  music 
commenced,  began  to  balance  to  each  other.  While 
the  verso  was  sung,  there  were  movements  of  handker 
chiefs.  At  a  certain  designated  time  the  woman 
seized  her  skirts  before  and  behind  as  if  about  to 
mount  a  horse,  the  man  got  astride  of  his  handker 
chief,  and  to  the  sound  of  the  music  they  made  move 
ments  as  if  on  horseback. 

Torre  says  that  the  balls  given  at  a  celebration  of 
nuptials  lasted  regularly  three  days.  The  people  ate, 
drank,  and  danced  day  and  night;  while  some  rested 
or  slept,  others  continued  the  festivities.  These  balls 
were  given  in  arbors,  the  ground  being  well  watered 
and  beaten  level  some  days  previous.  The  arbor  was 
lined  inside  with  sheets,  bed-covers,  or  other  articles, 
to  exclude  the  wind ;  around  the  sides  were  benches. 
The  women  occupied  one  end,  entirely  separated  from 
the  men.  If  the  women  were  numerous  and  filled 


MUSIC  AND  SONG.  413 

the  seats,  the  men  would  stand  at  the  entrance,  which 
was  very  wide,  some  on  foot,  others  on  horseback. 
The  musicians  occupied  a  place  assigned  to  them  in 
the  middle  of  one  of  the  sides.  The  tecolero  went 
around  beating  time  with  his  feet  and  leading  out  the 
females  to  dance.  His  method  was  to  make  pirouettes, 
or  changes  of  place,  accompanied  by  clapping  the 
hands.  Very  soon  the  female  came  forward  dancing, 
while  he  made  a  turn  around  her  like  a  cock  around  a 
hen.  The  music  consisted  usually  of  two  violins  and 
a  guitar,  which  latter  the  player  thrummed  as  hard  as 
he  could.  Soon  carne  out  two  or  three  singers,  who 
squatted  in  front  of  the  musicians  to  sing  the  air  for 
dancing,  for  the  greater  part  of  the  dance  was  carried 
on  to  song  accompaniment. 

The  female  who  came  out  to  dance  retired  to  her 
place  when  she  so  desired,  and  the  tecolero  con 
tinued  beating  time  with  his  feet  and  bringing  out  the 
women  one  by  one  until  he  had  exhausted  the  number. 
The  woman  who  did  not  know  how  to  dance  well,  or 
could  not  for  some  other  reason,  came  out,  gave  one 
turn,  and  returned  to  her  place. 

It  often  happened  that  while  a  woman  was  dancing 
one  or  more  men  on  horseback  would  enter  the  arbor 
with  glasses  or  bottles  of  aguardiente,  wherewith  they 
sprinkled  the  ground  where  she  danced,  at  the  same 
time  making  their  horses  dance,  and  shouting,  "Eche- 
las  todas,  mi  alma;  sabe  que  soy  suyo,  yo  la  amparo  I" 
Throw  it  all  in,  my  darling;  know  that  I  am  thine,  and 
will  guard  thee  I  Presently  rows  began,  and  scrim 
mages,  and  these  brave  ones  went  forth  to  fight  out 
side. 

In  the  early  days  there  was  a  dance  called  the  con- 
tradanza,  very  measured.  The  jota  was  the  favorite 
dance  among  Californians.  It  was  accompanied  by 
verses  and  refrain.  In  the  verse  occurred  certain 
figures,  and  in  the  refrain  a  chain  of  hands.  On  oc 
casions  there  were  sixteen  couples  in  the  jota,  and 
never  less  than  four.  The  refrain  was  long  when  the 


414  AMUSEMENTS. 

couples  were  numerous.  The  verses  were  unlimited 
in  number.  For  example,  when  commencing  the  jota 
a  verse  such  as  the  following  was  sung : 

Palomita,  vete  al  Campo, 
Y  dile  a  los  tiradores 
Que  no  te  tiren,  porq'eres 
La  duefia  de  mis  amores. 

Then  followed  the  refrain: 

El  cuervo  en  el  aire 
Vuela  vigilante 
Vuela  para  atras 
Vuela  pa  delante. 
Si  la  piedra  es  dura; 
Tu  eres  un  diamante, 
Porque  no  ha  podido 
Mi  amor  ablaiidarte: 
Si  te  hago  un  carino 
Me  haces  un  desprecio, 
Y  luego  me  dices 
Que  yo  soy  el  necio; 
Como  si  el  quererte 
Fuera  necedad. 
Pero  anda,  ingratota, 
Que  algun  dia  entre  suefio 
Tii  te  acordaras 
Que  yo  fui  tu  duefio. 

There  were  various  styles  of  refrain  and  verses  sung: 

Entre  las  flores  de  lirio 
No  te  pude  conocer, 
Que  no  parecias  muger, 
Sino  Angel  del  Cielo  empireo. 

Refrain : 

Yo  vide  una  rata 
Con  treinta  ratones, 
Unos  sin  ore j  as, 
Otroa  ore jones: 

»  Unos  sin  narices, 

Otros  narizones. 
Unos  sin  hocico 
Otros  hocicones. 
Mariana  me  voy 
Para  los  Sauzales, 
A  ver  £  mi  china, 
La  Rosa  Morales. 
Manaiia  me  voy 
Para  Vera  Cruz 
A  ver  a  mi  chata 
Maria  de  la  Luz. 
En  fin  el  burreon 
Siempre  canta  mal. 
Pajaro  lucido 
Solo  el  Cardenal; 
Palomita  Llanca, 
Pico  de  coral, 
Llevale  a  mi  duefia 
Este  memorial. 


JARABE  AND  JOTA.  415 

The  jarabe  was  also  danced,  in  which  two  or  four 
persons  took  part,  who  endeavored  to  excel  in  the 
shuffling*  of  feet  and  singing  of  verses. 

Then  there  were  dances  among  the  very  low  classes; 
these  were  the  same,  but  with  more  license  and  lati 
tude.  These  generally  ended  with  a  fight,  broken 
heads,  filthy  language,  and  insults. 

The  dances  changed  somewhat  with  time;  under 
Echeandia  it  was  customary  to  place  a  guard  at  the 
entrance,  those  among  respectable  persons  being  gen 
erally  held  in  the  parlor  of  the  government  house. 
For  these  there  were  invitation  tickets  issued,  which 
had  to  be  shown  to  the  sentry.  All  respectable  fami 
lies,  however  poor,  received  invitations.  Later,  these 
dances  became  demoralized,  and  respectable  families 
withdrew  from  them,  holding  balls  only  at  their  homes, 
when  some  modern  dances  were  introduced. 

Amador,  born  in  1781,  says :  "  When  I  was  a  young 
man,  the  dances  in  vogue  were  the  jarabe,  the  pon- 
torico,  the  navamba,  the  cuando,  the  queso,  and  other 
airs  (sones)  which  I  do  not  remember."  From  Ama- 
dor's  use  of  the  word  son,  it  is  evident  that  these  were 
names  of  different  airs  and  dances,  in  faster  or  slower 
time,  a  single  couple,  or  several,  occupying  the  floor, 
each  individual  introducing  the  steps  he  chose  while 
keeping  time  to  the  music.  In  fact,  these  dances  re 
sembled  minuets  and  the  like,  rather  than  modern 
dances. 

A  ball  always  concluded  with  las  cuadrillas  or  the 
jota.  The  latter  came  from  Spain,  differing  slightly 
in  the  various  provinces,  that  of  Aragon  being  the 
better  known,  and  was  a  very  quick,  lively  dance.  It 
resembled  an  English  country-dance,  or  an  American 
Virginia  reel — the  men  and  women  standing  in  long 
lines  facing  each  other — with  which  twenty  years 
since  a  country  ball  in  the  United  States  concluded, 
and  in  some  parts  so  continues  to  do. 

In  1800  few  houses  had  any  other  floor  than  the 
bare  earth.  The  owners  would  bring  two  boards, 


416  AMUSEMENTS.  4 

which  were  nailed  upon  three  wooden  horses,  thus 
forming  a  platform  on  which  women  might  dance; 
also  those  of  the  men  who  danced  well.  The  jarabe 
was  danced  by  couples,  two,  three,  or  four,  who  en 
deavored  each  to  execute  the  most  difficult  and  varied 
steps. 

Robinson  describes  a  fandango  at  Bandini's  house 
in  San  Diego  in  182-9.  Any  one  might  attend  without 
an  invitation.  The  room  was  some  50  feet  long  by 
20  wide,  crowded  along  its  sides.  A  mass  of  people 
around  the  door  shouted  their  approbation  of  the  per 
formances.  Two  persons  danced  the  jarabe,  keeping 
time  to  the  music  by  drumming  with  their  feet,  on 
the  heel-and-toe  system.  The  female  dancer  stood 
erect,  with  head  a  little  inclined  to  the  right  shoulder, 
her  hands  holding  her  dress  so  as  to  show  the  execu 
tion  of  her  feet.  Her  partner,  sombrero  undoifed, 
rattled  with  his  feet  with  wonderful  dexterity.  His 
arms  behind  his  back  secured  the  points  of  his  serape. 

Dye,  who  came  to  California  in  1832,  gives  the  fol 
lowing  about  ball-room  customs,  which,  he  says,  were 
common  among  the  highest  and  lowest.  Indeed,  in 
earlier  days  there  was  very  little  class  distinction ; 
the  poor  and  rich  associated  on  equal  terms,  and  at 
tended  the  same  parties,  "  excluding  only  such  persons 
—especially  women — as  were  known  to  be  lewd,  or  of 
notoriously  bad  conduct  in  other  respects."  This  state 
of  things  changed  in  later  years,  however,  and  class 
distinction  grew  clearly  defined — say  from  ]  840  to 
1850.  Formerly  private  soldiers  arid  their  wives  were 
allowed  at  the  best  balls,  but  afterward  such  a  thing 
was  never  seen. 

When  a  woman  was  a  skilful  dancer,  she  had  a 
good  opportunity  to  display  her  graces.  The  men 
would  become  enthusiastic  and  applaud  her,  and  as 
a  mark  of  particular  appreciation  would  place  their 
hats  on  her  head,  one  on  top  of  the  other;  and  when 
her  head  could  bear  no  more,  she  would  take  the  hats 
in  her  hands,  dancing  all  the  time;  still  more  hats, 


BALL-ROOM  CUSTOMS.  417 

and  even  coin,  were  thrown  at  her  feet,  and  when  she 
returned  to  her  seat  these  were  gathered  up  by  the 
tecolero  and  brought  to  her.  All  the  hats  in  her  pos 
session  had  to  be  redeemed  by  the  owners  with  coin- 
each  one  paying  what  he  pleased,  from  two  reales  to 
five  dollars. 

When  the  ball"  broke  up,  the  men  accompanied  the 
women  to  their  homes,  playing  music.  When  the 
female  element  had  been  disposed  of,  the  men  went 
into  the  street  on  horseback,  and  sang  to  music  more 
or  less  vulgar  songs.  Tired  of  this,  they  would  ride 
to  the  fields  and  lasso  or  colear  (seize  by  the  tail)  the 
stock;  or  they  would  watch  in  the  streets  for  some 
animal  to  give  it  gambia  with  the  ]asso  from  opposite 
sides.  The  men  would  frequently  leave  the  ball  at 
intervals  to  buy  brandy  at  the  tienda. 

"At  a  party  in  Santa  Barbara,"  says  Garcia,  writ 
ing  in  1836,  "the  band  was  brought  by  the  ship  Qui- 
jote,  consisting  of  six  negroes,  with  a  bombo,  two  tarn- 
bores,  a  timbal,  and  two  clarinets,  all  of  fearful 
discord.  Thompson's  house  was  lighted  up  by  8  p.  M., 
with  six  tallow  candles  placed  along  the  wall  in 
candlesticks.  Soon  the  most  prominent  families  be 
gan  to  arrive,  and  the  music  started,  a  violin,  a  guitar, 
and  two  singers.  The  negroes  could  play  only  for 
certain  dances.  There  was  a  motley  of  colors,  which 
from  the  mingling  presented  a  fine  appearance. 
There  was  also  a  figure  in  mask,  generally  black, 
which  was  termed  camorra,  if  with  turban.  If  the 
mask  was  narrow,  of  small  surface,  like  a  mere  band 
with  a  knot  in  front,  it  wa-s  called  melindre.  When 
the  director  shouted  yataa!  yataa!  each  person  rushed 
for  his  partner.  At  11  or  11:30,  supper  was  an 
nounced,  consisting  of  tongue,  olives,  bread,  cheese, 
and  wine.  After  this  dancing  was  resumed.  At 
last  the  ball  concluded  with  the  canastita  de  flores, 
consisting  of  a  ring  formed  by  all  the  dancers,  who 
circled  around,  singing.  At  the  last  word,  each  man 
rushed  forward  to  embrace  the  girl  he  loved.  As  a 


CAL.  PAST.    27 


418  AMUSEMENTS. 

rule,  some  female  was  left  in  the  cold,  and  became  the 
dueiia  de  las  burlas.  This  was  repeated  several  times, 
so  that  the  duena  was  changed." 

Doctor  Maxwell,  long  a  prominent  physician  in 
San  Francisco,  writing  in  1843,  says:  "We,  the  offi 
cers  of  the  squadron,  gave  a  ball  at  the  government 
house.  At  that  time  the  female  population  of  Mon 
terey  had  never  tasted  cake,  mince-pie,  or  anything 
of  that  sort,  and  the  stewards  of  our  messes  were  set 
to  work  making  all  kinds  of  delicacies  of  the  kind  for 

O 

the  supper.  Our  Madeira  wine  was  all  expended,  so 
we  were  obliged  to  depend  on  whiskey-toddy,  which 
the  ladies  thought  very  fine,  and  some  of  them  in 
dulged  in  it  rather  too  freely.  At  the  ball  were  a 
number  of  American  hunters,  who  had  come  to  town 
because  of  our  presence  there.  Captain  Armstrong's 
dancing  was  very  vigorous,  and  the  perspiration  rolled 
down  his  cheeks.  The  natives  called  him  Brazos 
Fuertes. 

"These  people  had  the  most  extraordinary  customs. 
They  would  come  on  board  ship  and  dance  all  day, 
and  we  would  go  ashore  and  dance  all  night.  They 
would  sit  down  to  table,  and  every  woman  would 
spread  her  handkerchief  in  her  lap ;  whatever  we  had 
on  the  table  they  would  eat  a  part  of,  and  carry  off 
the  rest  in  their  handkerchiefs — nuts,  fi<js,  everything-. 

*        £}      '  v  O 

Their  manners  were  exceedingly  primitive."  The 
doctor  went  still  further  with  some  plain  relations. 
Indeed,  these  people,  in  their  unsophisticated  ways, 
would  do  things  sometimes  that  would  be  considered 
improper  by  our  more  prudish  people. 

Every  Saturday  at  the  missions  the  neophytes  had 
a  ball.  Some  missions  had  a  separate  place  for  this; 
at  others  the  dance  went  on  in  the  field.  Where  a 
place  was  set  aside,  it  consisted  of  a  rotunda,  ten  yards 
or  more  in  diameter,  formed  of  poles,  separated  from 
one  another,  which  supported  a  tule  roof. 


MISSION  INDIANS.  419 

The  ball  began  about  sunset.  The  music  consisted 
of  drum,  horn  trumpets,  and  small  sticks,  like  cas 
tanets,  which  set  up  a  terrific  hum-drum.  A  fire 
was  lighted  in  the  centre  of  the  dancing-place,  and  sev 
eral  outside  for  the  audience. 

The  dancers  were  usually  men,  covered  with  a  loin 
cloth,  and  lines  of  black,  blue,  and  red  colors  over  the 
body  and  face.  On  the  head  they  wore  a  hat  with 
various  feathers.  Each  held  a  stick  taller  than  him 
self.  They  placed  themselves  in  file,  and  began  to 
circle  round  the  fire  to  the  music,  making  contortions 
and  grimaces,  and  shouting  somewhat  like  sailors 
heaving  the  anchor.  After  a  while  the  leader  of  the 
file  would  throw  a  live  sparrow-hawk  (gavilan)  into 
the  fire,  which  all  turned  with  their  poles  while 
dancing,  so  as  to  roast  it  well.  When  done  it  was 
raked  out  to  be  distributed. 

During  the  dance  an  Indian  arrived  as  from  a  great 
distance,  covered  with  feathers,  and  on  his  head 
plumes  bigger  than  those  of  the  rest.  On  seeing  him 
all  shrieked  in  afright,  and  ran  to  hide.  Amid  the 
shrieks  the  name  of  cucusuy  (devil)  was  distinctly 
heard.  Cucusuy  retired  after  a  few  moments  to  hide 
behind  the  trees,  whence  he  uttered  cries  at  intervals, 
in  imitation  of  some  animal.  When  he  departed  the 
dancers  resumed,  the  ball  continuing  until  the  mayor- 
domo  ordered  all  to  bed. 

Duhaut-Cilly  in  1824  saw  twelve  mission  Indians 
dressed  in  a  long  shirt,  and  feathers  on  the  head, 
dance  in  wonderful  accord,  striking  the  ground  with 
sticks,  gesticulating  with  arms  and  eyes,  making  signs 
of  love,  hate,  terror.  The  body  was  kept  curved,  the 
knees  somewhat  bent.  The  scene  was  lighted  up  by 
torches.  The  orchestra  formed  a  half-circle  of  women 
surrounded  by  a  row  or  two  of  dilettanti.  The  har 
mony  was  plaintive  and  wild,  moving  the  nerves 
rather  than  the  soul.  While  the  actors  rested,  a 
horn  was  blown  to  drive  away  evil  spirits;  the  padres 
winked  at  these  scattered  pagan  superstitions. 


420  AMUSEMENTS. 

Three  days  of  dancing  at  Sonora  celebrated  the 
treaty  between  Vallejo  and  Succara,  "Oh,"  exclaims 
the  autocrat,  "with  what  joy  I  pass  in  review  the 
scenes  at  which  I  was  present  in  those  happy  days ! 
Although  thirty-eight  years  have  passed,  I  remember 
with  pleasure  the  graceful  movements  of  the  pretty 
daughters  of  the  Suisun  warriors,  and  the  wives  of 
the  fierce  chiefs  of  the  Sotoyomes  in  the  dance. 
The  dances  were  much  more  charming  than  those 
invented  by  the  boasted  modern  civilization;  and 
their  manner  of  dress  was  so  simple  as  to  leave 
exposed  to  the  view  of  the  curious  the  larger  part  of 
the  dancer's  body,  and  they  presented  a  tout  ensemble 
to  cause  a  thrill,  and  give  one  an  idea  of  the  terrestrial 
paradise." 

In  1837,  at  San  Jose,  a  fandango  required  the  pre 
vious  permission  of  the  alcalde.  Owners  or  occupants 
of  the  house  where  held  were  responsible,  jointly  with 
the  authors  of  the  ball,  for  disorders.  In  a  non- 
licensed  dance,  the  first  offence  was  a  fine  of  $20  and 
the  stoppage  of  the  festivity.  After  the  first  offence 
there  should  be  an  increase  of  fine  and  punishment  dis 
cretionary  with  the  alcalde. 

In  1839  there  was  a  municipal  decree  in  force  at 
Santa  Barbara,  to  the  effect  that  whoever  gave  a  bail 
in  his  house  should  pay  $1,  or  be  fined  $2.  Day  di 
versions  were  exempted;  likewise  parties  at  night 
when  the  number  did  not  exceed  three  families,  and 
the  hour  not  beyond  10  P.  M. 

In  1846  the  citizens  of  Los  Angeles  seemed  dissat 
isfied  with  the  fine  of  $2  upon  Indians  for  every  fan 
dango. 

In  1821  the  waltz  was  prohibited  by  the  church, 
under  penalty  of  excomunion  mayor.  Nevertheless, 
Juan  Bandini  introduced  it  in  California  in  1830,  and 
it  was  danced  that  same  year  at  a  ball  given  by  the 
governor  to  the  diputacion  at  Monterey. 

In  the  mission  of  San  Carlos  de  Monterey,  gener- 


IN  AUGUR  Al  ION  CEREMONIES.  421 

ally  known  as  the  Carmelo,  situated  about  three  miles 
from  the  capital,  resided  the  great  theologian,  Fray 
Vicente  Francisco  de  Sarria,  and  his  able  secretary, 
Fray  Estevan  Tapis,  the  former  at  that  time  president 
of  the  missions.  On  the  day  appointed  for  the  festivi 
ties  on  the  inauguration  of  the  last  Spanish  governor  of 
the  Californias,  Don  Pablo  Vicente  de  Sola,  in  1816, 
the  astute  father  gave  orders  to  all  the  missionaries 
to  attend,  and  each  to  bring  with  him  whatsoever  he 
thought  might  add  to  the  entertainment.  Thereupon 
one  of  the  two  missionaries  then  attached  to  each  mis 
sion  attended.  The  late  acting  governor,  Argiiello, 
had  also  issued  orders  to  the  commanding  officers  of 

o 

the  military  posts,  and  to  the  military  commissioners 
of  the  towns,  to  be  present  at  the  ceremony.  The 
comandante  of  Monterey  made  ready  for  the  great 
occasion  the  plaza  of  the  presidio,  200  varas  square, 
with  houses  of  adobe,  tile-roofed,  and  surrounded  by  a 
wall  twelve  feet  in  height.  The  place  was  entered  by 
a  large  gate,  which  was  locked  and  the  keys  deposited 
with  the  commanding  officer  of  the  principal  guard 
every  evening  at  sunset.  In  the  centre  of  the  plaza 
were  constructed  broad  covered  corridors  or  galleries 
supported  by  strong  pillars.  All  the  habitation  build 
ings  were  classified  as  quarters  for  the  commanders, 
officers,  and  soldiers,  who  were  mostly  men  of  family. 
On  this  occasion  they  ornamented  the  place  with  pine 
and  other  boughs,  placed  along  the  front  of  the  gal 
leries,  and  so  arranged  that  the  place  presented  a  very 
attractive  appearance.  The  church  standing  on  one 
side,  as  well  as  all  the  other  edifices  and  trees,  shone 
brilliant  from  lights  placed  within  clay  vessels.  In 
the  centre  of  the  plaza  stood  the  flag-staff,  at  the  top 
of  which  waved  the  Spanish  ensign  with  its  lion  of 
Castile. 

On  the  following  day,  about  twenty  priests,  with 
their  president,  were  in  attendance  at  the  church  to 
chant  a  te  deum,  assisted  by  thirty  Indian  musicians 
collected  from  the  different  missions,  together  with  an 


422  AMUSEMENTS. 

equal  number  of  singers.  Governor  Sola,  escorted  by 
the  late  governor  and  all  the  officers  of  the  staff  and 
garrison,  walked  to  the  temple,  and  amidst  the  salutes 
of  the  artillery  of  the  fort,  and  of  the  cavalry  here 
stationed,  partook  in  the  solemn  services,  which  ended 
with  an  eloquent  and  appropriate  sermon  by  Fray 
Vicente.  Afterward  the  governor  and  his  suite  re* 
paired  to  the  centre  of  the  plaza,  and  the  cavalry  force, 
consisting  of  about  100  men,  were  posted  forming  a 
half-circle,  under  the  command  of  Captain  Jose  Maria 
Estudillo,  Sub-lieutenant  Jose  Estrada,  and  the  adju 
tants,  1st  sergeants  Don  Ignacio  Vallejo  and  Don  Jose 
Dolores  Pico.  Governor  Sola  harangued  the  force 
with  a  majestic  voice,  his  words  ringing  bombast 
through  the  plaza;  and  on  to  the  woods,  "Soldiers  of 
Cortes!"  he  cried,  "brave  sons  of  Mars!  You  have 
conquered  a  vast  territory."  This  was  indeed  true; 
for  on  cuffing  the  chieftain  of  the  Monterey  rancheria, 
they  might  claim  the  subjugation  of  all  the  nations, 
tribes,  and  peoples  from  the  sea  of  Cortes  to  Fuca 
Strait.  " Soldiers  of  Cortes!  all  this  was  owing  to 
your  subordination,  discipline,  and  courage,  and  to  the 
apostolic  zeal  of  these  venerable  ministers  of  God,  who 
have  contributed  an  equal  share  with  you  in  civilizing 
and  christianizing  so  many  thousands  of  neophytes, 
who  now  find  themselves  dwelling  peacefully  in  the 
missions  of  this  grand  colony.  I  congratulate  myself,  • 
together  with  you,  in  the  name  of  our  monarch,  at 
the  state  of  progress  they  are  in,  assuring  you  that 
our  king  will  know  how  to  extend  to  you  and  to  his 
children  that  love  with  which  his  Majesty  rewards  his 
most  faithful  vassals."  Mark  the  occult  and  subtle 
significance  of  these  and  like  eloquent  words,  which 
were  received  by  his  auditors  with  enthusiastic  vivas 
to  the  king  and  to  his  Senoria. 

All  the  high  and  festive  officials  thereupon  repaired 
to  the  reception-room  of  the  governor's  house,  when 
the  comandante  announced  the  arrival  of  twenty  young 
damsels,  who  came  "a  dar  el  besamano  d  Su  Seno- 


FEASTING  AND  GAMES.  423 

ria" — to  kiss  the  hand  of  his  seiioria  in  the  name 
of  their  parents,  according  to  custom.  Among  those 
prominent  for  their  beauty  and  manner  were  Mag- 
dalena  Estudillo,  Magdalena  Vallejo,  and  Josefita 
Estrada.  Upon  the  word,  the  first  named  stepped 
forward  and  informed  his  senoria  that  she  and  her 
companions  had  come  on  behalf  of  their  parents  and 
friends,  to  tender  to  his  senoria  their  felicitations 
on  his  accession  to  the  government  of  the  peninsula. 
All  these  girls  were  dressed  in  the  height  of  elegance, 
according  to  the  usages  and  fashions  of  the  times; 
they  kissed  the  governor's  horny  hand,  and  the  fat, 
flabby  hands  of  the  missionaries.  The  good  governor 
liked  it,  and  would  not  have  objected  to  more.  The 
priests  were  accustomed  to  it.  The  governor,  of 
course,  was  overwhelmed  at  the  sight  of  so  much 
gathered  loveliness.  He  invited  them  to  take  seats, 
addressed  them  in  appropriate  terms,  and  filled  with 
gratitude,  he  caused  his  orderly  to  bring  into  the 
reception-room  several  beautiful  boxes  that  he  had 
brought  from  Mexico,  containing  sweetmeats,  one  of 
which  he  gave  to  each  of  the  lovely  damsels,  who 
thereupon  retired,  well  satisfied  at  having  thus  fulfilled 
so  pleasing  and  important  a  duty. 

The  governor  and  suite  then  repaired  to  the  dining- 
room,  where  was  ready  an  ambigu,  or  luncheon,  con 
sisting  of  domestic  and  game  birds,  cordials  and  wines, 
fresh  and  preserved  fruits,  the  production  of  the  south 
ern  part  of  the  peninsula,  prominent  amongst  the  nice 
things  being  the  olives  of  San  Diego,  the  oranges  and 
pomegranates  of  San  Gabriel,  the  figs,  pitahayas,  and 
preserved  dates  of  Lower  California,  and  the  wines  of 
the  San  Fernando  mission,  whose  padres  so  well 
understood  the  business  that  the  like  of  them  has 
never  been  repeated  to  this  day.  The  table  was  fur 
ther  set  off  with  roses  and  other  flowers  from  Don 
Felipe  Garcia's  garden,  about  half  a  mile  east  of  the 
presidio.  Don  Felipe  was  quite  aged,  having  been 
one  of  the  first  settlers  of  the  capital.  Present  were 


424  AMUSEMENTS. 

three  of  his  charming  white  daughters,  white  as  snow 
and  with  rosy  cheeks,  and  black  hair  reaching  down  to 
their  feet.  And  such  was  its  profusion  that  their 
necks  had  grown  thick  in  carrying  it.  His  worship 
was  quite  struck  with  the  magnificence  of  this  banquet, 
which  displayed  such  liberality  and  good  taste.  The 
bread  and  cakes  were  of  wheat  flour  from  the  mission 
of  San  Antonio,  famous  over  all  others  in  the  country 
for  its  good  quality.  After  the  ambigu,  which  was 
about  1  P.  M.,  and  the  toasts  and  usual  compliments 
being  over,  as  the  quantity  of  viands  left  was  so  great, 
orders  were  given  to  put  up  tables,  and  call  in  the  pop 
ulace  to  eat  and  be  filled.  About  five  hundred  were 
thus  fed,  and  there  was  still  food  enough  left  to  keep 
the  officers  in  good  humor  for  a  fortnight. 

The  commandant  now  informed  the  governor  that 
the  soldiers,  dressed  in  their  vaquero's  garb,  were 
ready  to  exhibit  before  his  worship  their  customary 
entertainment.  The  governor  expressing  his  assent, 
forthwith  four  riders  mounted  on  fiery  steeds  entered 
the  plaza  through  the  great  gate  of  the  presidio.  They 
were  covered  with  an  embroidered  cuirass,  and  an  an- 
quera  with  bells.  They  were  not  alone,  but  with 
them  were  two  large  black  bears;  four  other  horse 
men  drove  in  two  fierce  bulls,  which  were  to  be  made 
to  fight.  The  crowd  shouted  and  made  their  bets. 
The  native  musicians  loudly  sounded  their  violins, 
flutes,  and  drums.  After  the  fight  was  over,  the  gov 
ernor  was  told  by  the  comandante  that  these  beasts 
were  continually  coming  down  from  the  high  moun 
tains  and  destroying  cattle,  and  that  the  inhabitants 
had  no  means  of  exterminating  them.  A  ball  was 
announced  for  the  evening,  and  the  padres  took  their 
departure. 

Two  days  later,  the  governor,  with  his  escort  of 
officers,  soldiers,  and  private  persons,  repaired  to  the 
San  Carlos  mission,  proceeding  by  the  Calvario  road. 
This  road  went  through  a  dense  forest  of  pine,  about 
a  thousand  varas  from  the  mission  buildings.  In  the 


AT  THE  MISSION  CHURCH.  425 

forest  were  placed  many  great  crosses,  significant  of 
Christ's  sufferings.  They  had  not  proceeded  far,  when, 
behold  I  a  band  of  holy  men  appeared,  to  the  number 
of  twenty,  all  wearing  newly  washed  robes,  and  at 
tended  by  a  multitude  of  young  Indians,  who  also 
had  on  their  dress  of  acolytes.  The  vanguard  of 
the  acolotists  \vas  closely  followed  by  the  padres 
marching  in  two  wings,  and  in  the  centre,  upon  a 
grand  platform,  was  set  a  crucifix;  next  came  a 
horde  of  whitewashed  savages,  to  the  number  of  two 
thousand,  each  carrying  a  branch  in  his  hand.  The 
governor  was  escorted  by  twenty-five  cavalrymen  in 
full  uniform.  Behind  the  escort  came  a  goodly  num 
ber  of  females  of  all  ages,  and  all  mounted  on  fine 
horses.  The  governor  and  his  officers  stopped,  alighted, 
and  walked  to  the  centre,  where  the  crucifix  was  pre 
sented  by  the  president  of  the  missions.  His  wor 
ship,  and  the  officers  one  by  one,  kissed  the  feet  of 
that  effigy,  and  then  repaired  to  the  temple.  The 
acolytes  kept  burning  incense  in  a  large  number  of 
silver  thuribles.  The  church  ceremony  consisted  of  a 
sermon  preached  in  Spanish  and  in  Indian  by  the  vir 
tuous  Fray  Juan  Amoros. 

When  Costromitinoff  came  to  San  Francisco  with 
the  Russian  governor  in  1842,  he  gave  a  ball  on  board, 
to  which  all  the  families  around  were  invited,  the  ship 
being  fitted  for  the  occasion,  and  with  burning  per 
fumes  to  deaden  the  smell  of  the  Kodiaks.  Real 
sherry  wine  was  ottered  in  honor  of  the  Californians 
at  the  banquet  preceding  the  ball.  Arnaz  says  that 
Padre  Quijas  came  and  changed  dress  with  him,  he 
taking  the  priest's  robe  and  dancing  the  quadrille 
with  him,  to  the  enjoyment  of  the  girls. 

So  great  was  the  respect  for  parents  in  California 
that  a  young  man  would  never  dance  in  their  presence 
until  permitted.  They  were  not  allowed  to  join  a  ball 
before  twenty,  although  they  may  have  learned  to 
dance  in  the  absence  of  their  parents.  After  1831  the 
custom  became  less  strict.  Balls  were  begun  by  the 


426  AMUSEMENTS. 

older  people,  no  young  person  taking  part  unless  mar 
ried.  When  the  old  men  retired,  then  the  more  ad 
vanced  youth  entered. 

Larkin  gives  the  following  as  the  cost  of  a  ball  : 
2  dozen  wine,  $19;  IJr  dozen  beer,  $13.50;  30  pies, 
$13;  cake,  $12;  box  raisins,  $4 ;  cheese,  $1.50;  9  bot 
tles  aguardiente,  $13.50;  music,  $25;  9  pounds  sperm 
candles,  $9;  'comida,  $5;  5  pounds  coffee,  $2.50;  6 
pounds  sugar,  $3;  servants,  $4.  Total,  $125. 

After  this  was  a  sham  fight  of  the  Indians,  termi 
nating  with  their  loosening  the  strings  of  their  bows, 
and  laying  their  arms  at  the  feet  of  the  governor  as 
a  mark  of  submission.  The  Indians  were  dismissed 
after  presents  of  beads  had  been  distributed  among 
them. 

On  the  arrival  at  San  Diego  of  the  Hijar  colony,  a 
ball  was  given  in  their  honor  by  Jose  Antonio  Aguirre, 
and  another  by  Juan  Rocha.  After  the  Californians 
had  danced  their  sones,  and  other  antiquated  ambles, 
the  new-comers  performed  the  more  modern  move 
ments  in  vogue  at  the  capital.  For  the  first  time  the 
waltz,  the  quadrille,  and  the  contradanza  were  made 
known  to  the  people  of  California. 

The  following  is  a  literal  translation  of  a  printed 
invitation  to  a  ball:  "  Jose  Figueroa,  Jose  Antonio 
Carrillo,  Pio  Pico,  Joaquin  Ortega,  and  the  licentiate 
Rafael  Gomez,  request  your  attendance  at  8  o'clock 
this  evening,  at  a  ball  that  will  be  given  at  the  house 
of  the  first  named,  to  congratulate  the  directors  of 
colonization  and  their  estimable  fellow-travellers,  the 
election  of  deputies  for  the  territory,  and  the  country 
upon  its  enjoyment  of  union  and  peace.  Monterey, 
Nov.  1,  1834.  Citizen  Mariano  Bonilla." 

All  Californians  could  make  shoes  and  play  the 
vihuela  or  guitar.  Every  night  they  passed  through 
the  streets  giving  serenades  and  singing  what  occurred 
to  them.  One  song  ran  : 

Ya  parid  la  rata — 30  r atones, 
Unos  sin  cabeza — y  otros  cabezones. 


HISTORIC  INSTRUMENTS.  427 

The  airs  played  at  balls  were  el  malcriado,  el  afor- 
rado,  el  grullo,  el  tuza,  el  maracumbe,  la  vaquilla,  etc. 
Most  men  could  play  instruments  and  sing,  so  that  mu 
sicians  were  easily  relieved  at  a  party.  At  San  Cdrlos 
in  the  inventory  of  church  property  of  1843  appear 
three  violines,  one  violon,  one  tatubora,  and  one  trian- 
gulo. 

All  through  these  pastoral  days  there  was  present 
the  material  for  a  hundred  pastoral  poems,  only  there 
was  not  present  any  discovered  Theocritus  or  Virgil 
to  write  them. 

Arnaz  states — in  some  of  which  points  he  is  mis 
taken — that  the  usual  instruments  were  violins,  gui 
tars,  and  some  clarinets  and  harps.  The  pioneer 
piano  was  played  by  Manuel  Jimeno.  Santa  Barbara 
was  foremost  in  having  the  guitar,  Guillermo  Carrillo 
being  the  player.  Opera  music  was  not  known,  but 
the  women  could  play  and  sing  pretty  Spanish  songs. 
The  Soberanes  girls  had  no  musical  knowledge,  yet 
they  sang  well.  The  best  violin  and  harp  players 
were  at  Angeles;  the  harp  players  were  from  Mex 
ico,  one  Lopez  being  prominent.  The  violinists  were 
Californians,  the  best  being  the  first  husband  of 
Stephen  Forster's  wife.  The  missions  had  orchestras 
of  Indians  taught  by  the  padres,  consisting  usually  of 
one  bombo,  one  drum,  one  triangle,  one  violin,  sev 
eral  base  viols,  and  one  flute.  The  players  sang  also 
in  the  choir,  assisted  by  others.  Although  at  times 
in  good  compass,  yet  it  was  often  dissonant,  both  in 
playing  and  singing.  The  Indians  could  not  grasp 
music.  They  were  never  called  to  play  at  a  ball ;  there 
the  guitar  and  violin  were  commonly  used,  and  at  rare 
times  the  band  was  brought  from  a  man-of-war. 

Notwithstanding  what  Arnaz  says.  San  Gabriel 
had  an  orchestra  of  Indians  who  played  flutes,  guitars, 
violins,  drums,  triangles,  and  cymbals.  All  other 
missions  had  more  or  less  good  orchestras  and  singers. 
Everything  played  in  the  temple  was  called  a  minuet. 

Joaquin  Carrillo,  father-in-law  of  Yallejo,  was  an 


428  AMUSEMENTS. 

accomplished  violinist.  When  a  soldier  he  was  one 
night  playing  at  a  ball  at  the  house  of  Comandante 
Ruiz  at  San  Diego.  Ruiz  was  fond  of  a  certain  air, 
which  he  ordered  Carrillo  to  play;  and  because  he 
thought  the  latter  too  long  in  tuning  his  instrument, 
Ruiz  ordered  him  put  in  the  stocks,  and  sent  the 
guests  home,  it  being  then  about  midnight. 

While  Commodore  Jones  was  at  Monterey,  many 
balls  were  given  in  his  honor  by  Larkin  and  others. 
On  one  occasion  Larkin  borrowed  of  Abrego  one  of 
the  three  first  pianos  brought  to  California.  They 
were  brought  from  Baltimore  by  Captain  Smith,  one 
sold  to  Jose  Abrego,  another  in  San  Pedro  to  Eulogio 
Celis,  and  the  third  to  M.  G.  Vallejo  at  San  Fran 
cisco.  Abrego  granted  the  request,  but  suggested 
that  a  piano  would  not  be  of  much  use,  since  no  one 
knew  how  to  play  on  it.  But  to  the  surprise  of  all, 
it  was  solemnly  affirmed,  the  boy  Pedro  Estrada  suc 
ceeded  in  playing  the  instrument,  although  he  had 
never  touched  one  before!  It  was  proposed  to  send 
the  boy  to  Mexico  to  be  educated  in  music,  but  the 
advice  of  David  Spence  prevailed,  who  thought  a  car 
penter  more  useful  than  a  musician. 

Most  of  the  instruments  used  in  the  mission  choirs 
were  made  at  the  missions,  and  were  consequently 
rude  and  inferior.  The  ancient  popular  songs  of  the 
Californians  were  introduced  from  Sonora. 

Their  passion  for  music  is  aptly  illustrated  by  an 
incident  of  the  war.  California  once  conquered,  the 
United  States  authorities  adopted  the  judicious  policy 
of  conciliating  the  Mexican  element  in  every  way 
possible.  Rights  of  property  were  respected,  and  the 
people  were  invited  by  proclamations  of  amnesty  and 
protection  to  return  to  their  homes,  and  no  violence 
should  be  offered  to  any.  The  commodore,  when 
at  Los  Angeles,  even  went  so  far  as  to  request  Cap 
tain  Phelps,  long  a  trader  on  the  coast  and  a  man 
familiar  with  the  ways  of  the  people  and  possessing 
their  confidence,  to  visit  them  in  their  hiding-places, 


POWER  OF  MUSIC.  429 

assure  them  of  safety,  and  induce  them  to  come  forth. 
Captain  Phelps  replied :  "  You  have  a  fine  band  of 
music ;  such  a  thing  was  never  before  in  this  country. 
Let  it  play  one  hour  in  the  plaza  each  day  at  sunset, 
and  I  assure  you  it  will  do  more  toward  reconciling 
the  people  than  all  your  written  proclamations,  which, 
indeed,  but  few  of  them  could  read."  "  My  suggestion 
was  adopted,"  continued  the  captain,  "and  the  results 
were  soon  evident.  At  first  the  children  on  the  hill 
ventured  down  and  peeped  round  the  corners  of  the 
houses.  A  few  lively  tunes  brought  out  the  vivas  of 
the  elder  ones,  and  before  closing  for  the  day  quite  a 
circle  of  delighted  natives  surrounded  the  musicians. 
The  following  afternoon,  the  people  from  the  ranchos 
at  a  distance,  hearing  of  the  wonderful  performance, 
began  to  come  in.  I  saw  the  old  priest  of  the  mission 
of  San  Gabriel  sitting  by  the  church  door,  opposite 
the  plaza,  and  introduced  him  to  some  of  the  officers. 
The  old  man  said  he  had  not  heard  a  band  since  he 
left  Spain,  over  fifty  years  ago.  'Ah!'  said  he,  'that 
music  will  do  more  service  in  the  conquest  of  Califor 
nia  than  a  thousand  bayonets.' " 

The  Californians  were  not  without  their  dramatic 
performances.  The  Pastorela,  composed  by  Padre 
Florencio  of  the  Soledad  mission,  and  a  copy  of 
which  is  among  the  Vallejo  documents,  was  often  per 
formed.  It  was  a  great  favorite,  and  was  usually 
brought  out  on  Christmas  eve.  Pio  Pico  used  to  play 
the  part  of  Bato,  the  chief  shepherd;  the  Vallejos  fre 
quently  took  part.  But  the  best  player,  and  the  one 
who  used  to  get  most  applause,  was  Jacinto  Rodriguez, 
who  used  to  go  to  the  seashore  to  practise  his  part, 
uttering  fearful  shouts,  and  making  all  kinds  of  crazy 
gestures,  to  the  great  amusement  of  the  boys  who  hid 
near  by  and  watched  him.  Under  Chico's  rule,  in 
1836,  a  company  of  Mexican  rnaromeros  (acrobats) 
came  to  Monterey  to  perform. 


430  AMUSEMENTS. 

There  were  some  fine  race-horses  here  in  pastoral 
times.  Covarrubias  saw  a  horse  from  San  Diego  at 

O 

Mexico  in  1830  which  was  famous  for  short  distances. 

It  was  common  to  race  to  church  on  Sundays  with 
oxen-drawn  wagons,  containing  the  family.  The  stakes 
were  money,  stock,  or  balls.  Many  oxen  galloped 
like  horses,  and  did  so  from  practice  without  being 
urged  with  the  goad. 

As  in  all  other  affairs,  the  law,  with  its  superior 
wisdom  and  strength,  was  not  far  away.  In  1834 
Governor  Figueroa  writes  to  Alcalde  Jimeno  prohib 
iting  the  running  of  stray  horses  at  Monterey,  San 
Jose,  and  San  Francisco. 

In  1839  at  Los  Angeles  Avila  and  Duarte  agreed 
on  a  horse-race,  betting  a  barrel  of  brandy,  two  broken 
horses,  and  five  dollars.  Duarte  broke  the  rules  of  the 
race  by  giving  a  blow  on  the  head  of  Avila's  horse  and 
blocking  the  way,  and  Avila  appeared  before  the  alcalde 
with  witnesses  to  demand  the  stakes,  although  Duarte' s 
horse  had  come  in  ahead.  Avila  failed  to  clearly 
prove  the  infringements.  After  hearing  the  testimony 
pro  and  con,  the  alcalde  decided  that  as  the  course 
was  not  properly  fenced,  the  parties  should  pay  a  fine 
of  $10  each,  and  that  the  race  be  repeated  in  twenty 
days,  in  presence  of  a  regidor. 

Suit  was  brought  at  Los  Angeles,  in  1840,  against 
Fernando  Sepulveda  to  pay  A.  Pico  100  calves  and 
one  horse  lost  at  a  race — conditions  having  been 
legally  arranged.  Sepulveda  had  promised  to  pay, 
but  afterward  refused,  although  the  judge  had  decided 
against  him  with  costs,  in  accord  with  article  91  of  law  of 
congress,  1837.  Sepulveda,  on  being  threatened  with 
execution,  pleaded  that  his  property  belonged  to  his 
father;  he  was  merely  an  hijo  de  familia.  The  bonds 
man  was  now  called  upon,  but  he  showed  that  young 
Sepulveda  had  won  bets  before,  and  received  the  stakes 
with  the  father's  knowledge.  The  judge  seized  the 
stock  representing  stake  and  costs,  but  was  ordered  by 
government  to  return  it,  Sepiilveda's  assertions  regard- 


HORSE-RACING  AND  COCK-FIGKTING.  431 

ing  the  minority  of  the  son  being  recognized.  The 
Angeles  judge  delayed  obeying  this  order,  and  the 
documents  and  a  copy  of  Sepulveda's  statement  was 
sent  to  the  supreme  tribunal  of  Mexico. 

On  the  7th  of  June,  1841,  the  governor  writes  the 
prefect  of  Angeles,  desiring  that  some  persons  of  the 
city  shall  propose  regulations  for  horse-races,  so  that 
the  municipal  funds  may  receive  some  benefit  from  a 
tax  thereon.  The  cause  of  this  order  was  a  dispute 
between  two  men  arising  from  a  horse-race.  July  27, 
184],  the  prefect  and  five  vecinos  met  to  propose  rules 
for  horse-racing,  which  were  submitted  to  government 
approval.  Every  race  should  be  arranged  by  legal 
obligation  (obligation  juridica),  wherein  amount  of 
bets,  conditions,  and  rules  were  to  be  specified,  and 
from  which  no  appeal  was  allowed.  Those  who  bet 
without  subjecting  themselves  to  this  law  were  never 
theless  bound  by  it.  The  winner  paid  a  tax  of  twenty 
reales  for  every  $25  bet,  $5  for  $50,  $6  for  $100,  and 
6  per  cent  beyond  this,  payable  to  the  municipal  fund 
at  the  racing-place.  If  effects  were  staked,  they 
were  to  be  valued  in  the  presence  of  the  judge  of  the 
place,  in  order  that  the  tax  be  collected.  Persons 
must  advise  the  judge  of  amount  staked  in  order  that 
the  tax  be  collected. 

In  August  1842,  Prefect  Anniello  decided  that  a 

O  O 

horse-race  between  Nicolas  A.  Den  and  Pio  Pico 
must  be  run  over  para  cortar  cuestiones.  On  the 
14th  of  April,  1846,  the  governor  abolished  the  law 
passed  by  the  prefect  of  Angeles  imposing  a  tax  on 
horse-races  (corredores  de  caballos). 

The  carrera  del  gallo,  next  to  horse-racing,  was  one 
of  the  most  popular  sports  among  the  native  Califor- 
nians.  A  live  cock  was  buried  with  the  head  above 
ground.  At  a  signal  a  horseman  would  start  at  full 
speed  from  a  distance  of  about  sixty  yards,  and  if  by 
a  dexterous  swoop  he  could  take  the  bird  by  the  head, 
he  was  loudly  applauded.  Should  he  fail,  he  was 


432  AMUSEMENTS. 

greeted  with  derisive  laughter,  and  was  sometimes 
unhorsed  with  violence,  or  dragged  in  the  dust  at  the 
risk  of  breaking  his  limbs  or  neck.  Another  amuse 
ment  was  to  place  on  the  ground  a  rawhide,  and  rid 
ing  at  full  speed  suddenly  rein  in  the  horse  the 
moment  his  fore-feet  struck  the  hide. 

There  was  also  the  running  or  coursing  of  bulls— 
corrida  de  toros.  For  this  sport  a  large  space  of  ground 
was  enclosed  by  a  stout  fence,  outside  of  which  were 
erected  stands  for  the  spectators.  The  bull  lassoed 
by  the  horns  was  brought  and  loosed  in  the  arena, 
within  which  were  100  or  more  mounted  men,  and 
outside  an  equal  number.  Those  within  the  enclosure, 
who  were  the  best  horsemen  and  generally  the  most 
prominent  of  the  rancheros,  with  their  mangas  or 
serapes  baited  the  bull.  This  was  termed  capotear  el 
toro.  The  animal  was  occasionally  pricked  with  the 
rejon— which  was  an  iron-pointed  lance  of  about  4  feet 
in  length.  When  the  bull  had  become  tired,  and  con 
sequently  -less  mettlesome,  the  gate  was  opened,  and 
he  was  driven  forth  at  full  speed.  Behind  him  came 
those  within  the  enclosure,  those  without  joining 
them,  and  following  after,  endeavored  to  colear  or 
rabear  the  animal — i.  e.,  seize  him  by  the  tail  and 
throw  him.  In  disputing  this  honor  there  was  much 
jostling  and  coming  together  of  horses;  and  it  was 
frightful  to  behold  such  a  group  of  men  and  horses 
sallying  out  of  the  enclosure  at  the  risk  of  life  and 
limb.  There  were  always,  on  these  occasions,  men 
and  horses  more  or  less  injured.  Several  bulls  in 
succession  were  thus  coursed. 

Another  diversion,  also  on  horseback,  was  known 
as  the  juego  de  la  vara,  the  game  of  rods.  The  play 
ers  formed  in  a  ring,  the  horses  facing  inwards.  One 
of  the  number  then  rode  around  the  circle,  having  in 
his  hand  a  stout  rod  of  quince  or  other  similar  wood, 
which  from  behind  he  gave  to  one  of  the  players. 
He  who  received  the  rod  pursued  the  giver,  directing 
blows  at  his  shoulders,  which  the  latter  by  the  exer- 


BULL  AND  BEAR  FIGHT.  433 

else  of  skilful  horsemanship  endeavored  to  elude,  until 
gaining  a  vacant  place  in  the  circle  he  was  exempt 
from  further  persecution.  This  sport  was  continued 
for  hours,  and  he  who  was  not  a  skilled  horseman 
received  a  good  drubbing. 

A  bull  and  bear  fight  after  the  sabbath  services  in 
church  was  indeed  a  happy  occasion.  It  was  a  soul- 
refreshing  sight  to  see  the  growling  beasts  of  blood  tied 
with  a  long  reata  by  one  of  its  hind  feet,  so  as  to  leave 
it  free  to  use  its  claws  and  teeth,  to  one  of  the  bull's 
feet,  leaving  it  otherwise  free  for  attack  or  defence. 
The  fight  usually  took  place  inside  of  a  strong  wooden 
fence,  behind  which,  and  at  a  short  distance,  was 
erected  a  high  platform  for  women  and  children,  most 
of  the  men  being  on  horseback  outside  the  ring,  with 
reatas  ready,  and  loaded  guns,  in  case  the  bear  should 
leap  the  barrier,  or  other  accident  occur.  The  diver 
sion  was  kept  up  for  hours,  or  until  one  or  other  of 
the  animals  succumbed,  and  it  often  happened  that 
both  were  killed. 

There  were  also  bull-fights  by  skilled  and  practised 
toreadores,  which  consisted  in  baiting  the  beasts  on 

O 

foot  or  horseback,  each  human  brute  trying  to 
excel  the  other,  sticking  little  darts  with  colored  paper 
flags  into  the  animal's  hide.  To  succeed  cleverly 
required  some  skill,  as  the  part  where  they  should  be 
placed  was  just  between  the  shoulders ;  and  if  the 
toreador  struck  any  other  place  he  was  jeered  by 
the  spectators.  The  bulls  were  seldom  killed,  except 
when  some  toreador  wished  to  show  his  skill  and 
courage  with  a  two-edged  sword  and  give  it  the  golpe 
de  gracia. 

"  We  used  to  make  bears  and  bulls  fight,"  remarked 
Bias  Peiia,  "for  which  purpose  we  tied  the  bull  and 
bear  together,  the  bull  having  one  of  his  fore-legs 
strapped,  and  the  bear  one  of  his  hind-legs.  Some 
times  the  bull  came  off  victorious,  and  at  other  times 
the  bear,  the  result  depending  somewhat  upon  the  ages 
of  the  beasts.  The  bears  were  caught  on  Mount 

CAL.  PAST.    28 


434  AMUSEMENTS. 

Diablo  with  reatas  made  by  the  native  Californians, 
of  four  strings  of  ox-hide,  the  skin  being  first  dried  in 
the  sun  and  then  soaked  in  water.  When  they  began 
to  exhale  a  bad  odor,  they  were  cut  up  in  strips  of 
about  half  an  inch  in  width,  and  braided."  Arnaz 
thinks  that  in  bear  and  bull  fights  the  bear  generally 
obtained  the  victory.  "I  was  present,"  he  says,  "when 
a  bear  killed  three  bulls.  The  animals  were  tied  by 
one  foot;  sometimes  they  were  tied  to  one  another, 
with  plenty  of  loose  rope.  The  bull  was  generally 
left  free,  and  was  the  first  to  attack.  The  bear  stood 
on  the  defensive,  and  either  put  his  paw  in  the  face 
of  the  bull  or  seized  him  by  the  knee,  which  made 
the  bull  lower  its  head  and  bellow,  whereupon  the 
bear  seized  its  tongue.  They  were  at  this  juncture 
usually  separated  to  save  the  bull." 

Bear  stories  are  not  hard  to  tell.  Manuel  Larios 
was  very  expert  with  the  lasso,  or  reata.  One  day  he 
left  his  rancho  of  Santa  Ana,  for  the  rancho  Quien 
Sabe,  on  some  business.  Upon  the  summit  of  a  small 
hill  he  saw  a  bear  digging  at  a  squirrel-hole.  Throw 
ing  the  reata  he  lassoed  the  bear,  which  thereupon 
furiously  rushed  toward  him.  Larios  ran  with  the 
bear  quite  close  to  his  horse's  heels,  until  on  reaching 
a  small  tree  he  threw  the  end  of  the  reata  over  a 
branch,  and  catching  it  again  without  stopping,  he  had 
the  bear  dangling  almost  before  either  of  them  knew 
it.  The  beast  could  scarcely  touch  the  ground  with 
the  hind-feet.  Larios  took  two  turns  round  the  tree 
with  the  reata  pretty  tightly  drawn.  He  then  alighted 
and  secured  the  end  of  the  reata  to  a  strong  shoot. 
With  one  end  of  a  rope  he  tied  one  of  the  bear's  hind- 
legs,  and  with  the  other  lassoed  one  of  the  fore-legs, 
leaving  the  tree  between,  tightened  it  to  the  tree,  and 
with  a  silk  belt  tied  well  the  two  hind-legs,  and  then 
with  the  rope  did  the  same  with  the  fore-legs.  He 
now  loosened  the  reata.  and  brought  the  fore-le2fs 

'  O  O 

quite  close  together,  always  keeping  the  tree  between 
himself  and  the  ferocious  monster.  This  done.,  with  a 


A  BEAR  STORY.  435 

stick  he  worked  off  his  reata,  and  went  his  way  to 
Quien  Sabe. 

Arrived  at  the  ranch o  he  related  his  adventure, 
which  told  more  like  a  Sindbad-the-sailor  story  than  a 
true  tale.  It  was  the  duty  of  the  men  of  Quien  Sabe 
to  go  that  same  day  to  the  rodeo;  but  their  blood  was  up 
for  bears,  and  business  must  wait.  They  went  off  in 
various  directions,  Larios  and  two  others  toward  the 
little  hill  where  he  had  left  bruin  tied.  Passing  along 
a  slope  where  was  a  large  rye-field,  suddenly  there 
leaped  before  them  a  she- bear  with  three  cubs.  In 
stantly  all  were  in  hot  pursuit.  They  lassoed  her  two 
or  three  times,  and  as  often  she  threw  off  the  reatas. 
At  last  the  men  let  her  go  and  pursued  the  cubs,  each 
following  one.  One  of  the  cubs  escaped.  Another 
pursued  by  Solorzano  was  overtaken,  but  the  cub  was 
so  small  it  was  impossible  to  use  the  reata  on  it  in 
the  rye-field.  Leaping  from  his  horse  SolcSrzano 
seized  the  cub,  which  could  scarcely  run  in  the  rye. 
Throwing  his  serape  over  him,  he  tied  the  young 
beast  without  difficulty.  Larios  followed  the  third 
cub,  and  running  as  hard  as  the  ground  would  per 
mit  going  down  hill,  overtook  it,  let  himself  partly 
down  from  his  horse,  seized  one  of  the  cub's  legs,  and 
thus  running  he  lassoed  it  by  the  neck,  and  then  let 
the  leg  go,  and  pulled  the  cub  along.  When  Solorzano 
and  Larios  reached  clear  ground,  they  tied  the  cub. 

The  big  bear  and  the  two  cubs  were  carried  to 
Santa  Ana.  Some  days  later  the  big  one  was  made 
to  fight  bulls.  It  killed  one  bull,  and  was  gored  to 
death  by  another.  Of  the  cubs,  one  hanged  itself 
accidentally,  and  the  other  became  a  pet  of  the  boys. 
Thus  ends  the  bear  story  of  Larios. 

The  tekersie  was  a  favorite  game  with  the  Indians. 
This  was  to  send  rolling  a  ring  of  three  thumbs  (pollici) 
in  diameter,  and  to  throw  upon  it  two  sticks,  four  feet 
long,  so  as  to  stop  its  course.  If  one  or  both  traversed 
the  ring,  or  the  ring  fell  upon  one  or  two,  they  counted 
so  many  points.  When  one  couple  had  taken  its  turn 


436  AMUSEMENTS. 

playing,  others  followed,  until  it  had  gone  the  rounds 
of  the  party. 

Another  favorite  game  of  the  Indians,  played  by 
both  men  and  women,  was  to  divide  into  two  bands, 
each  with  a  curved  stick  seeking  to  push  a  wooden 
ball  to  a  mark,  while  the  other  band  endeavored  to 
thrust  it  back.  It  was  deemed  fun  at  a  festival  to 
place  clothing  on  top  of  a  mast  smeared  with  tallow 
and  sprinkled  with  dust  and  ashes,  and  let  the  In 
dians  climb  for  it. 

One  of  the  few  amusements  of  the  padre  at  San 
Jose  was  to  throw  rolled-up  pancakes  into  the  gaping 
mouths  of  the  boys,  which  would  be  caught  by  the 
teeth  and  swallowed  like  lightning,  amid  laughter  and 
jokes. 

The  game  of  billiards  was  introduced  at  Monterey 
in  1828.  ~No  bets  were  allowed,  and  the  price  of  the 
game  was  one  real. 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

OCCUPATIONS  AND  INDUSTRIES. 

Strangers  to  ill,  they  nature's  banquets  proved, 

Rich  in  earth's  fruits,  and  of  the  blest  beloved, 

They  sank  in  death,  as  opiate  slumber  stole 

Soft  o'er  the  sense,  and  whelmed  the  willing  soul. 

Theirs  was  each  good,  the  grain-exuberant  soil 

Poured  its  full  harvest  uncompelled  by  toil: 

The  virtuous  many  dwelt  in  common  blest, 

And  all  unenvying  shared  what  all  in  peace  possessed. 

—Hesiod. 

HERE,  as  elsewhere  throughout  America,  it  was  as 
masters  and  not  as  laborers  that  men  of  the  Latin 
race  delighted  to  pose.  Clymer  says  he  never  saw  a 
Spanish  Californian  who  was  a  mechanic,  or  who  cul 
tivated  land.  The  aboriginal  was  the  laboring  man, 
and  though  not  so  badly  treated  here  as  in  some  other 
parts,  his  condition  was  practically  that  of  a  slave. 
Indeed,  notwithstanding  a  law  of  July  13,  1824,  to 
the  contrary,  there  are  instances  approaching  traffic 
in  slaves. 

Antonio  Jose  Rocha  says  that  a  man  from  New 
Mexico  offered  to  sell  him  a  boy  that  he  had 
bought  from  one  of  the  gentile  tribes  on  the  way  to 
California,  and  to  save  the  child  from  slavery,  he 
determined  to  give  him  the  $70  demanded,  with  the 
intent  of  adopting  him  as  a  son,  and  teaching  him 
Christianity,  thus  keeping  him  until  he  reached  his 
majority,  and  then  giving  him  his  liberty.  This  may 
have  been  benevolence,  or  a  pretext,  or  both. 

Wages  were  sometimes  paid,  farm  laborers  from  $3 

(437) 


i; 


438  OCCUPATIONS  AND  INDUSTRIES. 

to  $10  a  month,  the  mayordomo  or  overseer  $16,  a  clerk 
$15;  a  neophyte  carpenter  at  San  Luis  Hey  was  paid 
$8,  who  could  have  got  $12  at  Sutter's.  Nevertheless, 
the  native  laborers  could  not  move  about  from  one 
place  to  another  without  a  permit;  they  were  paid 
whatever  their  masters  chose,  which  were  the  chief 
conditions  of  slavery.  Sutter  says  it  was  common 
for  both  Indians  and  Hispano-Californians  to  seize 
Indian  women  and  children  and  sell  them,  and  John 
Chamberlain  asserts  that  while  he  was  living  at  the 
Sacramento  in  1844-6,  it  was  the  custom  of  Sutter 
himself  to  buy  and  sell  Indian  girls  and  boys. 

Here,  as  elsewhere,  an  Indian  laborer  in  debt  to  his 
master  could  not  leave  his  service  until  the  debt  was 

\aid.  On  quitting  service  the  laborer  must  get  from 
is  late  employer  a  paper  showing  that  he  is  properly 
discharged.  For  refusing  to  give  such  a  paper,  or  re 
ceiving  a  servant  without  it,  except  in  the  case  of  day 
laborers,  the  penalty  was  five  dollars.  In  1840  Ar- 
gliello,  the  prefect  of  Angeles,  directed  that  owners  of 
ranches  having  gentile  Indians  in  their  service  should 
send  them  to  the  mission  to  be  baptized  by  the  minis 
ter.  Says  Bandini :  "  The  neglect  of  the  supreme  gov 
ernment,  the  indifference  of  local  governors,  and  the 
contempt  and  sinister  views  of  the  padres  have  pre 
vented  the  advance  of  the  Indians,  and  reduced  them 
to  vice  and  servility."  I  find  am&ng  the  archives  of 
San  Diego,  in  1836,  F.  M.  Alvarado  petitioning  the 
authorities  in  reference  to  a  fine  of  $75  for  whipping 
an  Indian  servant,  asserting  that  although  forbidden 
by  law  it  was  the  custom. 

Markoif,  speaking  of  affairs  in  1835,  says  that  the 
Indian  laborers  were  well  satisfied  with  a  fathom  of 
black,  red,  and  white  glass  beads  for  a  season's  work. 
Beads  were  in  great  demand  among  them,  and  com 
manded  high  prices.  In  addition  to  the  payment  of 
beads,  the  Indians  must  be  furnished  with  parched 
corn  unground;  not  because  they  would  not  eat  any 
thing  else,  but  because  the  Spaniards  would  not  allow 


SHIP-BUILDING.  439 

them  to  get  used  to  bettor  food,  saying  that  they  do 
not  even  earn  that.  The  Indians,  however,  were  satis 
fied  with  this,  and  if  they  wanted  a  delicacy  they 
caught  a  field-mouse  and  roasted  it  on  a  stick. 

There  were,  however,  many  among  these  Indians 
who  had  already  become  accustomed  to  living  in 
houses,  and  acquired  a  considerable  knowledge  of 
domestic  labor.  To  these  the  Californians  either  paid 
a  salary,  or  clothed  and  fed  them  at  their  own  table. 
Whenever  an  Indian  became  tired  of  this  most  primi 
tive  civilization,  he  was  at  liberty  to  return  to  his 
native  hills. 

After  the  Russians  of  Ross  and  Bodega,  little  was 
accomplished  in  ship-building  until  the  coming  of  the 
Americans.  There  were  Prior,  Wolfskill,  Yount, 
Laughlin,  and  Prentice  at  San  Pedro,  at  work  on  a 
schooner  for  hunting  sea-otter ;  and  two  or  three  years 
later  the  famous  Peor  es  Nada  was  built  at  Monterey 
by  Joaquin  Gomez.  Under  Alvarado's  rule,  some 
small  vessels  were  built  at  Santa  Cruz  for  the  coast 
trade  between  Monterey  and  San  Luis  Obispo.  The 
captiin  of  the  port  of  Santa  Barbara  was  somewhat 
chagrined  when  on  the  18th  of  April,  1839,  the  ship 
Monsoon  arrived  from  Boston,  and  he  had  no  boat  in 
which  to  visit  her  officially;  whereupon  he  petitioned 
the  government  and  a  boat  was  provided  for  him. 

Comandante  Vallcjo,  on  June  1,  1840,  at  Sonoma, 
grants  to  John  Davis  and  Mark  West  permission  to 
cut  timber  on  government  lands  in  the  vicinity  of 
Drake  and  Bodega  bays,  for  building  boats  to  ply  in 
the  bay  of  San  Francisco.  They  were  to  report  every 
month  the  state  of  their  work,  and  the  persons  em 
ployed,  and  the  license  to  be  duly  recorded. 

In  1841  John  Davis  of  Yerba  Buena  asked  the  co- 
mandante  general  for  permission  to  use  the  Mexican 
flag  on  a  schooner,  which  he  intended  to  build  at  the 
embarcadero  where  now  stands  Napa  city ;  the  boat 
to  be  called  Susana,  to  be  of  thirty  tons  burden,  and 


440  OCCUPATIONS  AND  INDUSTRIES. 

employed  in  the  coasting  trade,  he  being  a  Mexican 
citizen.  She  took  a  cargo  of  potatoes  to  Mazatlan  in 
1843,  where  ship  and  cargo  were  both  sold. 

If  Sir  George  Simpson  tells  the  truth,  there  was 
not  in  1842,  on  the  inland  waters  of  San  Fran 
cisco,  or  anywhere  upon  the  coast  from  this  point  to 
San  Diego,  any  boat,  barge,  canoe,  or  other  floating 
thing,  except  the  native  balsa  made  of  bulrushes,  in 
which  priests  and  publicans  used  to  cross  the  bay,  or 
even  sometimes  venture  out  to  sea.  But  Sir  George 
Simpson  did  not  tell  the  truth. 

Micheltorena  saw  the  great  advantage  a  steam  ves 
sel  would  give  for  transport,  and  formed  a  company  in 
1842  to  buy  one;  but  there  were  no  lucky  stock-gam 
blers  or  money  kings  here  then.  The  Englishman 
Bocle  asked  permission  the  year  following  to  build  a 
35  tons  vessel  for  the  coast  trade,  which  request  the 
governor  readily  granted. 

Gregson  says  he  worked  with  Henry  Marshall  at 
Sutter's  fort  in  1845,  sawing  lumber  for  a  schooner  to 
be  built  on  the  headwaters  of  the  Cosumnes,  fifty 
miles  away.  They  received  for  the  lumber  $30  a 
thousand  feet.  In  July  1846,  upon  the  testimony  of 
Boggs,  there  were  at  Yount's  rancho  Chiles,  Bald- 
ridge,  Davis,  Rose,  Chino,  and  Reynolds,  the  three 
last  named  ship-carpenters.  They  were  building  for 
the  Napa  River  a  launch,  which  was  christened  at  the 
embarcadero,  with  the  imposing  ceremonies  used  on 
such  occasions. 

A  forest  law  obtained;  permission  was  required 
to  fell  trees;  the  exportation  of  timber  was  forbidden, 
and  the  transport  from  port  to  port  required  a  permit 
from  the  alcalde,  who  should  keep  an  account  of  the 
quantity.  Penalty  k)  be  equivalent  to  the  value  of 
timber  estimated  by  two  experts,  and  to  be  paid  to  the 
municipal  fund  of  the  defrauded  place.  Captains  of 
vessels  were  the  responsible  parties.  All  vessels 
might  take  needful  supplies  of  timber  for  repairs,  after 
consulting  the  captain  of  the  port  and  the  alcalde. 


DESTRUCTION  OF  FORESTS.  441 

On  the  13th  of  May,  1834,  a  despatch  from  San 
Francisco  was  read  in  the  assembly  at  Monterey, 
stating  that  a  number  of  foreigners  were  occupied 
within  that  jurisdiction  destroying  the  forests.  The 
jefe  recommended  measures  to  preserve  the  woods,  and 
a  change  of  the  reglamento  of  August  17,  1830,  im 
posing  a  tax  on  timber. 

Figueroa  in  his  report  in  1834  to  the  secretary  of 
fomento  says  that  many  public  works  are  needed.  At 
the  capital  and  elsewhere  casas  consistoriales  are  of 
absolute  necessity,  and  the  plans  and  estimates  he  has 
ordered  made  are  in  an  advanced  state.  On  account 
of  the  swampy  condition  of  the  road  to  the  landing  at 
Monterey,  it  is  necessary  to  construct  a  paved  street. 
As  Monterey  is  the  principal  port  for  the  daily  in 
creasing  foreign  commerce,  a  wharf  is  needed.  The 
cost  would  not  be  great.  He  has  confided  to  his  sec- 

o 

retary,  Captain  Zamorano,  the  making  of  a  topographi 
cal  plan  of  Monterey  which  approaches  completion. 
The  government  ordered  a  strong  fortification  above 
San  Francisco  Bay,  commanding  the  Russian  estab- 
lishjnent  of  Ross. 

Echeandia  formed  a  plan,  but  went  no  further.  The 
governor  was  now  resolved  to  carry  it  into  effect,  and 
made  a  few  preliminary  preparations.  The  chronic 
lack  of  funds,  however,  prevented  the  happy  consum 
mation  of  this  projected  benefit. 

About  the  middle  of  1845  a  pier  was  constructed 
at  Monterey,  contracted  for  by  the  authorities  with 
Larkin.  Estevan  de  la  Torre  furnished  1,500  cart-loads 
of  stone  at  $1  a  load;  the  stone  was  quarried  by  some 
military  deserters  and  Indians,  who  were  given  their 
food  and  $1  each  daily.  The  piles  were  furnished  by 
Garner  at  $4  each,  laid  down  near  the  pier.  The  cost 
of  the  pier  was  $8,000,  more  or  less,  and  was  made  a 
preference  charge  on  the  custom-house. 

Markoff  declares  that  "the  Californians  have  neither 
windmills  nor  water-mills  with  large  stones.  Some  of 
them,  but  only  a  few,  possess  hand-mills;  while  for 


442  OCCUPATIONS  AND  INDUSTRIES, 

the  most  part  they  obtain  flour  by  crushing'  the  grain 
between  two  large  stones.  You  can  imagine  how 
much  flour  one  man  can  make  in  this  manner  in  a  day. 
.  .  .  This  is  the  reason  why  in  California,  where  wheat 
may  be  said  to  grow  wild,  flour  is  dear.  A  loaf  about 
half  the  size  of  our  French  'bulkas'  costs  one  real;  that 
is,  they  sell  eight  for  a  piastre,  and  even  at  that  price 
they  are  not  always  to  be  had." 

On  the  22d  of  July,  1847,  the  Angeles  ayuntamiento 
being  in  session,  the  committee  on  streets  reported  on 
their  arrangement  of  the  thoroughfares:  the  proposal 
of  15-varas-wide  streets  was  opposed  to  comfort  and  to 
law.  Libro  4,  titulo  7,  ley  1,  says  that  streets  shall 
be  wide  in  cool  places  and  narrow  in  warm  places ;  and 
where  horses  are  used,  they  shall  be  broad.  ^ 

In  February  1848,  the  agricultural  land-owners  of 
Angeles  were  called  upon  to  send  the  peones  with 
tools,  to  aid  in  repairing  the  irrigation-works,  under 
penalty  of  four  reales  a  day  until  the  work  was  done. 

If  there  was  one  thing  the  Californians  could  .do 
better  than  another,  it  was  carrying  the  mails ;  though 
when  it  came  to  carrying  them  or  not  carrying  them, 
that  was  a  different  matter. 

They  began  to  ride  almost  as  soon  as  they  could 
walk,  and  such  children  as  were  not  killed  in  the  be 
ginning  became  expert  riders.  A  boy  as  soon  as  he 
had  the  strength  would  go  out  upon  the  hills,  lasso  a 
wild  colt,  halter  and  mount  it,  and  then  let  it  go  flying 
over  the  open  country  until  exhausted.  If  the  colt 
fell  in  jumping  a  ditch,  or  rolled  over  in  order  to  get 
rid  of  its  burden,  the  boy  looked  out  to  keep  on  top. 
Corrals  were  formed  by  driving  poles  (estantes)  into  the 
ground ;  these  were  secured  by  ledges  (latas)  tied  with 
thongs.  The  corral  was  about  200  varas  in  diameter. 

Twice  a  week  a  courier  was  despatched  in  either 
direction  between  the  missions,  starting  from  San 
Diego  at  one  end  and  San  Francisco  at  the  other; 
letters  and  messages  were  thus  conveyed  from  one 


CARRYING  THE  MAILS.  443 

point  to  another  along  the  entire  line — each  mission 
contributing  its  quota,  and  furnishing  its  share  of 
horses  and  messengers.  The  courier  was  always  a 
Spanish  soldier,  never  an  Indian. 

Referring  to  the  delays  of  couriers,  Gutierrez, 
writing  to  the  padres  and  officials  in  February  1836, 
orders  that  mails  leave  Monterey  on  the  7th  of  the 
month,  at  8  P.  M.  The  soldier  carrying  it  is  to  be  re 
lieved  by  another  at  Santa  Barbara,  who  is  to  be  relieved 
at  San  Gabriel  by  the  soldier  who  takes  the  mail  to 
San  Diego.  Mails  to  leave  San  Diego  the  22d  of 
every  month,  at  5  A.  M.,  for  San  Gabriel,  Santa  Bar 
bara,  and  Monterey.  A  horse  and  vaquero,  to  attend 
the  soldier  in  case  of  accident,  was  to  be  kept  ready; 
and  the  courier  kept  to  time,  according  to  an  enclosed 
table  of  arrivals  and  departures  at  each  halting-place. 
The  people  were  to  be  notified  twenty-four  hours  be 
fore  arrival,  so  as  to  have  letters  posted. 

Above  Monterey  the  service  was  particularly  poor. 
Says  Vallejo,  writing  to  the  minister  of  war  in  1841 : 
"The  administration  of  the  post-office  in  this  depart 
ment  is  an  unknown  thing;  there  is  no  regularly 
established  mail  service.  The  mails  are  exposed  to 
all  who  choose  to  tamper  with  them,  and  offenders  have 
no  fear  of  punishment."  W.  A.  Bartlett  thus  writes 
to  The  CaUfornian  in  184G:  "There  is  a  regular  ex 
press  mail  from  the  headquarters  of  the  northern 
military  district  at  Yerba  Buena  to  Sonoma  and  New 
Helvetia,  leaving  every  Wednesday  morning,  and  re 
turning  from  Sonoma  as  soon  as  the  river  mail  arrives. 
Also  constant  communication  from  headquarters  at 
Yerba  Buena  to  Sauzalito,  San  Rafael,  San  Pablo, 
Pinole,  Cerrito,  and  other  points  on  the  opposite 
coast." 

Half  a  year  afterward,  the  editor  of  Tlie  CaUfornian 
thus  laments:  "It  is  a  melancholy  sight  for  a  poor 
editor  to  look  over  the  packages  of  eight  weeks  of 
his  little  paper,  and  see  no  possible  means  of  sending 
them  to  his  subscribers,  and  little  encouragement  to 


444  OCCUPATIONS  AND  INDUSTRIES. 

subscribers  to  be  two  months  at  a  time  without  their 
papers."  In  the  spring  of  1847  a  new  mail  arrange 
ment  went  into  effect.  The  first  arrival  brought  many 
letters  and  papers.  Quartermasters  at  military  posts 
were  the  postmasters.  Where  there  was  no  military 
post,  the  alcalde  received,  delivered,  and  forwarded  the 
mails.  The  arrangement  was  for  military  purposes; 
and  as  there  was  no  other  mail  in  the  country,  the 
governor  ordered  that  the  citizens  "be  accommodated 
by  having  their  letters  and  papers  sent  free  of  expense." 

This  service  was  performed  on  horseback  by  a  party 
consisting  of  two  soldiers,  which  started  every  other 
Monday  from  San  Diego  and  San  Francisco,  the  par 
ties  meeting  at  Dana's  rancho  the  next  Sunday  to 
exchange  mails;  starting  back  on  their  respective 
routes  the  next  morning,  and  arriving  at  San  Diego 
and  San  Francisco  on  the  Sunday  following.  The 
mail  was  thus  carried  once  a  fortnight  from  San  Diego 
to  San  Francisco,  and  from  San  Francisco  to  San 
Diego. 

From  San  Diego,  the  mail  arrived  at  San  Luis  Rey 
Monday  evening;  at  the  pueblo  de  los  Angeles, 
Wednesday  noon;  at  Santa  Barbara,  Friday  evening; 
at  Monterey,  Thursday  evening;  and  at  San  Fran 
cisco,  Sunday  evening.  From  San  Francisco,  the  mail 
arrived  at  Monterey  Wednesday  evening ;  at  Dana's 
rancho,  Sunday  evening;  at  Santa  Bdrbara,  Tuesday 
evening;  at  the  pueblo  de  los  Angeles,  Friday  noon; 
at  San  Luis  Rey,  Saturday  evening;  and  at  San 
Diego,  Sunday  evening.  This  was  exceedingly  quick 
work  as  compared  with  that  in  some  other  localities. 
For  example,  Castaiiares  found  in  1843  at  Mazatlan  a 
mail-bag  with  many  important  communications,  which 
had  been  lying  there  since  1837! 

Lugo  states  that  public  rodeos  were  generally  held 
in  April,  to  allow  each  man  to  pick  out  his  own  from 
the  mission  stock.  When  the  time  came,  the  alcalde 
beat  the  drum,  and  announced  the  day  when  the 
rodeo  would  begin.  A  juez  de  campo  presided. 


SOWING  AND  REAPING.  445 

The  owners  singled  out  their  stock,  and  took  it  to 
one  of  the  four  apartaderos.  Thereupon  the  juez  de 
campo  revised  the  various  herds,  before  the  owner 
could  take  them  away.  No  document  was  given; 
indeed,  few  could  write  one.  Arrived  at  his  rancho, 
the  owner  branded  the  calves,  and  cut  the  ears  with 
his  peculiar  mark. 

Stock  was  let  into  the  fields  to  finish  the  remnants 
of  the  harvest.  The  stubble  was  pulled  out,  heaped 
up,  and  burned.  Maize,  frijoles,  lentils,  chick-pease, 
calabash,  and  melons  were  sown  from  March  to  May 
and  June,  and  harvested  in  August  and  September. 
Wheat  and  barley  were  sown  generally  in  December 
and  January,  sometimes  in  November.  Barley  was 
reaped  in  May  and  June,  and  wheat  in  July  and 
August.  Special  lands  were  generally  kept  for  each 
of  these  grains.  Pease  could  be  sown  at  any  time. 

Reaping  wheat  was  done  by  knives  and  sickles,  and 
stacks  formed  to  be  carted  to  the  thrashing-floor. 
Here  they  were  spread,  and  mares  sent  in  to  trample 
out  the  grain,  while  the  straw  was  turned.  Such 
straw  as  was  not  thoroughly  thrashed  was  thrown  in 
again,  or  beaten  with  sticks.  For  maize,  pease,  and 
frijoles,  heavy  sticks  were  used;  and  for  other  things, 
smaller  sticks.  The  grain  was  next  freed  from  chaff 
(paja)  by  blowing  ( ventear),  first  with  the  aid  of  wooden 
forks,  then  with  shovels. 

Those  who  had  no  granary  put  the  grain  in  leather 
bags,  holding  from  three  to  six  fanegas.  Horse- 
hides  were  generally  used,  since  cattle-hides  were 
reserved  for  sale.  The  maize  was  kept  in  the  ear, 
and  was  shelled  by  hand  when  needed  for  food.  Such 
as  was  sold  had  to  be  shelled  by  thrashing  (d,  fuerza  de 
garrotazos).  Frijoles,  pease,  lentils,  and  chick-pease 
were  kept  in  bags,  or  in  dry  places.  Their  enemy 
was  the  grub  (gorgojo),  which  attacked  them  while 
stored.  Grubs  were  not  so  numerous  as  now.  Rats 
and  mice  also  did  damage,  but  worst  of  all  were  squir 
rels,  moles,  crows,  and  sanates  (a  bird).  Bird-catchers 


446  OCCUPATIONS  AND  INDUSTRIES. 

had  to  be  kept  busy  against  them,  traps  set,  and  small 
arrows  used.  Grain  culture  was  a  small  industry 
before  1825-30,  ranch eros  raising  sufficient  only  for 
their  own  use,  and  to  supply  the  presidios.  The  mis 
sions  had  to  produce  largely  to  feed  their  people. 

The  poor  people  who  had  no  stock  of  their  own 
were  generally  employed  as  vaqueros  to  handle  the 
stock,  work  in  matanzas,  and  to  some  small  extent  in 
cultivating  the  soil.  The  gente  de  razon  did  the  prin 
cipal  work,  that  is,  handling  stock,  marking,  branding, 
and  killing.  The  poorest  labor  was  done  by  the  some 
what  christianized  Indians. 

Coronel  says  that  the  men  occupied  themselves 
exclusively  in  caring  for  the  cattle  and  horses,  but  this 
only  during  the  season  of  the  rodeos,  that  they  might 
protect  their  own  interests,  and  when  the  slaughter  of 
cattle  took  place,  in  order  to  collect  the  hides  and  tal 
low  wherewith  to  make  purchases  and  the  payment 
of  their  debts — for  these  articles  served  in  lieu  of 
money.  They  were  not  devoted  to  agriculture;  for 
at  the  missions  they  obtained  what  grain  they  wanted. 
Some,  however,  cultivated  land  for  their  own  use,  and 
later,  as  the  missions  decayed,  all  were  compelled  to 
pay  some  attention  to  cultivating  their  land.  At  this 
time  the  men  of  a  certain  age  still  preserved  the 
character  of  their  Spanish  progenitors.  Formal  and 
upright,  imperious  yet  honorable,  in  their  business 
transactions — however  great  the  value  involved — no 
aid  of  men  learned  in  the  law,  or  even  that  of  wit 
nesses,  was  sought  or  needed.  But  these  character 
istics  rapidly  disappeared  as  what  was  then  deemed 
knowledge  increased. 

Speaking  of  the  splendid  riding,  Sepulveda  says 
that  the  few  who  were  not  good  riders  were  looked 
upon  with  a  sort  of  contempt.  Their  attachment  to 
their  steeds  was  as  great  as  the  Arab's,  and  the  great 
est  token  of  friendship  between  man  and  man  was  the 
present  of  their  best  horse. 

The  Californians  always  galloped,  says  Gomez,  never 


HORSEMANSHIP.  447 

reining  in  to  smoke.  When  the  horse  tired,  the  trav 
eller  would  catch  the  first  other  one  he  saw,  and  so  con 
tinue  changing  his  steed,  always  sure  of  recovering  it  on 
returning.  The  hat  was  small  in  the  opening  and  a 
string  was  put  on  to  secure  it.  The  rider  usually  had 
his  mouth  open  as  if  to  keep  the  hat-string  tight,  and 
the  hat  secure;  often  as  he  rode  along  he  filled  the 
air  with  popular  ditties.  If  rain  overtook  the  horse 
man,  he  would  ride  into  the  first  house  he  came  to,  if 
there  were  no  outhouses  or  sheds. 

The  story  goes  that  a  horseman  of  San  Jose  won  a 
wager  that  he  could  start  at  full  gallop  with  a  salver 
of  a  dozen  wine-glasses  filled  to  the  brim,  and  after 
fifty  rods  to  stop  suddenly  and  hand  down  the  salver 
without  having  spilled  a  drop. 

In  horsemanship,  the  Californians  compared  favor 
ably  with  the  sturdy  Chilians  and  the  flimsily  attired 
and  almost  effeminate  Peruvian.  Both  the  Califor- 
nian  man  and  horse  were  superior  to  the  Mexican  in 
strength  and  weight,  and  by  the  different  arrangement 
of  the  saddle-gear — the  girth  exactly  in  the  centre, 
and  stirrup  forward,  almost  an  appendage  from  the 
pommel — his  figure  erect  and  well  poised.  The  Gau- 
cho  of  the  pampas  perhaps  might  excel  him  in  some  of 
the  light  exercises ;  but  for  hard  work,  strength,  and 
agility,  the  Californian  stood  unrivalled.  Serrano  re 
marks  that  when  Californian  women  ride  on  horseback 
they  use  the  same  trappings  and  saddles  as  men, 
though  without  ornaments;  some  are  exceedingly 
skilful  in  managing"  a  horse,  mounting  alone  and  with 

o      o  *  o 

agility.  As  the  saddles  on  which  they  ride  have  the 
saddle-bow  and  stirrups  taken  off,  they  use  as  a  stir 
rup  for  one  foot  a  silk  band,  one  end  being  made  fast 
at  the  pommel,  the  other  at  the  cantle.  When  the 
lady  is  not  a  skilful  rider  and  is  afraid,  the  caballero 
seats  her  on  the  saddle,  and  taking  off  his  spurs  mounts 
on  the  crupper,  and  taking  the  reins  guides  the  horse. 
Breaking  horses  was  a  science.  A  wild  horse  was 
lassoed;  a  headstall  and  saddle  put  on;  and  a  man 


448  OCCUPATIONS  AND  INDUSTRIES. 

mounted  to  run  him  tame,  using  the  more  spurs  and 
whip  the  more  he  bucked. 

According  to  Amador,  though  the  Californians 
have  always  been  good  horsemen  and  vaqueros,  they 
were  not  equal  to  the  Mexicans.  Nevertheless,  they 
have  distinguished  themselves  at  rodeos  and  in  lasso 
ing  cattle,  horses,  and  even  bears.  They  were  never 
notable  toreros,  or  bull-fighters.  Amador's  testimony 
is  not  sustained. 

Californians  objected  to  mounting  horses  whose 
mane  and  tail  had  been  cut;  nor  would  they  ride  a 
mare.  "We  were  at  Monterey  for  about  three 
months,"  says  Maxwell,  writing  of  1842;  "we  became 
intimate  with  many  of  the  families  in  town,  and  used 
to  spend  our  time  pleasantly.  But  the  Californians 
were  very  bitter,  Castro  especially.  I  had  bought  a  fine 
mare  for  nine  dollars ;  it  was  considered  very  ultra  for 
a  man  to  ride  a  mare  in  those  days,  and  the  girls  used 
to  call  out  after  me,  Yegua !  yegua ! " 

Young  fellows  would  often  remove  the  reins  of 
their  horses  and  guide  them  merely  with  blows  of  their 
hat  upon  the  head.  At  times  they  would  lasso  some 
animal,  cast  away  the  lazo,  follow  it,  and  pick  it  up  at 
full  run.  Bonifacio  Lopez,  weighing  three  hundred 
pounds,  used  to  ride  his  horse  at  full  speed  up  and 
down  a  perilous  trail  at  Soledad  near  San  Diego,  to 
the  great  wonder  even  of  his  countrymen. 

At  San  Gabriel  were  woven  serapes  and  blankets, 
as  well  as  a  coarse  woollen  stuff  called  jerga.  There 
were  also  manufactured  saddles,  bits,  botas,  and  shoes. 
There  was  a  soap-boiling  establishment,  a  larger  car 
penter's  shop,  and  a  lesser  one — in  which  latter  boys 
were  taught  the  use  of  tools.  Wine  and  olive  oil 
were  made,  likewise  bricks  and  adobes.  Chocolate 
was  made  of  cacao  brought  from  abroad.  Dulces  and 
limonada  were  made,  and  sent  by  Padre  Sanchez  to 
Spain.  In  each  department  was  a  maestro,  that  is, 
an  Indian,  who  being  well  instructed,  had  become  de 


DOMESTIC  MANUFACTURES.  449 

razon.  Of  course  there  was  at  first  a  white  man  at 
the  head  of  the  weaving  department,  but  when  the 
Indians  were  sufficiently  instructed,  he  withdrew. 

Salvador  Vallejo  had  a  large  soap  factory  at  his 
Napa  rancho,  which  brought  him  in  several  thousand 
dollars  a  year.  Larkin  and  Fitch  also  made  a  good 
profit  on  soap.  It  .is  a  fact  that  savages  and  filthy 
nations  take  kindly  to  soap. 

"All  agree  in  pronouncing  the  country  good  for 
fruit,"  says  Bidwell.  "I  saw  in  Ross,  toward  the 
end  of  January,  a  small  but  thrifty  orchard  of  apple, 
peach,  pear,  cherry,  and  quince  trees,  most  of  them 
as  green  as  in  summer.  Flowers  were  abundant. 
The  wine  grape  is  cultivated,  and  grows  to  great 
perfection." 

It  is  a  singular  fact  that  the  padres  discouraged 
the  growth  of  oranges  and  lemons  outside  of  the 
mission  grounds,  being  apparently  as  jealous  of  monop 
olizing  these,  as  that  the  whole  kingdom  of  Christ 
should  be  subject  to  their  sole  administration. 

From  the  earliest  years  the  government  provided 
master  carpenters,  masons,  blacksmiths,  weavers,  etc., 
for  instructing  the  Indians.  The  man  in  charge  of 
the  soap  factory  was  however  an  hombre  de  razon, 
paid  by  the  mission. 

All  the  woollen  goods  made  were  coarse  and  suited 
to  the  necessities  of  the  time,  for  in  the  early  days 
of  the  country  the  government  tolerated  no  display 
of  luxury.  Father  Duran  well  understood  how  to 
make  wine  and  aguardiente;  clear  brandy  of  San  Jose', 
which  came  out  with  the  appearance  of  clear  water, 
was  colored  with  a  sirup  made  with  burnt  sugar. 
The  color  was  then  light  yellow.  The  brandy  was 
double-distilled,  and  therefore  very  strong. 

At  San  Luis  Obispo  cotton  clothes  were  made  of 
good  quality,  as  well  as  rebozos,  quilts,  and  other 
things  of  the  same  material.  So  says  Mrs  Ord. 

According  to  Jose  Maria  Amador  the  mission  San 
Jose  had  5  looms  making  150  woollen  blankets  weekly, 

CAL.  PAST.    29 


450  OCCUPATIONS  AND  INDUSTRIES. 

and  one  which  made  9  serapes  during  the  same  time. 

Janssens  assures  us  there  were  400  barrels  of  wine 
and  135  of  brandy  made  in  San  Gabriel  in  1840. 

Jose  de  J.  Pico  informs  us  that  during  Father  Luis 
A.  Martinez'  management  of  mission  San  Luis  Obispo, 
down  to  1830,  its  Indians  were  better  clothed  than 
the  soldiers  and  other  gente  de  razon.  "At  the  mis 
sion,"  he  says,  "good  blue  cloth  was  made  for  cloaks 
and  pantaloons,  and  manta,  because  there  were  planta 
tions  of  cotton  which  yielded  considerably." 

The  theory  of  religious  colonization  had  it  that  it  was 
right  and  proper  for  the  missionaries  to  get  as  much 
land,  labor,  or  other  benefits  out  of  savagism  as  pos 
sible,  the  inestimable  benefits  of  Christianity  being 
more  than  an  offset  for  anything  savagedom.  could 
offer,  had  each  convert  a  world  to  give.  Hence  it 
was  that  if  the  natives  could  be  made  to  work  for 
nothing,  the  padres  did  not  scruple  to  let  them  do  so. 
But  after  a  time  it  was  demonstrated  that  to  pay 
them  four  or  six  dollars  a  month,  and  let  them  spend 
the  money  at  the  mission  store,  was  cheaper  than  to 
give  them  nothing.  In  1842  the  wages  of  a  white 
man,  not  a  mechanic,  were  about  $25  a  month,  skilled 
labor  receiving  three  dollars  a  day — not  far  from 
prices  to-day. 

The  relations  between  the  missionaries  and  the  mili 
tary  officers  were  not  always  friendly.  There  was  a 
corpulent  minister  at  La  Soledad,  Florencio  Ibafiez, 
who  was  sent  to  California  for  having  knocked  an 
officer  down  with  his  fist  in  Pitic,  Sonora.  He  never 
extended  privileges  to  the  officers,  and  when  any  one 
of  them  came  to  the  mission,  he  made  him  eat  of  the 
same  food  out  of  the  pozolera  that  the  neophytes  got, 
saying  that  it  was  what  he  himself  had.  Once  Cap 
tain  de  la  Guerra  visited  the  mission  and  attempted 
to  embrace  the  padre,  but  the  latter  only  permitted 
him  to  touch  his  habit.  However,  this  priest  was  an 
intimate  friend  of  Governor  Arrillaga,  and  repeatedly 
made  presents  to  the  common  soldiers,  all  of  whom 


PADRE  IBANEZ.  451 

loved  him  for  his  charity.  He  would  say  that  the 
officers  had  their  pay,  and  must  live  on  it,  and  that 
the  neophytes  needed  for  themselves  all  that  the  mis 
sion  produced.  He  at  all  times  manifested  a  great 
interest  for  his  flock,  treating  them  kindly,  and  teach 
ing  them  not  only  the  best  way  of  doing  their  work, 
but  also  vocal  and  instrumental  music.  At  their 
death,  he  paid  their  remains  the  same  honors  as  to 
those  of  the  wealthy.  Most  of  the  Fernandino  friars 
were  exemplary  men,  and  Padre  Ibanez  was  one  of 
the  best  beloved  by  the  Indians. 

Two  missionaries  of  considerable  prominence — Jose 
Altimira,  who  planted  the  symbol  of  Christianity  in 
the  valley  of  Sonoma,  and  Antonio  Ripoll,  a  very  en 
thusiastic  priest,  who  served  in  La  Purisima  and 
Santa  Barbara — effected  their  escape,  in  1828,  on  an 
American  vessel,  from  the  port  of  Santa  Barbara. 
They  went  on  board  with  the  pretext  of  purchasing 
goods,  and  never  returned.  A  letter  left  on  the 
beach,  and  addressed  to  Captain  de  la  Guerra,  informed 
him  of  their  intention  to  save  themselves  from  the 
harsh  treatment  which  the  authorities  of  Mexico  were 
inflicting  on  Spaniards.  They  acted  on  the  idea  that 
Mexican  priests  would  soon  come  out  to  relieve  them, 
and  then  they,  the  old  Spanish  missionaries,  would  be 
expelled  without  mercy.  Previous  to  jumping  into 
the  boat  that  conveyed  them  to  the  ship,  they  tenderly 
bid  the  Indians  good-bye,  but  did  not  signify  their 
intention  not  to  come  back.  Father  Ripoll  was  weep 
ing,  and  Altimira  uttered  not  a  word.  The  fathers 
did  not  carry  any  money  with  them.  All  the  money 
the  mission  Santa  Barbara  had  was  left  behind. 

Altimira  had  been  for  several  months  at  Santa 
Barbara  in  ill  health.  Ripoll's  colleague,  Francisco 
Suner,  was  blind.  These  fathers,  like  all  the  other 
Spanish  missionaries,  had  refused  to  swear  allegiance 
to  the  constitution  of  Mexico.  It  was  for  this  reason 
that  the  father-prefect,  Vicente  Francisco  de  Sarria, 
was  imprisoned. 


452  OCCUPATION  AND  INDUSTRIES. 

The  Californians  had  a  great  lack  of  enterprise. 
As  an  example :  Chiles  and  Baldridge  found  an  ad 
mirable  site  for  a  mill  on  the  Napa  river,  on  Salva 
dor  Vallejo's  ranch  o.  They  offered  to  buy  it,  but 
nothing  would  induce  Salvador  to  sell.  Then  they 
offered  to  erect  a  fine  flour-mill  there,  and  give  him  an 
interest  in  it  for  the  site,  but  he  refused,  saying  that 
the  mill  would  frighten  his  cattle.  Sage  Salvador ! 
He  had  all  he  wanted ;  how  could  the  mill  add  to  his 
happiness  ? 

Sir  George  Simpson  expresses  the  opinion  that  in 
industry  the  Californians  were  perhaps  the  least  prom 
ising  colonists  in  the  world,  being  inferior  to  what 
the  savages  had  become  under  the  training  of  the 
priests,  so  that  the  spoliation  of  the  missions  tended 
directly  to  stop  civilization.  There  were  once  large 
flocks  of  sheep,  but  now  in  1842  there  were  scarcely 
any  left.  Wool  used  to  be  manufactured  into  coarse 
cloth ;  and  because  the  Californians  were  too  lazy  to 
weave  or  spin,  or  even  to  clip  and  wash  the  raw  ma 
terial,  sheep  were  destroyed,  to  make  room  for  horned 
cattle.  Soap  and  leather  used  to  be  made  in  the  mis 
sions,  and  also  dairy  products,  but  now,  he  says,  nei 
ther  buttar,  cheese,  nor  other  preparation  of  milk  is 
to  be  found  in  the  province.  The  missions  produced 
annually  80,000  bushels  of  wheat  and  maize,  which 
they  converted  into  flour;  at  present  the  government 
paid  $28  a  barrel  for  flour.  Beef  was  occasionally 
cured  for  exportation,  yet  now,  though  quantities  of 
meat  are  destroyed  annually,  the  authorities  had  to 
purchase  salted  salmon  as  sea  stores  for  a,  small  vessel, 
and  so  on.  But  the  Hudson's  Bay  magnate,  like 
many  another,  throwing  a  glance  at  the  country  as  he 
passes  by  or  through  it,  though  he  might  see  much, 
he  could  not  see  all. 

Leather  was  made  to  some  extent,  but  in  no  pro 
portion  to  the  demands  or  possibilities  of  the  country. 
At  most  of  the  missions  some  leather  was  tanned,  the 


LEATHER-WORKS.  453 

Santa  Bdrbara  inventory  of  1845  showing  a  tannery 
house,  five  good  vats,  and  other  articles  in  proportion. 
Hall  says  the  natives  "made  shoes  from  leather 
tanned  by  themselves,  in  a  hurried  process ;  that  is,  a 
sham  process.  They  used  to  take  a  large  ox-hide, 
gather  up  its  corners,  hang  it  on  a  tree  or  beam  raised 
with  posts,  then  fill  the  hide  with  water  and  oak  bark, 
and  place  therein  the  skins  to  be  tanned.  In  this 
manner  they  prepared  sole-leather.  The  uppers  for 
shoes  were  made  from  smoked  deer-skin,  colored.  Not 
a  bad-looking  shoe  was  the  final  result  of  their  labor 
on  skins." 

Some  work  in  wool  was  carried  on  by  the  Indians, 
who,  says  Clymer,  "beat  the  wool  with  two  sticks  in 
place  of  cards,  and  when  it  is  beaten  enough,  they 
spin  it  with  a  stick,  and  lay  the  warp  by  driving  a 
number  of  small  sticks  in  the  ground.  It  is  raised 
by  letting  a  stick  run  through  sufficiently  to  pass  a 
small  ball  through,  and  brought  up  with  the  same 
stick.  Of  course  their  fabric  is  coarse,  but  they  make 
it  very  durable."  In  1845  San  Antonio  had  two 
looms,  Santa  Ines  two,  Santa  Barbara  four  large  looms 
and  one  small  one,  and  so  on.  In  Petaluma,  San 
Jose,  Santa  Clara,  and  in  the  more  southern  missions 
were  weaving  factories,  where  striped  serapes  with 
black  and  white  borders  were  made. 

On  the  7th  of  June,  1831,  Victoria  writes  the  min 
ister  of  relations  that  manufacturing  exists  only  at  the 
missions,  and  is  performed  by  neophytes,  who  make 
ordinary  woollen  textures  for  which  part  of  the  wool 
from  their  sheep  is  used.  Some  missions  have  woven 
blankets,  serapes,  sackcloth  (sayal),  and  panetes.  There 
are  also  at  the  missions  smiths,  carpenters,  shoemakers, 
tanners,  etc.,  though  capable  of  greater  perfection. 
There  is  a  lamentable  carelessness,  due  in  great  part 
to  want  of  men,  and  the  abundance  of  the  actual  neces 
saries  of  life. 

Nothing  was  m  de  of  stone,  clay,  gold,  silver,  iron, 
copper,  or  lead;  nor  of  hair,  silk,  feathers,  or  bones. 


454  OCCUPATIONS  AND  INDUSTRIES. 

Leather  and  sole-leather  were  made  from  hides,  for 
shoes  and  other  uses.  Of  wool  were  made  blankets 
and  serapes — very  coarse  work. 

The  inventory  of  San  Gabriel  in  1834  includes  one 
wool-weaving  establishment  with  four  looms ;  a  brandy 
distillery  with  eight  stills;  a  wine  manufactory  with 
three  presses;  a  smithy,  carpenter-shop,  soap  factory, 
and  two  grist-mills. 

The  inventory  of  San  Miguel  in  1837  values  the 
shoemaking  shop  with  its  implements  in  round  figures 
at  $26;  hat-making,  $60;  weaving — 25  good  wheels — 
$564;  carpenter-shop  with  implements,  $114;  tallow- 
inelting,  $46;  soap-making,  $170;  mill,  for  mule  labor 
and  hen-house,  $99;  tannery  house,  with  implements, 
$300.  At  San  Antonio  the  weaving  establishment 
was  valued  at  $1,212. 

Wheat  was  ground  on  metates  at  first,  and  for  a 
considerable  time.  In  1833  there  was  an  adobe  grist 
mill  run  by  water  at  Capistrano  mission,  which  was 
destroyed  by  an  overflow,  a  wooden  one  being  after 
ward  erected  in  its  place. 

A  water-mill  at  Petalurna,  belonging  to  Bell,  in 
1838  ground  100  pounds  daily.  Then  there  was  the 
arrastra,  some  of  which  had  two  or  three  stones, 
smooth  on  one  side,  the  one  above  it  being  secured 
with  a  piece  of  iron.  Iron  pasadores  were  obtained 
from  the  vessels,  and  a  pole  fastened  to  the  pasador. 
To  this  pole  horses  were  attached,  and  made  to  move 
in  a  circle  round  the  stones. 

The  year  1842  saw  grist-mills  in  Santa  Cruz  county, 
one  built  by  Dodero,  an  Italian,  and  another  on  the 
Potrero  by  one  Weeks.  The  stones  were  of  granite, 
found  in  that  vicinity.  The  women  washed  the  wheat, 
and  separated  the  flour  with  a  sieve;  they  had  no 
bolt.  Bell  had  a  good  mill  in  Napa  Valley  by  this 
time,  and  Yount  had  one  near  the  Sonoma  Valley. 
Peter  Sainsevain  in  1844  erected  a  flour-mill  on  the 
Guadalupe  River,  in  the  San  Jose  valley.  He  used 
French  buhr-stones,  and  a  silk  bolting-cloth,  and  ground 


SUGAR-MAKING.  455 

75  fanegas  of  wheat  a  day.  Some  Frenchmen  had  a 
saw-mill  near  Santa  Cruz  in  1844;  there  was  one 
erected  at  San  Gabriel  in  1846;  and  the  following 
year  Monterey  had  one. 

The  Indians  made  sugar,  and  why  should  not  the 
Californians  ?  A  reed  which  grew  in  the  Tulares  was 
cut  by  the  natives  when  ripe,  placed  on  metates,  arid 
crushed.  When  the  refuse  was  removed,  there  re 
mained  crystals  of  fine  flavor,  something  like  azucar 
candi,  or  rock  candy,  and  of  which  tamales  were 
made,  rolled  in  reed  leaves. 

Hijar  speaks  of  a  coffee-colored  bulb,  called  torogtii, 
somewhat  larger  than  the  Mexican  cacomite  of  which 
sugar  was  made.  The  bulbs  were  placed  in  a  hole 
in  the  ground,  on  a  bed  of  hot  stones  and  embers, 
and  baked,  in  which  form  they  were  used  to  sweeten 
atole.  Then  there  were  the  panocha  balls  made  from 
the  crystallized  saccharine  matter  shaken  from  the  dried 
leaves  of  a  wild  reed  of  light  stem  found  near  the 
missions. 

In  the  year  1838  there  came  to  Monterey  one  Octa- 
vio  Custot,  surnamed  El  Azucarero,  the  sugar-maker, 
so  called  because  he  did  not  know  how  to  make  sugar. 
He  was  a  sharp  fellow,  this  Octavio;  and  thinking 
that  among  the  simple-minded  people  of  our  lotos- 
land  it  were  easy  enough  to  live  by  one's  wits,  he  de 
serted  from  his  ship.  With  the  Swiss  of  New  Hel 
vetia,  he  thought  what  a  fine  thing  it  would  be  to  lay 
the  Califormas  at  the  feet  of  France. 

But  El  Azucarero — it  was  at  Sonoma  that  he  ac 
quired  this  title,  and  it  was  in  this  wise:  Closeted 
one  day  with  the  autocrat  of  the  frontier,  he  revealed 
the  startling  intelligence  that  he  could  make  sugar ;  he 
could  fabricate  the  genuine  saccharine  substance  from 
beets. 

Vallejo  was  a  man  of  progress.  All  his  life  he  had 
spent  in  this  far-away  wilderness,  and  there  were  now 


456  OCCUPATIONS  AND  INDUSTRIES. 

coming'  to  these  shores  so  many  strangers  with  so 
many  strange  tales,  ideas  new  to  him,  and  things  never 
before  heard  of,  that  he  was  ready  to  believe  almost 
anything.  Indeed,  there  was  no  reason  why  sugar 
should  not  be  made  from  beets,  and  perhaps  tea  from 
oak  leaves,  and  coffee  from  manzanita  berries. 

"Doubtless  all  is  as  you  say,"  remarked  Vallejo; 
"but  where  are  the  beets'?" 

"Grow  them,"  replied  Custot. 

"I  have  no  seed,"  said  Vallejo. 

"  Send  for  some,"  answered  Custot. 

Indeed,  the  cunning  Octavio  had  all  along  reckoned 
on  this — on  the  absence  of  facilities,  and  the  restful 
days  in  store  for  him  while  awaiting  them;  for  this, 
to  a  deserted  sailor,  was  a  fat  country,  with  balmy  air 
and  beautiful  women. 

To  his  mayordorno  at  Petaluma  Vallejo  finally  sent 
the  fellow,  with  orders  to  place  at  his  disposal  four 
yoke  of  oxen,  eight  Indians,  and  a  dwelling  and  pro 
visions.  "Civilization  is  indeed  a  boon,"  thought  Oc 
tavio,  as  he  lay  under  a  madrono  smoking  his  pipe, 
while  the  slow-stepping  oxen  furrowed  forty  acres. 

Seed  was  found  at  Mazatlan,  and  when  it  came  it 
was  pronounced  of  good  quality — very  good  quality. 
"But,"  said  Octavio,  "nothing  can  be  done  now;  it  is 
too  late  to  plant  this  season."  So  there  was  nothing 
to  be  done  but  to  extend  to  El  Azucarero  his  free  and 
easy  living  at  Petaluma  through  the  summer. 

At  length  the  rains  came,  the  seed  was  put  into  the 
ground,  the  beets  grew,  sun  and  virgin  soil  combining 
to  make  the  biggest  and  reddest  roots  on  record.  The 
master  came  frequently  from  Sonoma  to  see  the 
beets  grow,  and  in  his  mind  to  compute  the  quantity 
of  sugar  each  contained,  and  how  much  would  that  be 
an  acre,  and  what  was  forty  times  that,  and  it  was 
about  time  to  think  of  getting  barrels  ready. 

Finally  came  to  Sonoma  July  1830,  and  with  it  a 
fine  box  of  sugar  from  Custot  to  the  senora,  who  pro 
nounced  it  fine — very  fine;  equal  to  her  loaf-sugar 


A  HOUSE  SHINGLED.  457 

brought  from  Peru.  "Here  is  an  industry  worth 
having,"  mused  the  master — "oxen,  Indian  labor,  un 
limited  lands;  why,  I  will  have  in  beets  millions  of 
acres,  and  presently  ships  carrying  hence  the  great 
staple  to  every  quarter  of  the  earth." 

But  what  is  this  the  sefiora  says,  as  she  returns 
with  the  servant  from  putting  in  the  storehouse  with 
the  other  the  new  production?  Her  sugar  is  gone! 
A  dozen  loaves  of  her  best  Peruvian  stolen!  Ah!  all 
is  clear ;  she  always  knew  that  Octavio  to  be  a  thief. 
Vallejo  hurried  to  Petaluma,  demanded  to  see  the 
process,  and  was  told  it  would  not  bear  too  much  light. 
"True;  nor  yourself,"  replied  Vallejo  as  he  ordered 
Solano  to  take  the  impostor  to  Yerba  Buena.  Solano 
obeyed,  landing  El  Azucarero  x^aist-deep  in  water. 

Crossing  the  plains,  George  Yount  dropped  himself 
down  in  Sonoma,  and  stood  before  the  master. 

"What  can  you  do?"  demanded  Vallejo. 

"Many  things,"  said  Yount. 

"I  do  not  want  you  to  do  many  things;  what  one 
thing  can  you  do  that  no  one  else  does  here?" 

"I  have  seen  no  shingles  in  California;  your  new 
house  yonder  is  about  ready  for  them;  I  can  make 
shingles." 

"What  are  tzin — tzin — ,  how  you  call  them — tzin- 
gals?" 

Yount  explained,  going  through  with  all  the  opera 
tions,  barking  the  felled  tree,  cross-cutting  in  block 
eighteen  inches  long,  splitting  and  shaving,  and  all 
with  the  simplest  tools. 

"  Very  well,"  replied  Vallejo,  who  had  followed  him 
attentively,  though  half  incredulously;  "you  shall 
make  me  some  tzingals  and  roof  my  house." 

The  work  was  done,  and  the  autocrat  was  highly 
pleased;  he  had  a  'tzingaled'  house,  the  first  in  all 
the  two  Californias,  and  he  was  very  proud  of  it. 
This  looked  indeed  like  civilization. 

Again  the  mechanic  stood  before  the  master. 


458  OCCUPATIONS  AND  INDUSTRIES. 

"What  shall  I  give  you?"  asked  Vallejo. 

"I  would  like  some  land  in  Napa  Valley,  if  you 
would  lend  me  a  few  heifers  so  that  I  might  start  a 
herd,"  said  Yount. 

"How  much  land?" 

"Haifa  league." 

"You  can't  have  half  a  league;  we  don't  give  half 
leagues  here,  with  five  hundred  miles  on  our  north, 
and  a  thousand  on  our  east,  unoccupied.  You  can 
have  four  leagues." 

"I  will  take  a  league,"  said  Yount,  wrho  was  think 
ing  of  the  care  and  cost  attending  the  ownership  of  so 
large  a  tract/ 

"You  can  have  two  leagues,  and  nothing  less," 
replied  Vallejo;  and  so  the  matter  ended. 


CHAPTER  XV. 

INLAND  TRADE  AND  COAST  TRAFFIC. 

With  ships  the  sea  was  sprinkled  far  and  nigh, 
Like  stars  in  heaven  and  joyously  it  show'd, 
Some  lying  fast  at  anchor  in  the  road, 
Some  veering  up  and  down,  one  knew  not  why. 

—  Wordsworth. 

UNDER  the  exclusive  policy  pursued  by  Spain  to 
ward  her  American  colonies,  California  could  have, 
during  the  seventeenth  and  eighteenth  centuries,  no 
external  trade.  Indeed,  aside  from  a  few  products 
furnished  to  the  Phillippines  galleon,  and  to  the  trans 
ports  which  brought  supplies  for  the  presidios  and 
missions,  and  some  salt  sent  from  time  to  time  to  San 
Bias,  on  government  account,  she  exported  nothing 
down  to  1786.  A  royal  order  of  this  year  allowed  a 
free  trade  for  eight  years  with  San  Bias,  which  priv 
ilege  was  later  extended  for  five  years  more  with  duties 
reduced  one-half;  but  California  derived  little  if  any 
advantage  from  the  concession. 

The  mother  country  undertook  in  1785  to  open  a 
trade  between  the  Californias  and  China,  bartering 
peltries  for  quicksilver ;  and  a  commissioner  was  ap 
pointed  to  study  the  question  and  make  the  necessary 
arrangements  for  carrying  out  the  scheme.  Skins  of 
various  kinds  were  to  be  procured  by  the  Indians, 
delivered  to  the  missionaries,  and  then  be  turned  over 
to  the  government  agent  at  from  $2.50  to  $10  each, 
according  to  size  and  color.  Private  persons  were 
forbidden  to  become  purchasers  of  furs.  The  friars 
favored  this  project,  which  would  afford  an  additional 
income  to  the  missions.  The  agent  obtained  about 

(459) 


460  INLAND  TRADE  AND  COAST  TRAFFIC. 

1,600  otter  skins,  returning  with  them  to  Mexico, 
whence  at  the  end  of  1787  he  took  them  to  Manila 
for  account  of  the  royal  treasury.  Before  1790  the 
number  of  skins  shipped  to  that  Asiatic  port  from 
both  Californias  was  9,729,  at  a  total  cost,  including 
the  agent's  salary  and  expenses,  of  $87,669.  But  in 
the  latter  year  it  was  thought  best  to  leave  the  fur 
trade  in  private  hands.  However,  it  appears  that 
some  otter  skins  were  procured  for  government  ac 
count  after  that  time.  The  English  were  intriguing 
to  secure  the  business,  which  was  checked  by  the 
treaty  entered  into  in  October  1790,  between  Great 
Britain  and  Spain,  inhibiting  the  subjects  of  the 
former  power  from  killing  otter  within  thirty  miles 
of  any  part  of  the  coast  occupied  by  the  latter, — that 
is,  all  of  California  below  San  Francisco, — and  from 
engaging  in  any  trade  with  the  Spanish  establish 
ments. 

There  were  several  reasons  why  the  trade  in  pel 
tries  met  with  ill  success.  First,  the  furs  obtained  in 
California  were  fewer  in  number  than  had  been  ex 
pected,  because  the  natives  lacked  skill  and  the  neces 
sary  implements.  Secondly,  the  quality  of  the  otter 
skins  was  inferior  to  that  of  the  skins  taken  to  China 
from  the  Northwest  Coast.  Third,  the  tariff  of  prices 
fixed  by  the  government  agent  at  first  was  con 
sidered  excessive.  The  royal  fur  traders  were  not 
satisfied  with  a  fair  profit.  Then,  too,  the  Spaniards 
did  not  know  how  either  to  prepare  the  skins  or  con 
duct  the  business.  Nor  were  private  individuals  dis 
posed  to  engage  in  a  business  which  had  been  aban 
doned  by  the  government.  Nevertheless,  the  natives 
continued  gathering  furs  for  the  missions,  and  in 
later  years  American  smugglers  carried  off  consider 
able  quantities  in  exchange  for  goods. 

There  was  no  development  whatever  in  any  other 
commercial  branch.  Each  year  two  transports  came 
to  California,  one  usually  visiting  San  Diego  and 
Santa  Bdrbara,  and  the  other  Monterey  and  San 


THE  FUR  TRADE.  461 

Francisco,  with  supplies  for  the  missions  and  presidios. 
The  Manila  galleon  touched  at  Monterey  in  1784  and 
1785.  Every  precaution  was  taken  to  prevent  com 
munications  of  foreign  vessels  with  the  count ry, 
though  in  cases  of  distress  such  vessels  were  fur 
nished  stores  and  water.  The  laws  prohibited  trade 
not  only  with  foreign  vessels,  and  for  foreign  goods, 
but  with  Spanish  vessels  and  for  Hispano- American 
goods,  if  brought  by  other  than  the  regular  trans 
ports.  At  first  even  the  transports  were  not  allowed 
to  bring  any  other  goods  than  those  which  had  been 
called  for  by  the  habilitados  of  the  presidios.  It  is 
known,  however,  that  this  rule  was  not  closely  kept ; 
the  officers  and  others  on  the  ships  bringing  on  private 
speculation  from  San  Bias  articles  for  barter  with  the 
soldiers,  for  liquors,  bright  colored  cloths,  trinkets, 
etc.  A  trifling  quantity  of  produce,  brandy,  figs,  and 
raisins,  was  imported  overland  for  the  friars  from 
Lower  California.  Several  projects  were  contem 
plated  to  foster  trade,  but  they  never  took  effect.  In 
1788  the  governor  issued  a  new  schedule  of  prices  of 
live-stock,  agricultural  products,  and  articles  he  was 
likely  to  require :  horses,  $3  to  $9 ;  asses,  $6  to  $7 ; 
calves,  $1.50;  bulls,  $4;  sheep,  75  cents  to  $2;  swine 
$1  to  $4;  mules,  $16  to  $20;  mares,  $3;  cows,  $4; 
oxen,  $5;  goats,  75  cents  to  $1  ;  jerked  beef,  75  cents 
per  25  Ibs. ;  fresh  beef,  25  cents  per  25  Ibs. ;  hides, 
untanned,  37  cents;  tanned,  $2.25;  wool  $1.25  to  $2 
per  25  Ibs;  wheat,  $2  per  fanega;  barley,  $1  per 
fanega;  maize  $1.50  per  fanega;  beans,  $2.50  per 
fanega;  flour,  $1.25  to  $2  per  25  Ibs.;  sugar,  25  cents 
per  Ibs.;  brandy,  75  cents  per  pint.  The  list  was 
modified  some  years  later,  with  an  increase  in  the 
price  of  some  articles;  the  number  of  articles  was 
also  greatly  augmented,  including  those  of  luxury, 
which  in  the  earlier  years  had  been  severely  excluded. 
Early  in  the  19th  century  American  vessels  began 
to  appear  at  California  ports,  under  the  pretext  of 
needing  supplies,  their  real  object  being  to  secure 


462  INLAND  TRADE  AND  COAST  TRAFFIC. 

otter  skins,  for  which  they  had  goods  to  give  in  ex 
change,  in  which  illicit  traffic  they  were  sometimes 
successful.  The  Americans  were  not  the  only  for 
eigners  poaching  in  the  Spanish  preserves  of  the  Cali- 
fornias;  the  Russians  also  endeavored  to  establish 
commercial  relations  in  some  form.  Joseph  O'Cain, 
commander  of  the  ship  O'Cain,  persuaded  Bardnof, 
chief  of  the  Russo- American  colonies,  to  let  him  have 
a  number  of  Aleuts,  with  their  bidarkas,  to  take 
otters  on  shares.  O'Cain  left  Kadiak  in  October 

1803,  and   did   some  trading   on   the  coast  of  Alta 
California.     He  touched  at   San  Diego   in  January 

1804,  for  provisions,  which  were  denied  him.     After 
hovering  some  time  on  the  coast  of  Lower  California, 
he  returned  to  Kadiak  in  June  with  1,100  otter  skins 
to  be  shared  with  the  Russians.     The  same  ship,  and 
another   American    vessel    under    Russian   auspices, 
visited  the  coast  of  Lower  California  in   1805   and 
1806.     These  voyages  yielded  about  6,250  otter  skins. 
The  Russians  allege  that  Baranof  forbade  their  hunt- 

O 

ing  on  the  California  coast  without  special  permission 
from  the  Spanish  authorities,  but  no  such  permission 
was  either  asked  for  or  obtained.  From  this  time  on, 
for  ten  years  or  upwards,  the  Yankees  with  the  aid 
of  the  skilful  Aleuts,  under  contracts  with  the  Rus 
sians,  had  things  their  own  way  in  California.  They 
disposed  of  their  goods  by  barter  with  the  friars,  and 
even  occasionally  with  the  officials.  The  hunters,  be 
came  more  and  more  emboldened,  until  they  actually 
came  to  take  otter  in  the  bay  of  San  Francisco,  under 
the  very  eyes  of  the  Spanish  authorities,  who  were 
powerless  to  prevent  it.  It  is  known  that  the  Russo- 
Alaskan  company  thus  obtained  nearly  10,000  otter 
skins  as  their  share  of  the  number  taken  by  the  con 
tractors.  It  is  believed  that  the  latter  were  honest 
in  rendering  an  account  of  the  animals  killed ;  but  in 
other  respects  they  caused  trouble  and  loss  to  the 
company  by  occasional  sharp  practice.  The  contract 
system  was  discontinued  about  1815. 


REZiNOF'S  ADVENTURE.  463 

In  1806  famine  stalked  in  Alaska,  owing  to  the 
wreck  of  a  vessel  with  supplies,  and  the  failure  of  an 
other  to  arrive.  Scurvy  also  made  its  appearance, 
Hunger,  misery,  despair,  and  death  were  fast  reduc 
ing  the  number  of  the  colonists.  The  chamberlain, 
Rezdnof,  who  had  come  to  Sitka  the  previous  year 
on  a  visit  of  inspection,  loaded  the  ship  Juno  with 
such  articles  as  were  thought  to  be  acceptable  in  Cali 
fornia,  and  proceeded  to  the  port  of  San  Francisco, 
which  he  reached  early  in  March,  after  a  stormy  pas 
sage,  in  which  the  lives  of  all  on  board  were  repeat 
edly  in  peril.  Rezdnof  well  knew  that  trading  with 
foreigners  was  forbidden  in  California,  but  he  hoped 
to  soften  the  hearts  of  the  Spanish  authorities  to 
relieve  the  pressing  need  of  food.  Possibly  there 
might  be  a  little  business  transacted  in  furs,  if  not 
with  the  permission  of  the  officials,  then  through  the 
connivance  of  the  missionaries.  But  he  had  for  a 
time  to  contend  with  Governor  Arrillaga's  regard  for 
duty.  While  admitting  that  commerce  would  be 
beneficial  to  the  people  of  California,  the  governor 
felt  bound  to  comply  with  the  strict  orders  he  had 
from  the  crown  and  the  viceroy  of  New  Spain.  The 
most  he  would  permit  was  the  purchase  of  cereals  for 
cash ;  no  sales  of  goods  from  the  ships,  nor  purchase 
of  peltries  should  be  allowed.  But  where  diplomacy 
failed,  love,  all-conquering  love,  succeeded.  Rezd.nof 
won  the  heart  of  Concepcion  Argiiello,  the  coman- 
dante's  daughter,  and  offered  his  hand  to  her  in  mar 
riage.  Through  this  intermediary  the  comandante's 
influence  was  brought  to  favor  the  chamberlain's 
wishes.  Arrillaga  found  himself  at  last  unable  to 
resist  the  pressure  of  the  friars,  the  people,  his  own 
inclinations  to  favor  the  country,  and  the  arguments 
of  his  friend  of  thirty  years'  standing,  Captain  Jose 
Dario  Argiiello.  He  yielded,  and  a  complicated  plan 
was  devised,  by  which  specie  was  made  to  appear  as 
the  medium  of  purchase  on  both  sides,  Rezanof  s  name 
not  appearing  in  the  transactions.  Pursuant  to  this 


464  INLAND  TRADE  AND  COAST  TRAFFIC. 

arrangement  the  ship  was  soon  loaded  with  wheat  and 
flour,  maize,  barley,  beans,  oats,  arid  pease;  salt,  soap, 
tallow,  etc.  The  ship  delivered  goods,  which  had 
originally  cost  about  $5,000.  Rezjlnof  now  delayed 
his  departure  as  little  as  possible,  and  arrived  safely 
at  Sitka  on  the  19th  of  June. 

The  Russians  after  this  determined  to  establish  a 
settlement  on  the  coast  of  California,  the  port  of 
Bodega  and  the  country  back  of  it  being  the  chosen 
spot.  The  Russian  emperor  gave  his  assent,  without 
saying  anything  of  Spanish  opposition.  The  Russo- 
American  company  was  simply  authorized,  as  re 
garded  commerce,  to  arrange  the  matter  in  their  own 
way.  The  first  attempt  at  Bodega  in  1810  was  un 
successful.  Meanwhile  Captain  Jonathan  Winship, 
in  the  OCain,  visited  the  California  coast  in  1810-11, 
under  contract  with  the  company,  and  returned  to 
Alaska  with  5,400  otter  skins.  His  brother,  Nathan 
Winship,  in  the  Albatross,  under  a  similar  contract, 
took  1,120  skins.  Several  other  ships  were  at  this 
time  engaged  in  the  same  traffic,  namely,  the  Isabella, 
Mercury,  Catherine,  Amethyst,  and  Charon.  The  Rus 
sians  finally  effected  the  desired  settlement,  com 
menced  agricultural  operations,  and  made  efforts  to 
open  a  trade  with  California,  but  their  overtures  were 
unfavorably  received,  and  they  were  ordered  to  quit 
the  territory.  While  the  revolutionary  war  raged  in 
Mexico,  California  was  left  without  supplies.  Fortu 
nately  a  small  trade  with  Peru  began,  two  ships 
coming  from  Callao  with  cloth  and  miscellaneous 
goods,  to  barter  for  tallow,  hides,  and  other  produce. 
The  American  ship  Mercury  was  captured  on  the  coast 
with  a  cargo  worth  $16,000,  which  afforded  consid 
erable  relief.  The  Russians  at  Ross  were  after  a 
time  allowed  to  send  to  San  Francisco,  in  bidarkas, 
goods  to  the  amount  of  $14,000.  From  this  time 
commercial  relations  were  rarely  interrupted.  In 
1814  another  Spanish  vessel  sold  $16,000  worth  of 
goods  for  treasury  drafts.  A  small  amount  of  money 


BUSINESS  WITH  ALASKA  AND  LIMA.  465 

was  also  obtained  from  two  English  vessels  that 
visited  Monterey  and  San  Francisco.  Lieutenant 
Moraga  was  sent  a  third  time  to  Ross  to  order  the 
Russians  to  depart ;  but  the  officer  in  charge,  Kuskof, 
found  it  convenient  not  to  understand  a  message  con 
veyed  to  him  in  Spanish,  and  despatched  his  clerk  to 
San  Francisco  with  the  usual  cargo,  which  by  the  in 
dulgence  of  Captain  Luis  Argiiello,  the  comandante, 
found  a  ready  sale,  and  the  Russians  met  ever  after 
with  the  same  success,  to  the  benefit  of  the  troops 
and  people  of  California,  for  they  not  only  furnished 
needed  articles,  but  purchased  large  quantities  of 
grain.  And  thus  it  was  that  from  the  year  1815  to 
the  end  of  the  Spanish  domination,  in  1822,  the  period 
of  most  complete  interruptions  of  trade  with  Mexico, 
and  consequently  of  greatest  want,  with  what  the 
Russians  furnished  and  vessels  from  Lima  brought, 
the  situation  was  rendered  less  insufferable.  In 
fact,  during  the  last  half  of  the  decade  1811-20,  there 
was  no  need  on  the  part  of  foreign  vessels  to 
resort  to  smuggling,  for  the  Spanish  authorities  were 
glad  to  purchase  every  cargo,  Spanish  or  foreign, 
though  duties  were  exacted  on  all  exports  and  im 
ports,  according  to  a  tariff  devised  to  meet,  as  alleged, 
the  needs  of  California  ;  but  practically,  there  was  no 
obstacle  to  free  commercial  relations.  Nevertheless, 
there  is  nothing  to  show  that  any  trade  was  carried 
on  with  foreign  vessels,  even  contraband,  except  by 
the  government.  Of  course  there  was  smuggling 
even  then  to  some  extent. 

The  missionaries  claimed  exemption  from  export 
and  import  dues,  but  Governor  Sola  heeded  them  not, 
and  finally  they  had  to  be  content  with  the  cold  comfort 
of  paying  by  a  pro  rata  contribution,  a  sum  of  money 
believed  to  exceed  the  amount  of  duties  demanded. 
The  governor  accused  the  friars  of  being  unscrupulous, 
inasmuch  as  they  bought  goods  on  speculation,  pre 
tending  that  they  were  for  the  missions,  and  shipped 
liquor  and  other  merchandise  under  the  title  of  gifts, 

CAL.  PAST.    30 


466  INLAND  TRADE  AND  COAST  TRAFFIC. 

etc.  He  thought  it  needful  to  watch  their  proceed 
ings,  on  behalf  of  the  country's  interests. 

In  April,  1821,  was  published  in  California,  a  royal 
order  of  the  preceding  year,  exempting  from  duties 
national  products  exported  on  Spanish  bottoms  to 
San  Bias  and  the  Californias.  But  this  order,  con 
nected  as  it  was  with  some  commercial  schemes  which 
had  no  effect,  brought  no  benefit  to  California.  The 
rates  of  duties  exacted  in  the  last  decade  were  now 
continued.  Nine  vessels  entered  California  ports 
during  this  year,  and  in  1822  there  were  twenty  on 
the  coast,  one  being  a  government  transport,  and  six 
whalers  which  entered  San  Francisco  for  supplies. 
The  rest  traded  goods  for  California  produce.  In 
1823  there  were  seventeen  vessels,  three  of  them 
Russian  men-of-war,  five  whalers,  and  the  rest 
traders,  purchasing  tallow,  hides  and  produce.  The 
duties  on  imports  and  exports  collected  at  Monterey, 
amounted  to  upwards  of  17,500,  which  may  or  may 
not  include  $6,500  received  at  San  Francisco  and 
San  Diego. 

The  British  subjects,  Hugh  McCulloch  and  Wil 
liam  Edward  Petty  Hartnell,  the  latter  becoming  a 
permanent  resident  as  well  as  a  citizen,  brought  a 
cargo  of  goods  in  1822,  and  proposed,  both  to  the 
government  and  to  the  prefect  of  the  missions,  to 
enter  for  Begg  and  Company  of  Glasgow  and  Lima, 
into  a  contract  to  keep  the  province  regularly  supplied. 
Such  a  contract  was  actually  concluded  for  three 
years,  to  begin  from  January  1,  1823.  A  scale  of 
prices  was  arranged,  Prefect  Payeras  saying  that  the 
times  when  hides  and  tallow  where  to  be  had  for  the 
asking  had  passed.  The  following  was  the  schedule 
fixed  in  the  contract:  hides,  $1  each,  large  and  small; 
wheat,  $3  per  fanega ;  tallow,  $2  per  arroba  of  25  Ibs; 
suet,  $3;  lard,  $4;  soap,  $16  per  100  Ibs;  beef  in 
pickle,  including  bone,  $4  per  100  Ibs,  without  casks. 
Other  articles  were  included  without  mentioning  their 
prices ;  such  as  horns,  hair  of  horses  and  cattle,  hemp, 


EXPORTS  AND  IMPORTS.  4G7 

wine,  brandy,  saffron  for  dyeing,  skins  of  bears,  foxes, 
etc.  The  only  article  to  be  received  in  unlimited 
quantities  was  hides.  Wheat  in  large  quantities  was 
to  be  taken  only  in  the  event  of  the  wheat  crop  being 
short  in  Chili.  The  contractors  were  bound  to 
despatch  at  least  one  vessel  every  year,  which  was  to 
touch  at  each  harbor  or  roadstead,  take  all  the  hides 
offered,  and  at  least  25,000  arrobas  of  tallow,  and  to 
pay  for  the  same  in  money,  or  such  goods  as  might 
be  desired.  There  were  a  few  other  conditions  which 
it  is  unnecessary  to  enumerate. 

In  September  1824,  a  tax  of  ten  per  cent,  on  pro 
ducts  was  decreed.  The  comandantes  of  presidios 
were  instructed  to  facilitate  the  sale  of  products  as 
much  as  possible;  taxes  on  exports  were  repealed 
from  January  1,  1825,  but  a  duty  of  25  per  cent  was 
imposed  on  all  coin  taken  from  the  province. 

From  this  time  it  is  unnecessary  to  detail  the 
development  of  trade  from  year  to  year,  under  the 
privilege  of  free  intercourse,  subject  only  to  duties  as 
required  elsewhere.  The  ever  lean  treasury  could 
ill-afford  to  lose  the  amount  the  parties  in  interest 
would  contribute  toward  its  relief.  Every  such  con 
tribution  was  a  godsend.  A  colony  of  foreign 
traders  controlled  the  commerce,  and  the  system  of 
exchanging  hides  and  tallow  for  goods  brought  from 
abroad  did  not  vary  much  between  1823  and  1846. 

Complete  records  of  revenue  exist  for  only  three 
years,  making  the  average  $70,000  annually;  the 
receipts  for  about  1837  did  not  exceed  $60,000 
yearly.  Exports  could  not  vary  much  in  value  at 
California  prices  from  imports.  For  three  years  the 
average  of  exports  from  San  Francisco  was  $83,000  ; 
the  annual  exports  from  California  to  Honolulu  for 
five  years  was  $45,000.  Sir  James  Douglas,  of  the 
Hudson's  Bay  Company,  in  1841  estimated  the  total 
exports  of  California  at  $241,000,  the  largest  item 
being  $70,000  for  hides. 

During  General  Micheltorena's  rule,  a  decree  was 


468  INLAND  TRADE  AND  COAST  TRAFFIC. 

issued,  in  1844,  forbidding  the  importation  of  nation 
alized  foreign  goods  from  Mexican  ports.  This  decree 
was  repealed  by  his  successor  in  1845,  as  was  another 
placing  restrictions  on  trade  by  whalers.  These  ves 
sels  could  now  sell  goods  to  any  amount  in  exchange 
for  produce  by  paying  the  regular  duties,  and  were 
exempt  from  the  payment  of  the  tax  of  $30  formerly 
exacted  from  them.  Every  vessel  was  required  to 
pay  $50  per  month  for  a  license  to  engage  in  the  retail 
trade.  This  was  constituted  a  special  fund  to  pay  the 
guards  placed  on  the  vessels,  and  for  the  construction 
of  a  pier  at  Monterey.  The  traders  objected  to  the 
presence  of  these  watchmen,  but  not  to  the  tax. 

The  total  revenue  collected  by  the  custom-house  in 
1845  was  about  $140,000.  The  records  and  other 
sources  speak  of  sixty  vessels  having  been  in  Califor 
nia  in  that  year.  A  dozen  names  mentioned  are 
rather  doubtful,  many  of  them  resting  on  unreliable 
statements,  and  eight  were  men-of-war,  which,  if  not 
regular  traders,  must  have  brought  large  supplies. 
The  Matador  paid  into  the  treasury  $67,000,  which 
far  exceeded  the  amount  ever  paid  before  by  any  one 
ship.  Between  1841  and  1845,  134  vessels  arrived. 
Among  them  were  45  of  American  nationality,  11 
British,  8  French,  7  German  and  Swedish,  5  Russian, 
3  South  American.  In  the  case  of  29, — many  of  which 
were  smugglers  and  reticent, — no  nationality  appears 
in  the  records.  Of  the  134,  43  were  whalers  and  22 
ships  of  war  or  of  scientific  exploration. 

It  may  be  of  interest  to  the  general  reader  to  know 
what  were,  in  the  late  years  of  the  Mexican  domina 
tion,  the  ruling  prices  for  the  chief  articles.  Brandy 
of  the  country  was  $50  a  barrel ;  a  fat  beef,  $5 ;  sheep, 
$2  ;  wheat,  $3  per  fanega;  maize  and  pease,  $1.75  a  fa- 
nega;  beans,  $2.50,  oats,  $1.50,  a  fanega;  butter,  $2 
for  5  Ibs;  milch  cows,  $8  each;  and  hogs,  $6;  horse- 
skins,  $1  in  merchandise,  and  $.75  in  money;  ox-hides, 
$2  in  merchandise,  $1.50  in  silver;  deerskins,  $.50  to 
$1,  according  to  size;  beaver  skins,  $3  per  Ib,  More 


PRICES  CURRENT.  469 

than  3,000  skins  were  obtained  each  year.  Otter 
skins  became  very  scarce.  Scarcely  100  were  taken 
in  1842;  they  were  worth  in  California  from  $35  to 
$40,  at  Mazatlan  from  $50  to  $55,  and  in  Mexico 
from  $60  to  $70.  They  were  not  regularly  exported 
to  China  after  1840.  The  skins  of  fresh-water  otters 
were  worth  only  $2  to  $3.  Wild  goat  skins  were 
worth  25  cents;  skins  of  the  hair  seal,  75  cents;  of 
the  fur  seal,  $3  to  $4.  Californians  would  pay  for 
shoes  $4,  boots  $15,  vermicelli  $10  a  box,  woollen 
socks  $10  a  dozen,  silk  stockings  $2.50  to  $5  a  pair, 
linen  thread  $4  a  lb.,  silk  handkerchiefs  $2  each,  su 
gar  $20  per  100  Ibs,  nails  37  cents  per  lb.,  calico  50 
cents  a  yard,  brown  cotton  37  cents  a  yard,  not  to 
mention  a  rebozo  at  $150,  a  serape  of  Saltillo  at  $200 
to  $300,  a  saddle  at  $300,  etc. 

In  1839-40,  while  the  country  was  at  peace,  some 
native  Californians  united  to  export  their  products 
independently  of  foreign  traders.  This  relieved  the 
want  of  money  somewhat,  since  they  sent  letters  of 
exchange  on  their  agents  in  Mexico  and  La  Paz  and 
received  money  in  return.  But  the  arrival  of  Michel- 
torena  unsettled  things  again,  and  each  one  looked  out 
for  himself,  and  not  for  the  country.  Freight  to  the 
Sandwich  Islands  or  Mazatlan  was  $20  per  ton;  pas 
sage,  $60  and  $30,  or  $80  and  $40;  time,  14  to  20 
days.  To  Boston,  freight  was  $40  per  ton,  hides  75 
cents  each,  and  tallow  50  cents  per  arroba ;  passage, 
$150  to  $50.  To  Callao,  $25  per  ton,  hides  37  and  50 
cents,  tallow  $3  per  arroba;  passage,  $200  to  $120, 
according  to  agreement  with  the  captain;  time,  50  to 
60  days. 

The  fat  from  the  weekly  slaughter  of  cattle  at  the 
missions  was  dragged  in  on  the  hide,  made  into  soap, 
or  melted  and  put  up  in  leather  botas.  The  melting 
coppers  were  of  iron,  of  200  or  more  gallons  capacity. 
The  bides  were  stretched  on  the  ground,  and  held  by 
sticks  driven  into  the  ends.  When  dry,  they  were 
stored  for  shipment. 


470  INLAND  TRADE  AND  COAST  TRAFFIC. 

Sutter  says  that  when  he  first  came  to  California, 
"  articles  on  trading  vessels  were  so  high  that  he  who 
went  on  board  with  $100  in  money  or  hides,  could 
carry  away  his  purchases  in  a  pocket  handkerchief." 

The  trading  ships,  after  entering  their  cargoes,  and 
supplying  the  wants  of  Monterey,  usually  proceeded 
to  San  Francisco,  where,  mooring  off  Yerba  Buena 
cove,  they  despatched  boats  to  various  points  of  the 
bay  to  bring  the  rancheros  and  their  families  to  the 
ship.  Stearns  was  the  first  to  export  cattle  horns  on  a 
large  scale. 

There  was  usually,  says  Davis,  a  considerable  float 
ing  population,  mostly  made  up  of  runaway  sailors, 
disposed  at  all  times  to  purchase  goods  on  credit ;  but 
as  they  were  men  who  spent  as  fast  as  they  earned, 
the  greater  part  of  their  earnings  going  for  tobacco 
and  drink,  their  credit  was  naturally  below  par.  These 
remarks  do  not  apply  to  permanently  settled  foreigners, 
nor  to  the  hunters  and  trappers  who  came  across  the 
mountains  and  remained  in  California.  They  were 
men  of  a  different  type,  true,  sober,  and  industrious. 
Most  of  them  continued  as  hunters  and  trappers  here, 
and  were  confidently  trusted  by  merchants  and  traders. 

Davis'  father  owned  and  commanded  the  ship  Eagle, 
of  Boston,  and  visited  California  with  goods  early  in 
this  century.  On  one  of  his  trips  to  California  he 
went  into  Refugio,  a  rancho  situated  a  few  miles  west 
of  Santa  Barbara.  Many  of  the  well-to-do  Califor- 
nians,  as  well  as  the  missionaries,  visited  the  ship  to 
make  purchases,  and  as  the  captain  had  no  use  for 
hides  or  tallow,  the  rancheros  and  priests  produced 
their  Spanish  doubloons  to  make  payments,  or  tendered 
ottxr  skins,  which  were  then  plentiful  and  acceptable. 

About  1823  was  organized  a  company  of  otter- 
hunters.  They  were  Kadiaks  from  Alaska.  Their 
way  was  to  pursue  in  their  boats  the  otter  in  the  bay 
of  Monterey,  and  when  the  latter  became  tired  out, 
kill  them  with  arrows.  The  otter  used  to  sleep  on  a 
bed  of  sea-weed,  opposite  the  sand-banks  of  the  bay. 


THICKS  OF  THE  TIMES.  471 

The  Kadiak  skin  boats  would  take  positions  in  line ; 
then  from  a  large  boat  several  shots  were  fired ;  the 
frightened  otter  would  start  on  a  run,  and  the  boats 
pursued  them  with  the  utmost  speed.  Their  boats 
were  made  of  seal-skins,  the  hair  having  been  removed  ; 
they  had  a  wooden  frame  inside,  and  they  sounded 
like  a  drum ;  generally  each  boat  carried  two  or  three 
Kadiaks.  In  this  manner  were  destroyed  all  the  otter 
on  that  part  of  the  coast,  and  further  down. 

The  padres  were  the  chief  customers  in  those  days, 
and  spent  freely  from  their  well-filled  coin-bags,  or 
from  their  stores  of  otter-skins,  which  they  accumu 
lated  largely  from  the  bay  of  San  Francisco  and  along 
the  coast.  They  were  extremely  jealous  of  the  Rus 
sians,  who  were  making  fortunes  out  of  the  business. 
The  padres  had  become  regular  traders.  The  China 
goods  they  bought  were  not  for  their  own  use  and 
enjoyment,  but  were  resold  to  the  rancheros  at  a  profit. 
They  were  shrewd  traders,  making  their  purchases 
with  good  judgment,  and  at  lower  prices  than  the 
rancheros.  They  frequently  supplied  the  latter  with 
goods  from  their  stores,  taking  in  payment  hides  and 
tallow,  furs  and  cattle.  Captain  Davis'  voyages  to 
this  coast  on  the  Eagle  proved  successful,  realizing 
about  $25,000  profit  on  each,  in  Spanish  doubloons 
and  otter -skins,  from  his  sales  in  California  anH  the 
Russian  settlements.  He  was  among  the  first  traders 
from  Boston,  and  had  everything  pretty  much  his  own 
way.  John  Meek,  who  in  after  years  traded  on  this 
coast  as  master  of  the  Don  Quixote,  was  Davis'  mate. 
On  one  of  his  first  voyages  here  on  the  Don  Quixote, 
he  received  a  present  from  Comandante  Ignacio  Mar 
tinez  of  three  heifers  and  a  young  bull,  which  were 
carried  to  Honolulu.  In  1871  Meek  was  living  there, 
and  owned  a  rancho  about  25  or  30  miles  from  the 
town.  He  then  had  between  four  and  five  thousand 
head  of  cattle,  and  had  been  for  years  supplying  for 
eign  men-of-war  and  other  vessels  with  beef  cattle,  all 
the  offspring  of  the  little  band  presented  by  Martinez. 


472  INLAND  TRADE  AND  COAST  TRAFFIC. 

There  was  considerable  competition  in  later  years 
among  the  traders  on  the  coast,  and  there  were  not 
wanting  instances  of  sharp  practice  in  the  collection  of 
hides  and  tallow,  especially  during  the  slaughtering 
season.  Merchants  trusted  the  rancheros  largely  for 
the  goods  they  sold  them,  and  the  indebtedness  was 
paid  when  the  hides  and  tallow  were  prepared.  Most 
of  the  rancheros  were  in  debt  at  the  time.  One  of 
them,  for  instance,  would  promise  the  trader  to  supply 
him  at  a  specified  time  with  hides  and  tallow,  but 
shortly  before  the  time  so  fixed  another  trader,  to 
whom  he  was  also  indebted,  would  come,  and  by  per 
sistent  efforts  and  blandishments,  so  work  upon  him 
as  to  secure  for  himself  a  good  portion  of  the  esquilmos 
which  had  been  promised  to  the  first  trader.  When 
the  latter  in  due  time  presented  himself,  and  demanded 
the  fulfilment  of  the  ranchero's  promise,  such  demand 
the  »poor  man  could  not  disregard.  Then  the  second 
trader's  claim  had  also  to  be  attended  to  in  some  way, 
at  least  in  a  measure,  and  so,  between  debt  and  duty, 
the  ranchero  was  pretty  well  pulled  to  pieces.  The 
hides  were  often  received  in  a  green  state,  and  had  to 
be  staked  out  and  dried  at  Yerba  Buena  or  San  Diego. 
Davis  often  had  them  staked  out  in  a  meadow  by  the 
waterside  in  Yerba  Buena,  between  what  are  now 
Washington  and  California  streets.  It  was  considered 
legitimate  among  traders  for  the  best  to  outstrip  the 
others  in  *the  race  for  precedence.  Business  was 
transacted  in  a  straightforward  manner  between  the 
merchants  and  the  Californians.  The  purchaser  never 
had  occasion  to  ask  the  price,  the  seller  quietly  nam 
ing  it  at  once,  which  was  accepted  or  declined  with 
out  more  ado.  No  advantage  was  taken.  There 
were,  of  course,  exceptions,  but  this  was  the  rule. 

The  merchant,  Don  Jose  Antonio  Aguirre,  owner 
of  the  ship,  Joven  Guipuzcoana,  once  had  a  new  super 
cargo,  a  young  man,  who  was  a  stranger  to  and  igno 
rant  of  affairs  in  California.  While  the  ship  lay  at 
San  Pedro,  Aguirre  being  absent  on  the  shore,  Agus- 


MACHADO'S  BOND.  473 

tin  Machado,  a  well-to-do  ranchero,  and  a  man  of 
sterling  character,  but  who  could  neither  read  nor 
write,  went  on  board  to  make  purchases,  his  carts  be 
ing  at  the  landing.  After  his  goods  had  been  selected, 
as  he  was  about  having  them  placed  in  a  launch  to  be 
carried  on  shore,  the  supercargo  asked  him  for  pay 
ment,  or  some  guaranty  or  note  of  hand.  Machado 
stared  at  him  in  great  astonishment ;  at  first  he  could 
not  comprehend  what  the  man  meant.  Such  a  de 
mand  had  never  been  made  from  him  before,  nor,  in 
fact,  from  any  other  ranchero.  After  a  while,"  the 
idea  struck  him  that  he  was  distrusted.  Plucking 
one  hair  from  his  beard,  he  seriously  handed  it  to  the 
supercargo,  saying,  "Here,  deliver  this  to  Senor 
Aguirre,  and  tell  him  it  is  a  hair  from  the  beard  of 
Agustin  Machado.  It  will  cover  your  responsibility ; 
it  is  sufficient  guaranty."  The  young  man  felt  much 
abashed,  took  the  hair  and  placed  it  inside  of  his  book. 
Machado  carried  away  the  goods.  Aguirre  was  cha 
grined  on  hearing  that  the  supercargo  had  demanded 
a  document  from  Machado,  a  man  whose  word  was  as 
good  as  the  best  bond,  even  for  the  entire  ship's  cargo. 
Jose  M.  Estudillo,  who  was  a  brother-in-law  of 
Aguirre,  and  in  his  employ  from  boyhood,  relates  the 
above,  and  also  the  following  occurrences  in  which 
the  same  Agustin  Machado  was  concerned.  In  1850 
Aguirre  despatched  him,  Estudillo,  to  Los  Angeles 
to  collect  old  bills,  many  of  which  were  outlawed; 
but  the  greater  part  of  them  were  finally  paid.  He 
visited  Machado's  rancho,  La  Bayona,  to  collect  a  bal 
ance  of  about  $4,000,  and  happened  to  arrive  when 
the  house  was  full  of  company.  He  was  cordially 
received  as  a  guest,  and  a  little  later  on  being  apprised 
of  the  object  of  his  visit,  Machado  said  that  he  had 
been  for  some  time  past  thinking  that  he  was  indebted 
to  Aguirre.  As  Estudillo  could  not  remain  long, 
Machado  made  him  take  a  fresh  horse,  and  prom 
ised  to  see  him  in  Los  Angeles  in  two  days.  On  the 
time  appointed  Machado  was  there,  and  delivered  him 


474  INLAND  TRADE  AND  COAST  TRAFFIC. 

the  whole  sum  at  the  door  of  Manuel  Requena's 
house,  and  refused  to  take  a  receipt,  saying  that 
Aguirre  was  not  in  the  habit  of  collecting  the  same 
bill  twice. 

Before  1826  nine  or  ten  trading  craft,  and  later 
twice  as  many,  came  to  the  coast  each  year  laden 
with  goods  to  be  exchanged  for  hides  and  tallow. 
Restrictions  imposed  by  the  laws  were  regularly  dis 
regarded  by  the  authorities  of  California  under  Mexi 
can  rule.  Gradually,  as  the  excess  of  duties  developed 
smuggling,  wayports  ani  embarcaderos  were  closed, 
and  even  Santa  Barbara  and  San  Francisco.  In  the 
last  years  other  restrictive  measures  were  attempted, 
but  they  generally  came  to  naught;  subordinate  offi 
cials  were  mostly  influenced  by  the  traders,  and  even 
the  governor  often  had  to  submit  to  the  inevitable 
when  a  supercargo  or  owner  threatened  to  take  his 
valuable  cargo. 

The  people  seldom  resorted  to  the  stores  to  sell 
their  produce,  preferring  to  await  the  arrival  of  vessels 
which  paid  more.  There  was  no  rivalry  between  the 
mission  padres  and  private  persons,  although  they  had 
the  same  object  in  view.  The  padres  often  gave  good 
advice  to  the  latter  in  trade. 

Laplace  went  aboard  one  of  the  ships  which  was 
moored  near  the  land  for  trading.  The  goods  were 
spread  out  on  deck.  The  greater  part  of  those  offered 
were  of  little  value,  except  the  articles  relating  to  the 
feminine  toilette,  which  were  more  costly  and  in  great 
demand.  There  were  household  and  agricultural 
implements,  side-arms  and  fire-arms,  powder  and  lead, 
marine  stores,  hardware,  woolen  and  cotton  stuffs, 
and  a  hundred  other  things  easy  to  sell  in  a  new 
country. 

Phelps,  who  was  in  the  California  and  Boston  trade 
in  1840,  says  that  all  ships  intending  to  trade  on  the 
coast  came  there  to  make  the  best  bargain  they  could 
with  the  authorities  respecting  duties,  gave  security 
for  payment,  and  received  permission  to  trade  at  all 


DUTIES  AND  DEBTS.  475 

the  ports  until  the  voyage  was  completed.  The  duties 
on  an  invoice  of  cargo  averaged  about  100  per  cent, 
payable  half  in  cash,  and  half  in  esquilmos,  hides  and 
tallow,  or  goods  from  the  sl)ip.  As  I  have  before 
stated,  there  was  but  a  limited  quantity  of  specie  in 
the  country.  Trading  vessels  brought  only  moderate 
sums,  barely  enough  to  meet  the  duties.  Many  of 
them  borrowed  what  money  they  needed  for  that 
purpose.  Most  of  the  trade  was  an  exchange  of 
goods  for  domestic  produce.  Bryant,  Sturgis,  &  Co., 
the  Boston  firm,  not  only  furnished  most  of  the  goods 
used  in  California,  but  also  most  of  the  coin  for  the 
payment  of  the  salaries  of  the  revenue  and  military 
officers,  which  payments  were  contingent  on  the 
arrival  of  the  next  ship — the  duties  on  a  cargo  being 
always  anticipated  by  custom-house  orders  on  such 
ship  for  their  pay,  in  goods  and  cash  in  equal  propor 
tion. 

To  give  some  idea  of  the  labors  of  the  trading  voy 
ages  made  by  the  Boston  traders  on  the  California 
coast,  Phelps  states  that  on  his  1840-43  voyage,  his 
ship  was  seven  times  at  San  Francisco,  thirteen  times 
at  Monterey,  three  times  at  Santa  Cruz,  four  times 
at  San  Luis  Rey,  seventeen  times  at  Santa  Barbara, 
seventeen  times  at  San  Pedro,  five  times  at  Hefugio, 
and  returned  to  the  depot  ten  times,  frequently  an 
choring  at  other  places  along  shore.  The  bow  anchor 
was  hove  up  131  times,  and  the  crew  killed  and  con 
sumed  while  on  the  coast  203  bullocks.  In  collecting 
and  curing  a  hide  cargo,  and  finally  stowing  it  on 
board  ship,  each  hide  had  to  be  handled  twenty-two 
times. 

The  want  of  enterprise  was  apparent  on  the  part 
of  the  people  by  their  paying  high  prices,  with  much 
grumbling,  for  salt  and  dealboards,  which  could  easily 
have  been  procured  at  San  Francisco  and  elsewhere. 
Sea-otter  skins  were  purchased  at  $20  a  piece,  while 
the  animals  swam  about  in  the  bay. 

The  Californians  could  have  done  well  in  furs  had 


476  INLAND  TRADE  AND  COAST  TRAFFIC. 

they  not  been  so  shiftless.  Amador,  mayordomo  of 
the  mission  of  San  Jose,  states  that  with  three  In 
dians  he  rode  to  Point  Quintin  in  1830,  and  caught, 
by  lassoing,  30  sea-otter  out  of  about  100  which  were 
on  the  shore.  Previous  to  1846,  there  was  a  small 
community  of  these  animals  about  the  entrance  of 
Sonoma  Creek,  which  were  under  the  special  care  of 
Yallejo,  who  would  not  allow  them  to  be  disturbed. 
But  in  1847  some  hunters  from  Santa  Bdrbara  were 
in  the  bay,  and  not  having  the  fear  of  the  northern 
autocrat  before  their  eyes,  they  shot  every  one  of 
them,  obtaining  42  skins  worth  $60  each,  after  which 
slaughter  of  the  innocents,  few  others  were  ever  seen 
in  San  Francisco  Bay. 

"As  respects  trade,"  says  Wilkes  in  1841,  "it  may 
be  said  that  there  is  scarcely  any,  for  it  is  so  inter 
rupted,  and  so  much  under  the  influence  of  the  gov 
ernor  and  the  officers  of  the  customs,  that  those 
attempting  to  carry  on  any  under  the  forms  usual  else 
where,  would  probably  find  it  a  losing  business.  For 
eigners,  however,  contrive  to  evade  this  by  keeping 
their  vessels  at  anchor,  and  selling  a  large  portion  of 
their  cargoes  from  on  board.  Great  partiality  is  shown 
to  those  of  them  who  have  a  full  understanding  with 
the  governor ;  and  from  what  I  was  given  to  under 
stand,  if  this  be  not  secured,  the  traders  are  liable  to 
exactions  and  vexations  without  number.  The  enor 
mous  duties,  often  amounting  to  80  per  cent,  ad  valorem, 
cause  much  dissatisfaction  on  the  part  of  the  consum 
ers;  the  whole  amount  raided  is  about  $200,000  per 
annum,  which  is  found  barely  sufficient  to  pay  the 
salaries  of  the  officers  and  defray  the  expense  of  the 
government  feasts,  which  are  frequent  and  usually 
cost  $1,000  each." 

The  operation  of  curing  hides  is  as  follows:  To 
soften  the  hides,  they  are  soaked  for  some  days  in 
sea  water.  They  are  then  stretched  on  the  ground, 
and  fastened  with  small  stakes.  All  particles  of  flesh, 
which  might  decompose,  are  then  carefully  removed 


PEDL1NG  VESSELS.  477 

with  a  knife.  They  are  next  placed  on  racks  to 
dry.  The  inside  part  having  been  powdered  with 
salt,  they  are  folded  in  their  length,  and  left  with  the 
hair  outward.  They  are  then  pressed  to  flatten  them, 
and  packed  in  the  ship  with  the  aid  of  jack-screws. 
It  was  not  uncommon  to  see  a  brig  of  1GO  tons  loaded 
with  14,000  hides,  and  a  three-masted  American  ship 
of  3GO  tons,  with  30,000  hides. 

The  Hudson's  Bay  Company's  Simpson  writes  in 
1842:  "Few  vessels  visit  San  Francisco  except  such 
as  are  engaged  in  collecting  hides  or  tallow,  the  tallow 
going  to  Peru,  the  hides  to  England  or  the  United 
States.  Each  ship  has  a  supercargo  or  clerk,  who  in 
a  decked  launch  carries  an  assortment  of  goods  from 
farm  to  farm,  collecting  hides,  and  securing  by  his 
advances  as  many  as  possible  against  the  next  ma- 
tanza,  which  is  generally  in  July  and'  August.  The 
current  rate  for  a  hide  is  $2  in  goods,  or  $1.50  in 
specie,  the  difference  arising  from  the  circumstance 
that  goods  are  held  at  a  price  sufficient  to  cover  bad 
debts.  The  exports  of  hides  do  not  exceed  60,000, 
yet  at  present  there  are  fully  sixteen  ships  on  the 
coast  scrambling  for  hides  or  tallow.  Supposing  half 
to  be  engaged  in  the  latter  business,  there  remain 
eight  for  such  a  number  of  hides  as  would  take  at 
least  three  years  to  fill  them.  The  Alert,  belonging 
to  one  of  the  oldest  houses  in  the  trade,  has  spent 
some  18  months  on  the  coast,  but  is  still  about  a  third 
short  of  her  full  tale  of  40,000.  A  vessel  has  to  keep 
pedling  from  one  placse  to  another,  taking  her  chances 
of  bad  weather  and  anchorage  in  all  the  ports  from  San 
Francisco  to  San  Diego.  As  the  hides  are  all  green, 
or  nearly  so,  each  vessel  has  to  cure  them  for  herself; 
and  as  the  upper  half  of  the  coast,  owing  to  the  rains 
and  fogs  of  the  north-westers,  is  unsuitable,  the  hides 
have  to  be  carried  to  the  drier  climate  of  the  southern 
ports,  particularly  San  Diego ;  and  then  the  curing  is 
a  great  loss  of  time."  Evidently  Sir  George  was  not 
in  love  with  Californians  or  their  traffic. 


478  INLAND  TRADE  AND  COAST  TRAFFIC. 

Herewith  I  give  a  specimen  of  commercial  corre 
spondence  of  the  period : 

SAN  FKANCISCO,  Oct.  8,  1845. 

MR  JAMES  WATSON:  Dear  Sir — I  wish  you  would 
purchase  for  me,  payable  next  season  or  in  the  spring, 
three  bales  of  sugar,  of  Malarin,  if  he  will  let  you 
have  it,  at  six  dollars  the  arroba.  And  if  not,  see  if 
Don  Manuel  Diaz  will  let  you  have  it  at  that  price  or 
less.  Get  two  bales  at  any  price  you  can,  if  you  can 
not  get  it  at  the  price  named,  and  deliver  one  to  the 
Advance  when  she  arrives  in  Monterey,  and  send  the 
other  one  or  two,  as  may  be,  to  San  Francisco,  in 
California.  I  want  it  for  immediate  ship's  use,  as  I  am 
borrowing  sugar  here  for  daily  use. 

Yours  truly,  H.  MELLUS. 

In  1842  common  calico  paid  a  duty  of  one  eighth  of 
a  dollar  a  vara.  The  Mexican  tariff  imposes  a  tax  of  45 
per  cent  on  'artfculos  permitidos;'  but  in  California, 
v/here  no  prohibition  exists,  articles  in  this  category 
are  admitted  at  40  per  cent  ad  valorem.  Foreign 
ships  pay  $1.50  per  ton  for  right  of  anchorage. 
Whalers  pay  a  simple  duty  of  $10  when  it  is  supposed 
they  come  in  merely  to  provision.  If,  however,  they 
sell  any  merchandise,  they  have  to  pay  the  regular 
duties.  Ships  that  put  in  for  safety  pay  no  duties, 
but  on  condition  that  they  sell  nothing.  Mexican 
ships  bringing  cargoes  from  Mexican  ports  pay  no 
duty.  Monterey  is  the  only  port  open  to  foreign  com 
merce,  and  any  ship  which  'a  moins  de  rel&che  pour 
avarie'  runs  a  risk  of  being  seized  as  a  smuggler. 
When  once  the  ships  have  discharged  their  cargoes  at 
the  custom-house  at  Monterey,  and  have  paid  their 
duties,  they  are  at  liberty  to  take  their  merchandise 
on  board  again,  and  trade  along  the  coast  until  they 
have  disposed  of  their  entire  cargo. 

It  may  be  imagined  how  easy  was  smuggling  under 
such  circumstances.  The  American  and  English  ships 
sometimes  landed  merchandise  at  isolated  points  on 
the  coast ;  but  they  preferred  to  wait  out  at  sea,  or 


GOVERNMENT  REGULATIONS.  479 

at  an  uninhabited  island,  for  ships  which  had  already 
paid  their  duties,  to  which  they  transferred  their 
cargo.  Some  ships  in  this  manner  sold  two  or  three 
times  the  value  of  their  original  cargo.  Coin  being 
scarce  in  California,  captains,  supercargoes,  and  mer 
chants  paid  part  of  the  duties  in  merchandise  at  current 
prices.  Thus  we  observe  at  different  times  different 
regulations,  though  statements  vary  somewhat,  as  a 
matter  of  course. 

Governor  Micheltorena  promulgated  his  decree  on 
hides  the  31st  of  December,  1843.  At  every  port  an 
agente  de  policia  was  to  be  appointed  by  the  local 
authorities,  who  should  inspect  all  hides  exported  in 
national  vessels.  No  hide  should  be  shipped  without 
being  examined  and  marked  by  this  agente.  Hides 
not  bearing  the  owner's  brand  and  sale-mark  should 
be  confiscated  by  the  alcaldes,  and  the  buyer,  or  per 
son  in  whose  hands  they  are  found,  should  be  fined  $5 
for  each  hide.  Every  four  months  the  agente  should 
report  to  the  local  authorities  for  publication  the  num 
ber  of  hides  exported,  with  a  statement  of  their  marks 
of  ownership.  To  the  agente  of  San  Francisco  all 
vessels  must  present  themselves  on  entering  or  leav 
ing  the  bay.  The  agentes  to  collect  from  those  in 
terested  one  real  for  each  hide  marked.  Failing  to 
attend  to  his  duties,  the  agente  should  pay  a  fine 
of  $4  each  up  to  10  hides  exported  without  the 
proper  marks;  $5  each  from  10  to  50  hides,  and  so  on, 
increasing  $1  psr  hide  for  each  additional  50.  For  a 
second  offence  he  should  lose  his  position.  Fines  to 
be  in  three  parts:  the  first  to  go  to  the  informer,  the 
second  to  the  owner  of  the  brand,  and  the  third  to 
the  municipal  fund.  Confiscated  hides  to  go  to  the 
owner  if  he  can  prove  he  has  not  sold  them.  If  he 
cannot  prove  this,  the  hides  to  be  divided  like  the 
fines,  between  the  informer  and  the  municipal  fund. 

From  Monterey,  on  the  22d  of  March,  1845,  Lar- 
kin  writes:  "The  laws  of  Mexico  are  but  little  heeded 
here,  only  as  they  may  suit  the  country.  No  atten- 


480  INLAND  TRADE  AND   COAST  TRAFFIC. 

tion  is  paid  to  the  Mexican  tariff;  every  single  article 
that  can  be  brought  to  this  country  can  be  entered 
by  paying  about  30  per  cent  duties  on  its  value  in 
Monterey;  there  are  no  prohibitions  whatever  from 
foreign  ports;  there  is  even  a  law  here  prohibiting 
foreign  goods  being  introduced  from  San  Bias  and 
Mazatlan,  with  guias,  pases,  unless  the  owners  will 
pay  the  duties  the  same  as  if  introduced  from  a  foreign 
port.  Any  foreign  vessel  entering  cargo,  and  paying 
duties  at  this  custom-house,  can  carry  on  the  coasting 
and  retailing  trade  on  board  for  two  or  three  years, 
from  San  Francisco  to  San  Diego,  having  a  store  on 
board,  with  glasses  and  shelves ;  or  on  shore,  selling  a 
vara  or  bale  of  calico,  and  carrying  freight  up  and 
down  the  coast  as  they  please.  Whalers  are  allowed 
to  trade,  paying  no  tonnage,  but  duties  on  what  they 
say  they  have  sold,  and  $30  port  charges." 

Again,  January  4,  1846,  he  says :  "Monterey  is  the 
only  port  in  this  department  where  foreign  vessels  can 
enter  to  pay  their  duties.  Vessels  under  the  Mexican 
flag,  direct  from  any  other  port  of  Mexico,  can  touch 
at  any  of  the  ports  of  California  before  arriving  at 
Monterey ;  yet  they  must  pay  their  duties  here,  which 
by  the  tariff  of  Mexico  is  about  15  per  cent  on  the 
import  duties,  every  time  they  are  transported  by 
land  or  water  from  one  Mexican  state  to  another; 
shipping  dollars  pay  the  enormous  duty  of  10  per  cent 
from  one  state  or  department  to  another.  The  aver 
age  duties  of  California  for  the  last  seven  years 
amount  to  $85,985  per  year,  of  which  15  to  18  per 
cent  is  paid  to  the  collector  of  the  custom-house  and 
his  subordinates ;  of  the  remainder,  the  treasurer  pays 
about  one  third  to  the  civil  authorities,  and  the  bal 
ance  to  the  military.  The  officers  of  the  custom-house 
receive  their  salaries  in  full;  the  civil  and  military  re 
ceive  by  an  average  rate  according  to  the  amount  of 
each  entry,  which  is  divided  at  the  time  it  is  received; 
they  must  then  wait  till  the  arrival  of  a  new  vessel, 
which  may  be  one  month  or  six.  The  rule  of  this 


CUSTOM-HOUSE  METHODS.  481 

custom-house  is  to  demand  the  duties  in  cash  and 
hides  in  80,  130,  and  1GO  days.  As  the  officers  can 
not  wait  so  long  a  period,  they  in  general  take  orders 
from  the  treasurer  in  sums  of  §5  to  $1,000  on  the 
supercargoes,  who  pay  them  at  sight  in  goods,  or  the 
owner  must  wait  the  stipulated  time  for  payment." 

From  the  Larldn  archives  of  1845,  I  extract  as  fol 
lows:  The  regular  Boston  traders  generally  have  two 
vessels  on  the  coast  at  the  same  time.  After  collect 
ing  in  company  for  periods  varying  from  12  to  18 
months,  one  of  them  returns  home,  leaving  the  others 
until  a  fresh  ship  relieves  her,  thus  continually  keep 
ing  the  work  of  collecting  going  on. 

The  hide-houses  are  in  San  Diego,  to  which  place 
each  vessel  proceeds  two  or  three  times  during  the 
year,  to  land  such  hides  and  tallow  as  may  have  been 
collected  from  nine  or  ten  ports  between  San  Fran 
cisco  and  San  Diego,  the  customer  being  expected  to 
pay  a  part  of  his  debt  in  produce  every  time  the  ves 
sel  anchors  in  port. 

There  are  no  Mexican  vessels  in  California  owned 
by  Mexicans  or  Californians;  they  belong  to  natural 
ized  foreigners.  The  laws  of  Mexico  are  observed 
only  when  they  are  for  the  interest  of  Californians. 
Little  regard  is  paid  to  the  tariff.  The  collector  of 
Monterey  imposes  such  duties  on  many  articles  as  he 
considers  requisite  at  the  time. 

Although  against  the  laws  of  Mexico,  the  governors 
and  generals  of  California,  since  the  independence, 
have  allowed  the  coasting  trade  from  San  Diego  to 
San  Francisco  to  all  foreign  vessels  which  have  paid 
their  duties  in  Monterey.  In  1844—5  Micheltorena 
levied  a  tax  of  $50  per  month  on  foreign  vessels  for 
this  license  of  coasting ;  $5,000  was  collected  March 
28,  1846.  Governor  Pico  annulled  this  law. 

The  payments  of  duties  are  made  in  abouo  90,  130, 
and  180  days.  The  supercargoes  in  general  agree 
upon  the  second  payment,  making  it  in  cash,  and 
bullock-hides  at  §2  apiece;  cash,  should  the  vessel 

CAL.  PAST.    31 


482  INLAND  TRADE  AND   COAST  TRAFFIC. 

pay  less  than  $6,000;  from  $6,000  to  $12,000,  two 
thirds  cash  and  one  third  hides;  from  $12,000  to 
$18,000,  half  cash;  over  $18,000,  one  third  cash  and 
two  thirds  hides. 

On  the  collector's  arranging  the  amount,  mode  of 
payment,  and  taking  two  securities,  he  retains  suffi 
cient  for  the  salaries  of  his  officers,  and  passes  the 
remainder  to  the  treasurer.  They  both  then  draw  in 
sums  of  from  $4,000  to  $5,000  on  the  supercargo  or 
agent,  payable  at  the  specified  time;  some  orders  for 
cash,  some  for  hides ;  the  creditors  and  officers  receiv 
ing  a  draft  on  the  pro  rata  system  as  far  as  the  duties 
of  the  vessel  then  entering  may  suffice. 

The  supercargo  or  agent  has  a  store  fitted  up  on 
board  ship,  with  shelves,  show-cases,  drawers,  and 
scales,  selling  from  one  pound  of  tea,  shot,  etc.,  to  a 
box  or  bag,  and  again  from  a  yard  of  silk  or  calico  to 
a  bale. 

From  Boston,  cargoes  consist  of  groceries,  furni 
ture,  dry  goods,  crockery,  hardware,  etc.,  from  which 
cargo  the  holder  of  the  draft  can  choose  the  amount 
drawn  from  in  his  favor,  or  a  part  of  it,  taking  the 
supercargo's  due-bill  for  the  remainder,  both  drafts 
and  due-bills  being  negotiable;  they  are  sometimes 
cashed  at  a  discount  of  two  per  cent  a  month.  In 
many  cases  the  supercargo  has  debts  against  the 
holder  of  the  draft,  which  is  always  accepted  as  pay 
ment  for  his  or  any  other  demand. 

The  duties  of  the  principal  vessels  amount  to  from 
$5,000  to  $25,000;  they  also  pay  one  real  per  each 
large  bale  for  storage  in  the  custom-house;  half  of  that 
sum  for  wharfage;  and  have  the  use  of  the  custom 
house  and  warehouses  for  storage  and  sales  until  the 
arrival  of  the  next  vessel  that  may  require  the  build 
ings.  Tonnage  duties  are  $1.50  per  ton  to  all  foreign 
vessels,  and  all  Mexican  vessels  from  foreign  ports. 
There  are  no  other  port  charges;  no  wharfage,  pilot 
age,  or  light-house  fees,  nor  any  health  or  quarantine 
regulations.  There  is  no  article  prohibited  by  the 


FOREIGN  IMPORTATIONS.  483 

custom-house,  no  prohibition  or  restriction  of  any 
kind;  no  bounties  or  navigation  acts;  no  drawbacks 
on  shipping  or  their  cargoes;  no  board  of  trade  or 
other  establishment  relating  to  commerce  in  Califor 
nia.  Coins,  currency,  weights,  and  measures  of  Eng 
land  and  the  United  States  are  in  common  use  in 
California.  By  long  custom,  whale-ships  are  allowed 
to  enter  Monterey  and  San  Francisco  on  paying  from 
$10  to  $20  port  charges,  and  a  certain  percentage  on 
such  matters  as  they  may  barter  for  supplies. 

The  imports  from  San  Bias,  Mazatlan,  and  Aca- 
pulco  consist  of  rice,  sugar,  panocha,  nux  vomica,  sad 
dlery,  silk  and  cotton  rebozos,  cotton  and  woollen 
serapes,  shoes,  and  some  EngTish,  American,  arid 
German  goods. 

Imports  from  the  United  States  and  elsewhere 
are  domestics  in  very  large  quantities;  shoes,  hats, 
furniture,  and  farming  utensils,  chiefly  of  New 
England  manufacture;  groceries,  china  goods,  iron, 
hardware,  and  crockery,  which  are  sold  to  the  mer 
chants  and  farmers  on  the  coast,  on  a  credit  of  from 
one  to  two  years,  payable  in  hides,  tallow,  dried  beef, 
lumber,  soap,  etc. 

The  vessel  obtains  a  coasting  license  to  trade,  and 
collect  produce  until  she  is  filled,  which  occupies  from 
12  to  24  months,  the  vessel's  consort  the  next  year 
taking  the  balance  of  the  cargo  and  debt  for  collec 
tion.  The  Boston  vessels  return  to  that  port  with 
from  20,000  to  40,000  bullock-hides,  the  owner 
expecting  about  one  hide  for  each  dollar  invested  in 
cargo  and  expenses  of  all  kinds.  The  tallow  is 
exchanged  for  hides  with  vessels  bound  to  Callao. 

In  former  years,  considerable  fur  was  exported — 
prime  sea-otter  skins  for  the  Canton  market  being 
worth  in  Monterey  as  high  as  $40  each ;  there  is  still 
some  fur  and  gold  shipped.  Shingles,  lumber,  spars, 
and  horses  are  shipped  to  the  Sandwich  Islands;  beef 
fat,  wheat,  and  beans  to  the  Russian  settlements  on 
the  north-west  coast,  in  exchange  for  drafts  on  St 
Petersburg. 


484  INLAND  THADE  AND  COAST  TRAFFIC. 

On  the  8th  of  October,  1845,  the  assembly  decreed 
that  traders  who  bought  hides  should  register  in  the 
books  kept  for  that  purpose  the  name  of  sellers, 
marks,  and  value.  A  commission  appointed  by  the 
alcaldes  should  meet  at  the  market  (comercio)  every 
Saturday,  and  collect  the  hides  brought  during  the 
week.  The  commission  should  take  a  list  of  sellers 
and  marks,  and  qualify  them,  whether  legal  or  not,  in 
accordance  with  the  books  of  the  juzgado.  Hides  with 
false  sale-marks  should  be  applied  to  the  municipal 
fund,  and  the  sellers  held  as  thieves,  to  be  judged  by 
the  alcaldes,  the  price  to  be  returned  to  the  purchaser, 
and  the  value  of  the  animal  to  its  owner.  No  one 
should  sell  stock  (bienes  de  campo)  without  putting 
on  the  sale-mark.  Those  who  deal  in  hides  should 
obtain  a  pass  from  the  nearest  authorities,  when  send 
ing  them  to  any  place,  and  present  the  pass  to  those 
in  charge  at  the  fort  for  inspection.  Prefects,  sub- 
prefects,  and  alcaldes  were  authorized  to  inspect  hides 
and  receive  passes.  This  service  should  be  regarded 
as  a  public  benefit.  Hides  inspected  weekly  as  per 
article  2  were  marked  with  the  national  brand,  and 
needed  no  pass. 

Hartnell,  in  the  draught  of  a  letter  to  R.  C.  Wyllie 
in  1844,  says  that  articles  of  English  manufacture  best 
adapted  to  this  market  are  brown  and  white  cottons, 
coarse  and  fine,  for  shirting,  sheeting,  etc.;  prints  of 
good  quality  and  fast  handsome  colors;  cotton  and  silk 
handkerchiefs  of  all  descriptions;  good  stout  vel 
veteens,  blue  and  black;  fustian,  principally  brown; 
muslin;  cambric  muslin;  bishop's  lawn;  cotton  lace  of 
all  descriptions ;  cloth  of  all  kinds,  principally  blue  and 
black;  cassimere;  cassinet;  flannel,  principally  red  and 
white;  bayeta;  a  very  small  assortment  of  linen  goods, 
among  which  some  of  the  finest  Irish  linen  and  cam* 
brie;  cotton,  woollen,  and  silk  stockings;  handsome 
gown  patterns;  cashmere  shawls;  all  kinds  of  hard- 
ware;  tinware;  earthenware;  glassware;  needles, most 
ly  very  fine;  cotton  and  linen  thread;  sewing-silk; 


SHIP   CARGOES  AND   STORE   STOCKS.  485 

hats,  boots,  and  shoes;  ready-made  clothes  of  all 
descriptions,  including  plenty  of  white  and  checked 
shirts;  Scotch  griddles;  butchers' knives;  knives  and 
forks;  silver  and  brass  thimbles;  all  kinds  of  knick- 
knacks  for  women's  work-boxes;  stout  hoes,  spades, 
shovels;  window-glass,  principally  8  by  10  inches; 
nails  of  all  kinds,  particularly  cut  nails;  furniture  of 
all  kinds — a  small  assortment  very  elegant,  the  rest  of 
middling  quality;  tea-trays  of  all  sizes;  carpeting, 
a  small  quantity;  oil-cloth;  artificial  flowers;  false 
pearls ;  the  finest  and  smallest  beads  that  can  be  pro 
cured,  of  all  colors,  and  needles  to  work  them  with; 
gold  and  silver  lace  from  £  to  2  inches  wide ;  perfum 
ery;  iron  pots  and  kettles;  candlesticks;  sickles;  a 
few  good  common  silver  hunting- watches.  A  cargo 
of  goods  direct  would  leave  an  immense  profit  on  the 
invoice,  but  two  years'  time  would  be  necessary  to 
realize  it.  Payment  would  be  almost  entirely  in  hides 
at  $2  each,  which  would  have  to  be  salted;  and  tallow, 
at  12  reales  the  arroba,  brought  to  pay  half  the 
amount. 

In  1840  coin  was  scarce  in  the  country,  owing  to 
rumors  of  civil  war,  the  moneyed  men  either  hoarding- 
it  or  shipping  it  away.  Hardship  in  consequence  fell 
on  the  rancheros,  who  were  obliged  to  slaughter  great 
numbers  of  cattle  for  the  hides  and  tallow  wherewith 
to  pay  their  debts.  Many  were  thus  injured  to  their 
ruin. 

In  1841-2,  says  J.  J.  Vallejo,  few  vessels  arrived 
with  merchandise — so  that  the  Californians,  of  whom 
a  majority  owed  the  foreign  merchants  large  amounts, 
were  obliged,  in  order  to  meet  their  obligations, 
to  kill  great  quantities  of  cattle  for  their  hides  and 
tallow,  which  were  the  only  articles  admitted  in  pay 
ment  by  the  supercargoes  of  vessels.  In  this  way 
disappeared  more  than  two  thirds  of  the  country's 
wealth ;  and  many  Indians,  and  some  white  men,  who 
were  accustomed  to  gain  a  living  by  driving  cattle, 
were  left  without  the  means  of  subsistence  for  them 
selves  and  their  large  families. 


486  INLAND  TRADE  AND  COAST  TRAFFIC. 

Retail  stores  bought  directly  from  vessels,  on  credit, 
as  did  rancheros,  selling  also  on  credit,  the  customer 
bringing  the  hide  and  tallow  to  the  store  whenever  he 
slaughtered.  If  the  slaughter  did  not  suffice  to  pay 
a  debt,  the  live-stock  was  given,  and  all  store-keepers 
had  herds,  except  Spear  &  Hinckley  of  San  Francisco. 

A  part  of  the  small  interior  trade  was  that  from 
the  salinas  lagoons,  or  salt  ponds,  situated  between 
the  ocean  sand-dunes  and  the  Monterey  River.  Salt 
was  here  obtained  for  the  mission  and  the  troops, 
some  being  sent  to  San  Bias  on  the  king's  ships  as 
early  as  1770.  Salt  being  a  royal  monopoly,  no 
sooner  did  men  begin  to  make  and  move  it  than  a 
guard  was  placed  over  it  by  order  of  the  government. 
The  commander  of  the  guard  would  bring  Indians 
from  Soled  ad  and  Carmelo,  and  gathering  all  the  salt 
from  the  three  lagoons  into  one  pile,  covered  it  with 
sticks  and  branches,  to  which  they  set  fire,  so  as  to 
melt  the  surface  and  form  a  crust  over  the  mass,  which 
would  protect  it  from  the  dampness  of  the  contiguous 
ocean.  When  all  was  ready  for  its  shipment,  it  was 
brought  to  the  warehouse  at  Monterey,  and  placed  in 
charge  of  the  habilitado,  and  sent  away  in  tanned 
leather  bags  brought  by  the  ship  for  that  purpose. 

When  Fremont  wanted  horses  in  1846,  he  sent  to 
the  natives  of  the  Tulare  plains,  and  purchased  187 
horses  and  mules,  paying  for  each  animal  one  small 
butcher-knife  and  a  string  of  beads. 

There  was  some  trade  with  New  Mexico.  Parties 
were  wont  to  come  across  the  country  with  packs  of 
blankets  which  they  exchanged  for  mares,  horses,  and 
mules.  Each  party  would  take  away  from  1,000  to 
2,000  animals.  On  several  occasions  these  New  Mexi 
cans  were  really  thieves,  and  stole  many  head  of  stock. 
The  last  considerable  robbery  of  this  kind  took  place 
in  1844-5,  when  a  Canadian,  or  Frenchman,  named 
Charley  Fou,  got  away  with  some  2,000  horses  and 
mules.  An  armed  party  went  from  Angeles  in  pur 
suit  of  the  thieves,  but  finding  them  superior  in  point 


THE  FIRST  ARRIVAL.  487 

of  numbers  and  well  armed,  returned  without  having 
accomplished  anything. 

The  Amajaves,  Cochanes,  and  Yumas  used  every 
year  at  certain  times  to  bring  to  Angeles  antelope- 
skins  and  tirutas — blankets  which  they  wove  by  hand 
with  great  perfection,  and  which  were  very  durable, 
in  color  white  and  black — made  with  the  wool  of  the 
wild  sheep  once  tame  (borregos  cimarrones),  which 
they  chased  in  Sonora.  These  tirutas  were  much 
sought  after  by  the  rancheros,  who  used  them  as 
saddle-cloths.  In  exchange  for  them,  the  Indians 
took  mares  and  horses.  These  Indians  were  led  by 
their  capitanes,  who  were  presented  by  the  authorities 
with  horses  and  cast-off  clothing. 

We  may  be  sure  that  the  arrival  of  the  first  foreign 
vessel  at  Monterey  was  an  event.  It  was  in  1817. 
Lieutenant  Don  Jose  Maria  Estudillo  was  comandante 
of  the  military  post,  and  Don  Vicente  Pablo  de  Sola 
was  governor.  On  a  soft  spring  morning,  while  a 
gentle  breeze  was  blowing  in  from  the  north-west,  the 

O  O 

look-out  stationed  at  Punta  de  Pinos  came  rushing  in 
on  horseback  through  the  presidio  gate,  and  made 
straight  for  the  comandante's  house. 

"  What  is  the  matter?"  asked  Don  Jose,  coming  to 
the  door. 

"A  sail!  A  strange  sail,  far  out  at  sea;  it  is  very 
far  out,  but  it  seems  to  have  the  intention  of  coming 
here,"  replied  the  look-out. 

"Ho,  there  !  My  glass  and  trumpet,"  shouted  the 
commander;  "and  bring  my  coat,  the  best  one  with 
the  gold  braid;  and  don't  forget  my  boots  and  hat. 
Where  is  my  sword  ?  and  hunt  me  up  that  chart  of  the 
flags  of  all  nations." 

Arrayed  in  his  most  imposing  habiliments,  the  com 
mander  was  ready  to  meet  the  enemy. 

"Now  sound  the  drum!"  he  cried,  "and  let  the 
infantry  and  artillery  appear ;  let  all  who  love  their 
country  join  with  me  in  her  defence,  prepared  to 
shed  our  last  drop  of  blood  for  God  and  the  King  I" 


488  INLAND  TRADE  AND   COAST  TRAFFIC. 

The  drummers  rushed  forth,  beating  for  dear  life 
round  the  plaza,  while  the  troops  mounted  their 
horses,  and  the  artillerymen  and  militia  repaired  to 
the  fort.  The  women  made  everything  ready  for 
flight,  and  the  old  men  and  boys  got  out  their  old 
swords  and  fire-locks,  and  scoured  from  them  the  rust. 
At  the  fort  the  men  heated  some  balls  red  hot,  so  as 
to  do  the  fullest  execution  upon  the  ship. 

"Is  it  a  pirate,"  they  wondered,  "or  a  Frenchman, 
or  Yankee?"  It  did  not  matter:  it  was  all  one;  it 
should  see,  whatever  it  was,  that  the  country  was  not 
to  be  so  easily  wrested  from  its  noble  and  brave  de 
fenders. 

Slowly  and  surely  as  an  impending  fate,  the  vessel 
approached,  until  distinctness  marked  its  every  out 
line,  and  the  ever-broadening  sails  were  loosened  and 
allowed  to  flap  in  the  wind. 

The  commander  planted  himself  at  the  foot  of  the 
fort.  He  clutched  his  big  trumpet  nervously;  he 
gazed  at  frequent  intervals  through  his  glass,  and 
studied  attentively  his  flag  pictures.  Life  was  sweet, 
but  his  mind  was  made  up.  Life  without  honor  was 
valueless ;  and  better  eyes  dim  in  death  than  awake  to 
see  California  sons  slain,  her  daughters  ravished,  and 
the  little  children  with  their  brains  dashed  out  upon 
the  rocks! 

By  and  by,  after  faithful  study,  applying  to  the  mat 
ter  to  the  fullest  extent  the  exercise  of  his  astute 
intellect,  the  commander  pronounced  the  strange  sail 
a  schooner  of  80  or  100  tons  burden,  but  of  what 
nation  it  was  impossible  to  determine.  The  streaked 
and  starred  bunting  flying  at  the  mast-head  was  not 
on  his  chart  of  the  flags  of  all  nations,  which  was  fully 
fifty  years  old.  It  was  evidently  a  private  signal,  and 
there  was  not  a  reasonable  doubt  of  its  being  that  of  a 
corsair,  the  red  streaks  signifying  rivers  of  blood,  and 
the  stars  the  number  of  cities  taken.  He  thought  he 
could  discern  warlike  preparations  on  board;  never 
theless,  he  would  play  on  her  at  once  his  old  success- 


BRAVE   DEFENCE.  489 

ful  tactics,  and  raise  a  white  flag.  If  he  could  thus 
lure  the  enemy  into  his  power,  he  might  yet  save  the 
commonwealth.  Presently  the  gallant  comandante 
placed  his  trumpet  to  his  lips  and  bellowed : 

"Quebuque?" 

"No  sabe  Espafiol,"  was  the  reply  which  came  back 
across  the  water  as  from  another  world. 

"Ship  ahoy  1  Que  bandera ? "  bravely  persisted  Don 
Jose,  determined  to  know  the  truth,  however  unpalat 
able. 

"Americana!"  came  from  the  schooner. 

If  there  were  now  only  a  boat  at  hand;  if  Spain,  in 
the  days  of  her  grandeur,  had  only  supplied  the  met 
ropolitan  seaport  of  Alta  California  with  a  boat  where 
with  to  board  ships,  he  would  show  the  world  what 
a  brave  man  will  do  in  the  service  of  his  country.  But 
alas !  there  was  none.  And  not  without  show  of  reason 
Ferdinand,  Charles,  Philip,  might  ask,  why  burden 
Spain  with  the  expense  of  a  small  boat  at  the  port  of 
Monterey,  which  has  no  commerce? 

Meanwhile  the  governor,  who  had  tarried  to  mend 
some  rips  in  his  full-dress  uniform,  appeared  upon  the 
scene,  attended  by  his  officers,  all  with  shoes  blacked 
and  hair  oiled. 

All  on  shore  felt  the  dreaded  moment  approaching, 
as  a  boat  was  seen  lowered  from  the  vessel  and  making 
toward  them.  Fearlessly  it  approached  the  land,  and 
as  the  bow  touched  the  beach  a  man  stepped  forth, 
smirking,  and  nodded  to  the  august  assemblage.  In 
stantly  he  was  surrounded  by  soldiers,  and  the  meas 
ure  taken  of  his  man-killing  capabilities.  He  was 
arrayed  all  in  black,  high  hat  and  swallow-tail  coat— 
a  private  disguised  as  a  priest,  it  was  whispered. 
Fortunately  for  the  peace  of  California,  the  creature 
carried  no  weapon.  He  was  wholly  in  their  power. 
If,  as  they  supposed  him  to  be,  he  was  the  captain  of 
that  great  arid  villanous-looking  craft,  they  had  him 
in  their  power. 

Leaving  the   army  to  guard  the  boat,   lest  some 


490  INLAND  TRADE  AND  COAST  TRAFFIC. 

daring  sailor  should  rush  to  the  rescue  of  his  captain, 
the  Yankee  skipper,  for  such  was  the  quality  of  the 
invader,  in  the  centre  of  a  platoon  of  cavalry  was  con 
ducted  into  the  presence  of  the  governor.  Signifying 
that  he  spoke  only  English,  an  interpreter  was  pro 
cured  in  the  person  of  a  seaman  from  the  boat. 

The  Californians  were  now  in  a  position  to  take  the 
matter  coolly,  as  did  old  Nestor,  who,  after  feasting 
and  sacrificing  with  Telemachus  and  his  crew,  turned, 
and  bluntly  asked  them  if  they  were  thieves  or  mur 
derers,  or  what. 

The  comandante  thought  it  safe  enough  at  this 
juncture  to  charge  the  prisoner  with  being  the  spy  of 
some  enemy,  and  so  he  boldly  said,  though  of  what 
enemy,  and  why  a  spy,  was  not  set  forth  in  the  com 
plaint. 

The  prisoner  declared  he  was  no  spy,  and  was  not 
an  enemy. 

"Then  tell  me,  sir,"  the  governor  demanded,  "who 
you  are,  whence  and  why  you  came,  whither  bound, 
and  what  flag  you  sail  under?" 

"I  am  an  American,"  the  captain  replied;  "I  sail 
under  the  United  States  flag;  I  am  last  from  the  Rus 
sian  possessions,  and  am  bound  for  the  Hawaiian 
Islands;  I  have  stopped  to  offer  for  sale  some  Chinese 
goods,  of  which  I  have  a  supply  on  board." 

The  governor  thereupon  retired  to  his  house  to 
hold  a  council  with  his  officers,  while  the  prisoners 
were  conducted  to  the  plaza,  and  placed  in  the  centre, 
still  closely  guarded. 

While  the  council  were  discussing  the  matter,  the 
sailor  being  minutely  questioned  apart  from  the  cap 
tain,  the  people  of  the  town,  men,  women,  and  children, 
congregated  about  the  captain,  and  discussed  his 
character  and  quality. 

"He  is  a  Jew,"  said  one.  "You  can  tell  by  the  tails 
of  his  coat." 

"He  is  a  cannibal,"  remarked  another;  "for  he 
chews  tobacco,  which  is  more  filthy  than  eating  hu 
man  flesh." 


MIXED  RELIGION.  491 

In  any  event,  they  all  agreed  that  he  was  a  sea- 
heathen,  as  they  could  see  in  every  feature  that  he 
had  never  been  baptized;  and  this  opinion  was  presently 
more  fully  confirmed  in  their  minds  when  the  noon 
bell  sounded  for  the  Ave  Maria,  and  the  prisoner 
neither  kneeled  nor  removed  his  hat  like  the  others. 

"Down!  down  on  your  knees,  barbarian!"  the 
guard  exclaimed,  as  best  they  were  able  to  make 
themselves  understood.  The  skipper  turned  pale, 
thinking  his  hour  had  come,  and  that  he  was  thus  to 
be  shot. 

"Hell!"  said  he,  "you  wouldn't  murder  a  man  like 
wild  Indians,  would  you?"  But  when  he  understood 
that  they  only  wished  him  to  pray  a  little,  he  put 
on  the  outward  appearance  of  piety  with  thankful 
alacrity. 

It  was  a  picture  for  the  tin-type  man,  truly,  the 
soldier  of  mixed  Spanish  and  Indian  blood,  clad  in  his 
cuera,  or  yellow  leather  jacket,  armed  with  long 
sword,  lance,  and  bloody-looking  knife,  kneeling  be 
side  a  ship-master  of  Anglo-Saxon  origin,  in  diplo 
matic  attire,  the  guard  with  bended  head,  having  one 
eye  on  the  being  he  was  praying  to,  and  the  other  on 
the  prisoner,  while  all  around  over  the  plaza  were  the 
scattered  populace  down  on  their  knees  where  the 
stroke  of  the  noon  bell  had  met  them. 

"Ask  your  master  if  he  would  not  like  to  become  a 
Christian,"  said  the  soldier  to  the  sailor,  as  they 
presently  wended  their  way  to  the  governor's  council- 
room,  whither  they  had  been  summoned. 

"He  says  he  is  a  Christian,"  was  the  reply  of  the 
interpreter.  The  Mexican  man  of  prayer  could  not 
believe  such  a  thing  possible  of  one  so  ignorant  of  the 
commonest  intercourse  with  heaven,  and  charged 
the  sailor  with  lying. 

With  the  dust  marks  still  upon  his  knees  and  on  the 
tails  of  his  diplomatic  coat,  the  captain  was  ushered 
into  the  august  presence  of  the  governor. 

"T\Te  cannot  find  you  guilty  of  being  a  pirate  or  a 


492  INLAND  TRADE   AND   COAST  TRAFFIC. 

spy,  for  lack  of  evidence,  though  doubtless  you  are 
both.  A  storm  might  have  blown  you  hither;  and 
wanting  water  you  may  have  said  you  had  Chinese 
goods  to  sell.  Neither  can  we  prove  your  flag  pirati 
cal,  though  it  looks  so,  as  indeed  do  you.  You  may 
have  water;  but  you  must  be  off  within  five  hours  or 
be  hanged." 

We  may  be  sure  that  the  captain  did  not  unneces 
sarily  delay  his  departure.  Five  months  afterward 
an  English  man-of-war  in  like  manner  disturbed  the 

Q 

serenity  of  the  sleepy  capital.  From  the  boat  sert 
ashore,  in  polite  terms  and  good  Spanish,  the  officials 
were  informed  that  the  ship  was  on  a  voyage  of 
observation  round  the  world,  and  had  called  that  the 
officers  might  pay  their  respects  to  the  governor  of 
California.  As  there  were  powder  and  shot  here 
wherewith  to  blow  the  town  to  atoms,  and  as  the  high 
responding  parties  were  smoothed  the  right  way,  the 
reply  was  as  courteous  as  had  been  the  announcement. 


CHAPTER  XVI. 

A  FUTILE  FIGHT  WITH  IGNORANCE. 

For  ignorance  of  all  things  is  an  evil  neither  terrible  nor  excessive,  nor 
yet  the  greatest  of  all;  but  great  cleverness  and  much  learning,  if  they  be 
accompanied  by  a  bad  training,  i3  a  much  greater  misfortune. — Plato. 

OWING  to  the  very  exceptional  nature  of  education 
among  the  Californians,  it  will  be  necessary,  in  treat 
ing  of  what  little  did  exist,  to  enter  somewhat  into 
detail,  and  adhere  strictly  to  the  chronological  order 
of  a  few  meagre  facts ;  for  from  the  earliest  settlement 
of  the  country  until  it  became  an  integral  part  of  the 
American  republic,  California  had  no  well-established 
system  of  schools.  All  of  the  instruction  imparted  to 
her  sons  and  daughters  was  due  to  the  spasmodic  and 
short-lived  efforts  of  rulers,  who,  on  coming  into  office, 
deemed  it  their  duty  to  initiate  reform,  and  yet  lacked 
the  ability  and  power  to  overcome  the  obstacles  which 
at  every  step  confronted  them.  These  obstacles,  we 
shall  find,  were  ever  alike  in  kind,  although  varying 
in  degree,  and  consisted  in  the  chronic  depletion  of 
the  public  treasury,  and  an  inveterate  unwillingness 
on  the  part  of  the  people,  which  was  theirs  by  right 
of  inheritance  from  illiterate  ancestors,  to  give  to  their 
children  an  education  better  than  that  which  had 
fallen  to  their  own  lot. 

In  all  that  pertains  to  the  proper  discipline  and  en 
lightenment  of  the  intellect,  the  Californians,  com 
pared  even  with  their  brethren  in  many  of  the  Mexican 
states,  were  deficient.  Almost  without  exception,  the 
early  settlers,  men  and  women  of  mixed  blood,  drawn 

I  493 ) 


494  A  FUTILE  FIGHT  WITH  IGNORANCE. 

from  the  humbler  ranks  of  Spanish  colonial  society, 
were  unable  either  to  read  or  to  write.  The  alcalde 
of  San  Francisco  in  1781  could  not  sign  his  name  to 
a  document  conveying  the  possession  of  land.  Equally 
ignorant  were  the  non-commissioned  officers  and  pri 
vates  of  the  presidial  companies ;  for  these  men  were 
chiefly  Mexican  half-breeds,  while  the  handful  of 
Spaniards  in  their  ranks  were  of  the  unenlightened 
peasantry  of  the  mother  country;  and  not  infrequently 
it  was  found  necessary  for  the  commanding  officer  at 
one  garrison  to  request  that  there  might  be  sent  to 
him  from  some  other  presidio  a  man  qualified  to  act 
as  amanuensis.  Out  of  fifty  men  comprising  the 
Monterey  company  in  1785,  but  fourteen  could  write. 
Among  the  thirty  men  of  the  San  Francisco  com 
pany,  only  seven  could  write.  Thirteen  years  later 
but  two  out  of  twenty-eight  men  in  this  same  com 
pany  could  write.  Again,  in  1794,  not  a  soldier  of 
the  company  was  able  to  read  or  write,  and  the  com 
manding  officer  asked  that  one  so  qualified  should  be 
sent  to  him  from  Santa  Barbara. 

The  commissioned  officers  themselves  possessed  only 
that  rudimentary  education  at  the  time  considered 
sufficient  for  the  Spaniard  who,  while  yet  scarcely 
more  than  a  child  in  years,  embraced  the  profession 
of  arms;  and  few  of  them  had  the  opportunity,  even 
had  they  possessed  the  inclination,  to  improve  their 
minds  during  the  years  of  hardship  passed  at  a  fron 
tier  post. 

Nor  at  a  time  when  growing  weakness  at  home 
presaged  the  downfall  of  Spanish  dominion  in  Amer 
ica,  did  the  education  of  the  masses  in  a  new  and 
remote  colony  form  any  part  of  the  policy  of  a  gov 
ernment  whose  aim  it  was  in  all  its  cisatlantic  posses 
sions  to  maintain  its  subjects  in  ignorance,  in  order 
that  they  might  less  murmuringly  bear  the  increasing 
exactions  of  the  crown. 

Not  until  children  born  in  California  had  in  their 
turn  become  parents  was  the  least  attempt  made  to 


POSITION  OF  WOMAN.  495 

establish  public  schools  in  the  country;  and  that  child 
was  fortunate  indeed  whose  parents  were  able  or  will 
ing  to  instruct  him  to  the  extent  of  reading  with 
hesitation,  and  writing  the  few  misspelled  words  that 
at  rare  intervals  should  serve  to  convey  to  others  in 
the  very  primitive  ideas  of  the 
some  woman,  fortunate  among 
her  sisters,  with  a  mother's  love  imparted  to  her  little 
ones  her  own  scant  store  of  knowledge,  while  at  times 

O      ' 

the  amiga,  as  she  was  significantly  called,  performed 
the  same  duty  toward  a  neighbor's  child,  or  taught 
to  the  ambitious  soldier  the  simple  accomplishments 
necessary  to  his  promotion.  Jose  Maria  Amador  says 
that  in  his  childhood — and  he  was  born  in  1794 — there 
were  no  schools;  and  what  little  instruction  he,  as 
well  as  his  brothers,  acquired,  he  owed  to  his  mother, 
Maria  Ramona  Noriega,  who  also  instructed  the  chil 
dren  of  some  of  their  neighbors.  She  moreover 
taught  to  read  and  write  a  few  soldiers  desirous  of 
becoming  corporals. 

To  the  count  of  Revilla  Gigedo,  second  viceroy  of 
that  illustrious  house,  and  by  far  the  most  liberal  of 
all  the  viceregal  rulers  of  New  Spain,  is  due  the 
suggestion  which  in  1793  caused  a  royal  order  to  issue 
concerning  education  in  California,  by  which  schools 
were  to  be  established,  not  only  for  the  children  of 
gente  de  razon,  but  for  the  neophytes,  who  were  to  be 
taught  to  read,  write,  and  speak  Spanish,  the  use  of 
their  own  language  to  be  in  every  way  discouraged. 
The  later  portion  of  the  royal  order  was  communicated 
by  Governor  Borica  to  Father  President  Lasuen,  and 
that  most  politic  of  Californian  prelates  hastened  to 
promise  his  cooperatioM  in  a  scheme  of  which  neither 
he  nor  his  subordinate  friars  at  heart  approved;  for 
presently  a  want  of  funds  was  the  extraordinary  ex 
cuse  for  non-compliance,  pleaded  by  men  who  avow 
edly  had  dedicated  their  lives  to  the  rescue  of  their 
fellow-creatures  from  the  multiform  degradation  of 
savagism. 


496 


A  FCJTILE  FIGHT  WITH  IGNORAffCE. 


Borica  did  succeed,  however,  in  establishing  a  sys 
tem  of  public  schools,  if  system  be  the  proper  term 
for  a  plan  alike  crude  in  conception  and  practically 
inefficient.  In  December  1794,  he  inquired  of  the 
commandants  of  the  presidios  and  the  comisionados  of 
the  pueblos,  whether,  in  their  respective  jurisdictions, 
there  were  any  persons  who  knew  how  to  read  and 
write,  and  were  otherwise  fitted  to  become  instructors 
of  children.1  He  also  desired  information  as  to  what 

1  In  the  accompanying  I  give  a  list  of  the  teachers  of  public  schools,  places 
at  which  they  taught,  terms  of  service,  and  salaries,  from  1794  to  1846. 


Name. 

Place. 

Salary. 

Term  of  Service. 

Manuel  de  Vargas  
Ramon  Lasso  
Manuel  de  Vargas  
Jose  Manuel  Toca  
Manuel  Boronda  
Jos6  Rodriguez  
Jos6  Medina  
Jose  Alvarez  
Manuel  de  Vargas  
Rafael  Villavicencio.  .  .  . 
Miguel  Archuleta  
Antonio  Buelna  
Rafael  del  Valle 

San  Jos£  
San  Jo&e.  
San  Diego.   .  .  . 
Santa  Barbara. 
San  Francisco. 
Monterey  
Santa  Barbara. 
San  Francisco. 
Santa  Barbara. 
San  Jos6  
Monterey  .... 
San  Jos£  
San  Jos6  
San  Jose  
San  Jose.  
San  Francisco. 
San  Jos6  
Los  Angeles.  . 
San  Diego  
Monterey  
Los  Angeles.  .  . 
Los  Angeles.  .  . 
StaGertrudis.. 
Los  Angeles.  .  . 
Los  Angeles.  .. 
Monterey  
Monterey  
Monterey  
Branciforte.  .  .  . 
San  Gabriel.  .  . 
Sonoma  
Monterey  .    ... 
S.  Luis  Obispo. 
Santa  Barbara. 
Santa  Cruz  
Santa  Cruz  
Monterey 

2^2  reales  per  child.  .  . 
$250  per  annum  
$125  per  annum  
Taught  gratuitously  .  . 

$2  extra  pay  monthly. 

Dec.  1794-  June  1795. 
jJuly  1795-May  1796. 
July  1795-Dec.  1798. 
lOct.  17^5-June  1797. 
May  1796-June  1797, 
May  1796. 
June  1797-Dec.  17S8. 
July  1797. 
Jan.  1799. 
Oct.  1811. 
Jan.  1818-1822 
-Mar.  1820. 
April  1820-Dec.  18^0. 
Jan.  1821-June  1822. 
July  1822. 
Mar.  1823-Oct.  1823. 
April  1823. 
Jan.  18L8-Nov.  1830. 
Aug.  1828-Dec.  182J. 
Jan.  182A 
Dec.  1830-Dec.  1831. 
Jan.  1832. 
Jan.  1833. 
Jan.  1833. 
Feb.  1833-Feb.  1834. 
Feb.  1833. 
March  1834. 
June  1834. 
July  1834. 
Nov.  1834. 
Nov.  1834. 
Jan.  1835. 
Jan.  1835-Aug.  1835. 
April  1835. 
-Oct.  1835. 
Nov.  183-5. 
Nov.  1835-Nov.  1836. 
Feb.  1836. 
April  1836. 
Dec.  1836. 
July  1838-Sept.  "840. 
April  1840-Dec.  1841. 
Aug.  1840-Jan.  1846. 
July  1841-May  1843. 
Dec.  1841. 
May  1842. 
June  1843-Feb.  1844, 
Aug.  1843-July  1844. 
June  1844-  Apr.  1846. 
June  1844. 
Jan.  1845. 
Jan.  1845. 
March  1845. 
Nov.   1845-J  uly  1846. 
Jan.  184o-July  1846. 



Joaquin  Buelna  
Labastida 

Extra  pay  
Extra  pay  
$10  per  month  
$15  per  month.  

$15  per  month.  
Taught  gratuitously  .  . 

$15  per  month  

Jos6  Berreyesa  
Jose  Antonio  Romero..  . 
Luciano  Valdes  
Antonio  Menendez  
Jos6  Tiburcio  Castro.  .  . 
Joaquin  Botiller  
Vicente  Moraga  
Pablo  de  la  Ossa  
Cristoval  Aguilar  
Francisco  Fantoja  
Petronilo  Rios  
Jose  Maria  Aguila  
Juan  Iguera  
Jose  de  los  Santos  Avila. 
Victor  Prudon  
Ignacio  Coronel  
Miguel  Avila  
Domingo  Amador  
Marcos  Bonilla  
Jos6  Maria  Silva  
Jose  Fernandez  
Jose  Mariano  Romero.  .  . 
Jos6  Zenon  Fernandez.  . 
Juan  Padilla    
Florencio  Serrano  
Ignacio  Coronel  
A.  A.  de  Miera  y  Norena. 
Enrique  Cambuston.  .  . 
Jose  Maria  Carnpina  
Agustin  Davila.  
Jos6  Pena     
W.  E.  P.  Hartnell  
Guadalupe  Medina  
Francisca  Gomez  
Luisa  Argiiello  
Guadalupe  Medina  
Boca  
Jorge  Allen  
Manuel  Gutierrez  
Florencio  Serrano     . 

$20  per  month  
$20  per  month  

$10  per  month  
$1000  per  annum  .... 
$1000  per  annum  

$15  per  month.  
$1000  per  annum  

San  Jose  
San  Antonio.  .  . 
Monterey  .    ... 
Los  Angeles.  .  . 
San  Jos6  
Monterey  
Monterey  
Santa  Cruz  
Santa  Clara.  .  .  . 
Monterey  
Los  Angeles.  .. 
Monterey  
Los  Angeles.  .  . 
Los  Angeles.  .  . 
Sonoma  
Monterey  .    ... 
San  Jote.  
Monterey  

$1000  per  annum  '.'.'.'.'.'. 

$1200  per  annum  
$1000  per  annum  
Each  child  $2.50  per  m. 
$20  per  month.  
$1200  per  annum  
$500  per  annum  ...  :  ... 
$40  per  month  

$40  per  month.  
$500  per  annum 

$40  per  month.  
$1000  per  annum  
$500  per  annum.  .  . 

ACTION  OF  GOVERNORS.  497 

compensation  they  would  require,  and  from  what 
source  this  was  to  come.  Masters  supposed  to  be 
competent  were  found,  and  Borica  repeatedly  expressed 
his  satisfaction  with  the  speedy  success  that  had 
crowned  his  efforts.  Not  later  than  the  12th  of 
December,  1794 — I  am  unable  to  establish  the  date 
more  satisfactorily — Manuel  de  Vdrgas,  a  retired  ser 
geant,  opened  in  the  public  granary  at  San  Jose  the 
first  primary  school  in  California.  Vdrgas  shortly 
afterward  went  to  San  Diego  to  open  a  school  there, 
and  Ramon  Lasso  took  his  place  at  San  Jose.  Early 
in  October  1795,  Jose  Manuel  Toca  became  the  mas 
ter  of  a  school  at  Santa  Barbara. 

I  have  been  unable  to  ascertain  the  names  of  the 
masters  at  Monterey  and  San  Francisco,  the  last  of 
the  presidios  to  have  a  school,  but  the  five  schools 
named  were  in  operation  early  in  1796. 

Not  without  difficulty,  however,  did  the  energetic 
governor  accomplish  what  he  did,  for  at  the  very  out 
set  he  found  himself  confronted  with  the  necessity  of 
creating  funds  for  these  establishments,  and  the  want 
of  properly  qualified  teachers.  The  men  whom  he 
had  appointed  teachers  were  retired  veterans,  whose 
knowledge  of  what  they  were  called  upon  to  teach 
was  but  slight,  and  who  from  their  age  as  well  as 
their  experience  of  life  were  ill  fitted  to  become 
instructors  of  youth.  It  is  possible  that  these  appoint 
ments  were  regarded  by  the  governor  as  temporary, 
and  to  last  only  until  the  arrival  of  teachers  from 
Mexico.  The  other  difficulty  he  hoped  to  evade  by 
decreeing  that  when  the  people  would  not  voluntarily 
support  the  school-master  a  contribution  should  be 
levied,  payable  in  grain  when  money  was  not  forth 
coming.  This  order  was  dated  October  19,  1795,  and 
bachelors  were  to  be  taxed  as  well  as  married  men. 

By  this  decree  the  attendance  of  all  children  over 
seven  and  under  ten  years  of  age,  both  of  civilians  and 
soldiers,  was  made  obligatory;  and  such  of  the  non 
commissioned  officers  of  the  presidial  companies  who 

CAL.  PAST.    32 


498  A  FUTILE  FIGHT  WITH  IGNORANCE. 

were  unable  to  read  and  write  were  ordered  to  attend. 
The  hours  of  school  were  early  in  the  morning  and 
again  in  the  afternoon,  in  order  that  in  the  interval 
the  children  might  aid  their  parents  in  the  necessary 
labor  of  the  household  or  the  field.  The  only  text 
books  were  primers  furnished  by  the  parents  of  the 
children ;  but  paper  for  writing  was  supplied  by  the 
habilitado,  to  whom  it  was  afterward  returned,  that  it 
might  be  made  use  of  in  the  manufacture  of  cartridges. 
The  prime  object  of  instruction  was  to  learn  the  doc- 
trina  cristiana,  or  Christian  doctrine;  and  this  the 
children  acquired  by  rote,  repeating  it  line  by  line  and 
sentence  by  sentence  after  the  master.  Reading  and 
writing  were  matters  of  secondary  importance,  and 
were  taught  to  no  child  until  he  had  treasured  up  in 
his  memory  the  contents  of  the  catechism. 

Upon  the  schools  thus  established,  the  governor 
looked  with  excusable  pride,  for  he  hoped  that  they 
were  but  the  forerunners,  necessarily  imperfect,  of 
flourishing  academies.  He  took  great  interest  in  the 
progress  of  the  scholars,  and  naturally  supposed  that 
the  parents  would  appreciate  his  endeavors.  He  re 
quired  that,  at  stated  periods,  reports  of  the  number 
of  scholars  in  attendance  at  the  different  schools  should 
be  made  to  him,  and  for  several  months  this  was  done. 

He  also  required  that  their  copy-books  should  be 
submitted  to  his  inspection. 

But  presently  there  was  a  notable  falling  off  in  the 
attendance;  nor  could  the  threats  to  which  he  now 
had  recourse  accomplish  what  persuasion  had  failed  to 
do.  Parents,  seeing  that  under  the  instruction  of 
masters  but  little  less  ignorant  than  themselves  their 
children  did  not  make  much  progress,  suddenly  dis 
covered  that  in  order  to  lead  the  same  monotonous 
life  of  sluggish  toil  that  had  fallen  to  their  own  lot, 
not  even  the  most  rudimentary  knowledge  was  imper 
ative.  Books  they  possessed  not,  letters  they  neither 
received  nor  were  called  upon  to  write,  while  the  few 
formal  documents  that  were  needed  could  be  drawn  by 


SCHOOL-MASTERS.  490 

the  few  among  them  capable  of  the  task,  and  who  made 
such  profitless  drudgery  their  business.  Why,  indeed, 
should  their  children  know  more  than  they  or  their 
fathers  knew  ?  Reasoning  thus,  and  with  the  plausible 
pretence  that  the  services  of  their  children  were  neces 
sary  to  the  support  of  the  family,  they  gradually  with 
drew  them  from  the  schools.  On  their  part  the  masters, 
conscious  perhaps  of  their  lack  of  qualifications  for  an 
office  which  had  been  in  a  measure  forced  upon  them, 
as  well  as  discontented  because  of  their  scant  salary 
and  the  difficulty  of  obtaining  even  that  pittance,  took 
but  slight  pains  to  enforce  the  attendance  of  unwilling 
scholars. 

Thus  it  came  to  pass  that  some  time  before  the  ex 
piration  of  Borica's  term  of  office,  teachers  were  almost 
entirely  wanting,  those  who  still  pretended  to  teach 
assembling  their  scholars  but  once  a  week;  and  the 
youth  of  the  country,  instead  of  learning  to  read  and 
write,  and  to  stand  before  the  king  as  that  zealous 
ruler  had  hoped,  were  growing  up  to  manhood  as  their  I 
fathers  had  done,  without  education  save  in  horseman- j 
ship,  and  the  primitive  agriculture  then  practised ;  fit 
for  nothing  but  the  unintellectual  life  of  a  ranchero,  or  I 
enlistment  in  one  of  the  presidial  companies.     A  blight 
fell  upon  education  in  California,  similar  to  that  which 
after  the  death  of  Charlemagne  paralyzed  the  schools 
of  his  empire. 

Another  generation  needed  instruction  before  the 

O 

subject  of  education  was  again  taken  up  in  earnest; 
for  during  the  long  second  term  of  Arrillaga  the 
apathetic,  nothing  was  done  for  the  more  permanent 
establishment  of  better  schools.  But  his  successor  was 
a  man  of  different  mould.  Shortly  after  his  arrival  at 
Monterey,  Sola  summoned  to  his  presence  the  school 
master  and  his  pupils,  the  latter  bringing  with  them 
their  cartridge  paper  and  their  books.  After  exam 
ining  these,  the  governor  announced  his  intention  of 
attending  to  their  education  more  closely  than  his 


500  A  FUTILE  FIGHT  WITH  IGNORANCE. 

predecessor  had  done.  Thereupon,  the  worthy  peda 
gogue,  apparently  considering  this  remark  as  a  reflec 
tion  upon  himself,  and  anxious  moreover  to  bask  in 
the  rays  of  the  rising  sun,  with  much  earnestness  and 
at  great  length,  explained  that  his  pupils  were  well 
read,  though  few  of  them  could  read  a  word,  for  the 
lives  of  various  saints  and  like  ghostly  lore  was  at 
their  tongue's  end.  Many  of  them  were  also  especially 
t^ept  in  the  singing  of  masses,  for  their  voices  had 
been  carefully  trained  by  the  neophyte  Jose,  choir 
master  at  the  neighboring  mission,  and  a  master  of  his 
art;  and  they  took  part  in  the  weekly  processions  of 
the  rosary.  Nor  were  these  the  sole  accomplishments 
of  the  youths  who  yearly  on  the  feast  day  of  Our  Lady 
of  Gruadalupe  pronounced  discourses  in  honor  of  her 
merit,  which  won  the  applause  of  listening  multitudes. 
What  more  was  necessary  than  this  heavenly  disci 
pline?  As  for  a  knowledge  of  earth,  any  fool  keeping 
his  eyes  open  would  learn  that. 

To  this  erudite  tirade,  his  Excellency,  listened  atten 
tively,  at  its  close  remarking  dryly  that  for  all  this  a 
little  education  would  not  harm  the  young  Californians, 
and  that  there  were  other  branches  of  learning  fully 
as  important  as  sacred  music.  After  a  servant  had 
distributed  fruits  and  sweets  to  the  children,  Sola  dis 
missed  them,  bidding  some  of  the  more  advanced 

*  O 

scholars  to  wait  upon  him  the  following  day.  On 
their  presenting  themselves,  he  explained  the  impor 
tance  of  close  attention  to  study,  and  at  the  close  of 
the  interview  presented  them  with  a  copy  of  the  con 
stitution  of  1812,  some  recent  decrees  of  the  cortes 
and  numbers  of  the  Gaceta  de  Mexico,  and,  most  ac 
ceptable  gift  of  all,  a  copy  of  Don  Quixote.  Promising 
them  more  when  these  should  have  been  carefully 
perused,  the  governor  dismissed  the  lads,  who  returned 
to  their  fellows  with  a  glowing  account  of  the  interest 

O  O 

taken  in  them  by  their  new  ruler. 

In  this  way  Sola  caused  the  schools  to  be  reopened 
at  various  places  in  the  province.     As  masters,  he 


COST  OF  LEARNING.  501 

selected  settlers,  or  invalided  soldiers  of  good  character, 
to  whom  a  gratuity  was  given,  or  some  soldier  who 
taught  reading  and  religion.  Out  of  his  own  abun 
dant  means  he  founded  at  the  capital  a  school  for  boys, 
and  one  for  girls.  He  caused  the  reins  of  discipline 
to  be  tighter  drawn,  complaint  against  a  master  being 
regarded  as  a  sort  of  high  treason,  to  be  punished 
with  the  utmost  severity;  and  wisely  holding  that  on 
the  education  of  youth  depends  the  progress  of  the 
state,  punished  such  short-sighted  parents  as  refused 
to  send  their  children  to  the  schools. 

In  a  letter  to  Comandante  Arguello  of  San  Fran 
cisco  he  wrote:  "No  admita  Vm  disculpa  alguna  d  los 
padres  que  rehusan  enviar  sus  hijos  a  la  escuela  porque, 
si  no  se  educa  la  juventud,  el  pais  en  vez  de  progresar, 
forzosarnente  se  verd  obligado  a  retroceder,  cosa  que 
es  deber  de  las  autoridades  evitar  a  todo  riesgo." 

Desirous  of  founding  a  high  school,  he  invited  to 
Monterey  two  Spanish  professors  of  ability  and  ex 
perience;  but  to  men  of  narrow  though  educated 
minds,  life  in  California  proved  irksome,  and  the  im 
ported  pedagogues  remained  in  the  country  but  a  few 
weeks.  Observing  that  the  neophytes  evinced  a  cer 
tain  aptitude  for  singing  the  Latin  of  the  mass,  and 
took  great  interest  in  assisting  at  that  ceremonial  as 
well  as  in  all  pertaining  to  the  service  of  the  church, 
he  proposed  to  the  viceroy  the  establishment  of -a 
college  similar  to  that  of  San  Gregorio  de  jMejico. 
The  expense  was  to  be  borne  by  the  mission  commu 
nities,  each  of  which  should  send  to  the  college  half  a 
dozen  young  Indians,  who,  under  the  supervision  of 
two  of  the  friars,  should  be  taught  writing,  grammar, 
philosophy,  and  ethics.  It  was  Sola's  well-founded 
opinion  that  thus  there  could  soon  be  instructed  a 
body  of  missionaries  who  would  be  of  inestimable  ad 
vantage  in  the  conversion  of  their  kinsfolk.  He  also 
suggested  the  foundation  of  an  establishment  where 
the  female  neophytes,  who  at  the  tender  age  of  three 
years  should  be  taken  from  their  mothers,  might  un- 


502  A  FUTILE  FIGHT  WITH  IGNORANCE.  1 

der  the  care  of  a  discreet  matron  be  instructed  in  the 
ordinary  household  duties  of  women.  But  men  of 
the  stamp  of  Quiroga  no  longer  existed  in  New  Spain, 
while  the  political  condition  of  the  viceroyalty  was 
such  as  to  render  even  the  discussion  of  such  a  scheme 
impracticable. 

It  was  evident  that  no  aid  of  any  kind  could  be 
expected  from  Mexico,  and  Sola  was  left  alone  to 
battle  in  behalf  of  education  against  the  covert  influ 
ence  of  the  friars,  which  fanned  into  open  resistance 
the  inveterate  dislike  of  an  ignorant  people  to  any 
project  for  the  mental  improvement  of  their  children. 
When,  therefore,  in  addition  to  this  the  governor 
found  himself  opposed  and  crippled  because  of  the 
chronic  lack  of  funds  in  the  public  treasury,  it  cannot 
be  wondered  at  that  even  an  enthusiasm  such  as  his 
became  discouraged,  and  that  he  abandoned  the  profit 
less  struggle. 

The  earlier  years  of  Sola's  administration  may  be 
regarded  as  the  golden  age  of  education  in  California, 
since  heretofore  the  schools  had  never  been  equalled, 
while  later  they  were  unsurpassed.  Of  these  schools, 
the  following  is  a  description:  The  room  itself  was 
long,  narrow,  badly  lighted;  with  unadorned  walls, 
save  by  a  huge  green  cross  or  the  picture  of  some 
saint,  generally  the  virgin  of  Guadalupe,  suspended 
over  the  master's  head,  or  to  one  side  of  his  table; 
dirty  everywhere,  and  in  places  dilapidated.  Around 
its  sides  were  ranged  roughly  made  benches.  There 
was  a  rude  platform  at  one  end,  sometimes  with  a  rail 
ing,  but  more  frequently  without,  on  which  was  placed 
a  table  covered  with  a  dingy  black  cloth.  Behind 
this  table  was  seated,  in  a  greasy  dress  of  fantastic 
fashion,  an  old  invalided  soldier  of  ill-tempered  visage 
and  repulsive  presence.  As  the  scholars  reluctantly 
entered  its  chilling  atmosphere,  each  walked  the  length 
of  the  room,  kneeled  before  the  cross  or  saint,  recited 
aloud  the  bendito,  and  crossed  himself.  His  devotions 


THE  LUCKLESS  SCHOOL-BOY.  603 

finished,  he,  trembling,  approached  the  master,  saying, 
"La  mano,  Sefior  maestro;"  whereupon  that  grave 
functionary,  with  a  sort  of  grunt  or  bellow,  gave  him 
his  hand  to  kiss.  The  boy  then  put  his  hat  on  the 
heap  formed  in  a  corner  by  those  of  his  school-fellows, 
took  his  accustomed  seat,  and  as  soon  as  a  larger  boy 
had  shown  him  his  lesson,  began  to  recite,  in  a  high 
tone  and  with  a  vehemence  that  caused  the  veins  of 
his  neck  to  swell,  his  allotted  task  of  the  caton,  or 
primer.  If  learning  to  write,  he  placed  some  heavy 
black  lines,  called  a  pauta,  under  the  coarse  paper, 
wrhich  he  ruled  with  a  piece  of  lead,  afterward  taking 
the  paper  and  his  pen  to  the  master,  who,  sharpening 
the  latter  with  a  knife,  set  him  a  copy  according  to 
his  grade,  of  which  there  were  eight,  ranging  from 
coarse  marks  and  pot-hooks  to  fine  writing  in  the  old- 
fashioned  round  hand.  The  sheet  completed,  the  child 
took  it  to  the  master.  "Here  is  a  blot,  you  little 
rascal  I"  "Pardon,  Sefior  maestro,  to-morrow  I  will 
do  better."  "Holdout  your  hand,  sirrah!"  and  the 
necessary  discipline,  without  which  no  education  could 
be  achieved,  was  duly  administered.  During  the  time 
devoted  to  the  examination  of  the  copies,  the  ferule 
had  but  little  rest.  But  on  the  black  cloth  lay  another 
and  far  more  terrible  implement  of  torture — a  hempen 
scourge  with  iron  points— a  nice  invention,  truly,  for 
helping  little  children  to  keep  from  laughing  aloud, 
running  in  the  street,  playing  truant,  spilling  ink,  or 
failing  to  know  the  lesson  in  the  dreaded  doctrina,  the 
only  lesson  taught,  perhaps,  because  it  was  the  only 
one  the  master  could  teach,  this  latter  offence  being 
unpardonable*  This  very  appropriate  inquisitorial 
implement  was  in  daily  use.  One  by  one  each  little 
guilty  wretch  was  stripped  of  his  poor  shirt,  often  his 
only  garment,  stretched  face  downward  upon  a  bench, 
with  a  handkerchief  thrust  into  his  mouth  as  a  gag, 
and  lashed  with  a  dozen  or  more  blows,  until  the  blood 
ran  down  from  the  little  lacerated  back.  Ah,  heavenly 
Father,  what  fools !  and  what  innumerable  follies  civil- 


504  A  FUIILE  FIGHT  WITH  IGNORANCE. 

ization  and  Christianity  have  to  answer  for!  It  was 
held  that  while  the  children  were  at  school  their  par 
ents  could  not  call  upon  God  in  their  behalf,  but  that 
the  master  was  alone  answerable  to  him,  as  well  as  to 
the  civil  authorities  and  the  church.  The  master  was 
also  responsible  for  any  want  of  application  on  the  part 
of  his  pupils ;  as  a  set-off,  however,  he  was  directed  to 
counsel  and  warn  the  children,  and  to  apply  the  tor 
ture  when  deemed  necessary,  especially  for  shortcom 
ings  concerning  the  doctrina  cristiana,  for  which  no 
excuse,  as  I  have  said,  could  be  accepted.  Moreover, 
the  master's  conduct  was  watched  by  the  parents ;  and 
if  the  children  did  not  make  satisfactory  progress,  com 
plaint  was  made  to  the  comisionado  or  alcalde. 

Six  or  twelve  months  were  devoted  to  the  primer, 
or  A  B  C  book.  A  like  time  was  given  to  the  caton, 
which,  though  also  a  primer,  was  regarded  as  a  second 
book,  an  incongruous  mass  of  reading,  obtuse,  useless, 
corrupt,  absurd;  lessons  of  servility  to  the  stupid 
alcalde;  gross  doctrines  ill  defined.  After  this  the 
child  entered  upon  the  course  of  writing  from  the 
first  to  the  eighth  grade,  after  which  he  learned  the 
first  four  rules  of  arithmetic — this  accomplishment, 
however,  not  being  taught  universally.  Through 
the  whole  course  ran  the  doctrina,  the  most  accursed 
torment  of  all — the  children  reciting  these  sublime 
lessons  of  ignorance  like  parrots. 

Even  in  the  same  school  there  was  no  uniformity 
in  the  reading-books.  They  were  all  religious  works, 
chief  among  them  being  the  famous  Catecismo  de 
Ripalda,  after  which  ranked  in  importance  the  Caton 
Cristiano,  a  Novena  de  la  Virgen,  in  some  one  of  her 
many  attributes,  or  the  life  and  martyrdom  of  any  of 
the  innumerable  Spanish  saints.  In  committing  these 
to  memory,  each  paragraph  was  associated  with  dire 
mental  torments,  the  remembrance  of  each  page 
indelibly  fixed  by  the  all-purifying  scourge. 

Vallejo,  to  whom  I  am  indebted  for  many  facts 
connected  with  the  subject  of  education,  writing  at  a 


RELIGION  IX  EDUCATION.  505 

time  when  upwards  of  half  a  century  separated  him 
from  the  occurrences  which  he  relates,  says:  "The 
catechism  of  Father  Ripalda  1  Who  among  the  sur 
viving  elders  of  the  native  Californians  is  not  ac 
quainted  with  Father  Ripalda?  Who  among  them 
possessed  of  a  glimmering  of  reason,  and  the  least 
desire  for  liberty  of  conscience,  does  not  detest  that 
monstrous  code  of  fanaticism,  which,  like  some  veno 
mous  serpent,  entwining  itself  about  the  heart  of 
youth,  slowly  devours  it? — the  while  implanting  in 
their  innocent  understanding  principles  of  tyranny 
and  superstition  incompatible  with  our  institutions— 
I  had  almost  said  inimical  to  human  dignity!" 

The  Spanish  government,  while  not  prescribing 
what  class  of  text-books  should  be  used  in  the  schools, 
took  especial  pains  to  prohibit  certain  political  cate 
chisms  and  pamphlets  published  in  Spain,  and  which 
seditiously  savored  of  other  things  than  the  divine  right 
of  kings.  Among  the  prohibited  text-books,  which 
do  not,  however,  appear  to  have  made  their  way  to 
California,  were :  "Cateeismo  politico  arreglado  d  la 
constitucion  de  la  monarquia  espanola  para  ilustracion 
del  pueblo,  instruccion  de  la  juventud  y  uso  de  las  es- 
cuelas  de  primeras  letras;  por  D.  J.  C.  en  Cordoba, 
en  la  imprenta  real  de  D.  Rafael  Garcia  Dorninguez — 
aiio  de  1812;  Catecismo  patriotico,  6  breve  exposicion 
de  las  obligaciones  naturales,  civiles  y  religiosas  de  un 
buen  Espanol;  compuesto  por  un  parroco  del  arzobis- 
pado  de  Toledo:  Madrid:  Imprenta  de  Ibarra,  1813; 
Lecciones  politicas  para  el  uso  de  la  juventud  Espanola; 
por  el  Dr.  D.  Manuel  Cupero,  Cura  del  Sagrario  de 
Sevilla:  Impresa  en  la  misma  por  D.  Jose  Hidalgo — 
ano  de  1813  ;  Catecismo  politico  Espanol  constitutional 
que  d  imitacion  del  de  doctrina  cristiana  compuesto  por 
el  Sr  Reynoso,  presenta  al  publico  E.  E.  D.  C.  N.  En 
Malaga,  en  la  oficina  de  D.  Luis  Carreras,  ano  1814; 
Catecismo  cristiano  politico  compuesto  por  un  magis- 
trado  para  la  educacion  de  su  hijo  y  dado  a  luz  por  el 
ayuntamiento  de  Antequera  para  el  uso  de  sus  escuelas, 


506  A  FUTILE  FIGHT  WITH  IGNORANCE. 

impreso  en  la  misma  por  la  viuda  e  hijos  de  Gal  van, 
ano  1814." 

Compare  these  with  the  text-books  we  place  in  the 
hands  of  our  children  to-day,  and  we  may  well  excuse 
any  manifestation  of  feejing  on  the  part  of  one  who, 
like  Vallejo,  had  been  subjected  in  the  days  of  his 
tender  youth  to  their  tortures. 

This,  then,  was  the  routine  of  study  during  five 
days  of  the  week,  except  when  some  feast  or  fast  of 
the  church  gave  the  glad  children  a  holiday.  Satur 
days  were  days  of  review  and  examination.  Occasion 
ally  the  children  were  taken  to  church  in  order  to  be 
present  at  the  mass  and  listen  to  long  sermons,  dry 
and  tedious.  Now  and  then  they  were  made  to  con 
fess  to  some  grim  old  missionary. 

This  was  the  almost  unvarying  routine  of  school-boy 
life.  Their  mothers  had  some  pity  for  them,  as  after 
a  frugal  breakfast,  pale  and  tearful  they  left  their 
homes;  but  their  fathers,  saying,  "As  I  was  ground  so 
be  thou  ground,"  took  away  all  hope.  Vallejo  thus 
graphically  closes  his  account  of  the  early  schools: 
"The  escuela  antigua  was  a  heaping  up  of  horrors,  a 
torture  for  childhood,  a  punishment  for  innocence.  In 
it  the  souls  of  a  whole  generation  were  inoculated 
with  the  virus  of  a  deadly  disease.  .  .  .  There  opened, 
black  and  frightful,  the  tornb  of  thought,  and  the 
school,  which  should  be  the  gilded  vestibule  carpeted 
with  roses,  by  which  the  human  family  enters  the 
sanctuary  of  civilization,  in  the  time  of  the  viceroys 
and  the  earlier  governors  of  California  was  but  the 
gloomy  and  harmful  passage  which  swallowed  slaves 
for  the  future  use  of  monarchy.  In  my  mind  there 
rise  up  such  painful  emotions,  such  bitter  remem 
brances  of  the  sad  consequences  due  to  the  education 
which  our  masters  gave  us,  that  the  mere  recollection 
is  absolutely  painful.  Recalling  to  mind  these  things 
is  like  the  dream  of  the  escaped  victim  who  sees  aris 
ing  from  the  depths  the  spectre  of  his  hated  execu 
tioner.  The  old  school  should  have  been  called  the 


YOUTHFUL  DIPLOMACY.  507 

school  of  servilism,  since  it  was  the  torture-chamber 
wherein  was  done  to  death  the  sentiment  of  dignity 
which  perished  amid  a  thousand  torments,  physical 
and  moral,  encompassing  the  martyrdom  of  the  body, 
and  extinguishing  the  li^ht  of  reason  in  the  new-born 

O  O  O 

man."  Such  being  the  case,  there  was  fully  enough 
of  education  in  pastoral  California,  after  all. 

Not  that  the  little  Californians  were  angels,  deserv 
ing  no  discipline.  They  were  like  other  school-boys 
of  other  times  and  countries  in  frequently  infringing 
the  rules  laid  down  for  their  guidance,  and  were,  in 
deed,  if  the  truth  must  be  told,  sometimes  found  in 
open  rebellion  against  the  master.  At  Monterey,  it 
was  customary  to  allow  the  boys  to  go  to  the  beach 
in  order  to  see  the  incoming  ships.  On  one  of  these 
rare  occasions,  the  Princesa  was  signalled  in  the  offing, 
and  the  usual  permission  was  given.  The  elder 
scholars  had  nearly  completed  a  copy  of  the  habili- 
tado's  accounts,  on  which  they  had  bestowed  unusual 
care,  as  it  was  intended  for  transmission  to  Mexico, 
and  were  bidden  by  the  master  to  carefully  put  away 
their  manuscript,  and  to  close  as  they  went  out  the 
gatera,  or  hole  cut  in  the  door  for  the  passage  of  the 
cat.  Heedless  of  everything  but  the  anticipated 
pleasure,  these  injunctions  were  forgotten,  and  the 
eao-er  children  hurried  to  the  shore.  There  they  met 
Sola,  who  received  them  kindly,  as  was  his  wont,  and 
was  well  pleased  with  their  report  of  the  progress 
made  in  the  task  which  he  had  allotted  to  them.  In 
due  time  the  ship  anchored ;  the  commander  and  pas 
sengers  came  on  shore,  and  the  unwilling  lads  returned 
slowly  to  school,  to  find  that,  in  consequence  of  their 
neglect,  a  number  of  hens  had  invaded  the  classic  pre 
cinct,  and  overturning  the  ink-bottles,  had  ruined  be 
yond  redemption  their  elaborate  copies.  Their  hearts 
almost  ceased  to  beat  as  they  thought  of  the  impend 
ing  consequence ;  for  their  preceptor,  while  miserly  in 
the  expenditure  of  cigarrillos,  was  nowise  niggardly  in 
the  use  of  the  ferule,  which,  moreover,  through  long 


508  A  FUTILE  FIGHT  WITH  IGNORANCE. 

practice,  he  wielded  with  no  mean  skill.  Their  sus 
pense  was  not  long.  The  master  entered,  and  taking 
in  the  situation  at  a  glance,  with  a  scowl  more  than 
usually  demoniacal  ordered  the  whole  school  into  the 
torture-chamber,  an  inner  apartment  with  no  means 
of  egress  save  through  the  school-room.  He  was 
obeyed  in  ominous  silence.  But  when  he  ordered  two 
of  the  elder  boys  to  seize  the  first  victim,  they  flatly 
refused.  Encouraged  by  this  bold  stand,  their  com 
rades  closed  the  wooden  shutter  of  the  only  window, 
and  began  discussing  the  advisability  of  laying  out  the 
pedagogue  on  the  bench,  and  applying  to  his  back 
the  scourge.  If  well  laid  on,  it  might  serve  as  a 
reminder  to  lessen  their  tortures,  which  presently  it 
would  be  their  turn  to  endure.  When  it  fully  came 
home  to  him  —this  amazing  impudence — the  school 
master  took  to  his  heels  and  reported  the  matter  to 
the  commanding  officer  of  the  presidio,  who  in  turn 
informed  the  governor.  A  commissioner  was  sent  to 
investigate  the  matter,  who  pardoned  the  rebels,  on 
the  ground  that  their  excessive  joy  at  the  arrival  of 
the  Prmcesa  so  affected  their  minds  for  the  moment 
as  to  render  them  irresponsible  agents. 

Little  learning  as  the  boys  got,  far  less  was  imparted 
to  the  girls;  it  was  not  necessary  or  desirable  that 
a  woman  should  know  anything  beyond  household 
duties.  Besides  plain  cooking,  plain  sewing,  sufficient 
for  making  plain  clothes,  unvaried  in  fashion,  worn 
by  themselves,  their  husbands,  and  their  children, 
made  up  the  sum  of  their  accomplishments.  With 
the  exception  of  the  single  instance  of  a  girl's  school, 
to  which  I  have  alluded,  there  were  none  established 
until  a  much  later  day.  In  the  towns,  the  daughters 
of  some  of  the  prominent  families  assembled  at  the 
house  of  the  mother  of  one  of  them,  who  taught  them 
to  read  and  write,  in  the  same  way  that  the  boys 
were  taught,  although  not  to  the  same  extent. 
They  also  learned  to  weave  in  hand-looms  the  gaudy 


MISSION  INSTRUCTION.  509 

rugs  which,  spread  upon  the  floor  of  the  church,  served 
them  as  seats.  Or  seated  on  the  floor  of  the  school 
room,  or  of  the  inner  corridor  of  the  house,  each  child 
with  her  hoop-like  embroidery-frame  upon  her  knees, 
they  slowly  wrought  with  the  needle  in  cotton  stuff 
not  over .  fine  the  simple  embroidery  intended  for  the 
embellishment  of  valances,  and  the  like,  which  ulti 
mately  were  to  form  part,  and  frequently  all,  of  the 
maker's  dower.  The  simple  cookery  known  to  Cali- 
fornians,  and  the  care  of  children,  each  girl  learned  at 
home. 

The  friars  took  no  part  in  public  instruction,  and 
this  may  well  excite  our  wonder,  for  they  were  them 
selves  all  men  of  good  education,  some  of  them  deeply 
learned.  But  they  taught,  only  in  a  desultory  way 
and  as  if  for  pastime,  their  favorites  among  the  sol 
diers  of  the  escoltas,  or  the  few  children  de  razon  who 
lived  at  the  missions.  One  enthusiastic  religious  was 

O 

wont  to  arise  at  untimely  hours  of  the  night  in  order 
to  instruct  the  sentry  at  his  post,  and  with  the  ramrod 
of  his  pupil's  musket  trace  in  the  ashes  of  the  guard 
house  hearth  the  letters  of  the  alphabet.  A  few 
there  were  who,  mastering  the  tongue  of  those  whose 

O  O 

welfare,  material  and  spiritual,  was  in  their  keeping, 
endeavored  to  make  clear  to  their  benighted  intel 
ligence  mysteries  not  easily  comprehended  by  Plato 
or  Paul.  As  a  rule,  however,  the  friars,  adopting 
the  traditional  policy  of  their  country  and  their  cloth, 
that  education  was  bad  for  the  Indians,  although  in 
the  few  cases  where  it  had  been  tried  in  California 
the  result  had  been  good,  prevented  the  neophytes 
from  acquiring  a  knowledge  of  reading  and  writing, 
and  taught  even  to  their  household  servants  only  such 
menial  duties  as  were  necessary  to  their  own  comfort. 
Of  what  avail  was  learning  in  this  lotos-land  ?  There 
was  in  it  neither  health,  wealth,  nor  happiness ;  besides, 
it  was  a  great  waste  of  labor;  for  if  the  soul  was 
saved,  the  mind  at  death  would  know  all,  and  that 
was  soon  enough. 


510  A  FUTILE  FIGHT  WITH  IGNORANCE. 

Thus,  as  we  have  seen,  a  twofold  obstacle  hindered 
the  progress  of  education,  and  during  the  administra 
tion  of  Argtiello  nothing  was  accomplished.  In  1824 
he  presided  at  a  meeting  of  the  provincial  assembly, 
on  which  occasion  the  question  of  the  establishment 
of  a  high  school  for  the  education  of  youths  was 
mooted,  but  it  was  decided  that  there  were  no  funds 
that  could  be  applied  to  such  a  purpose.  Of  eight 
members  present,  the  half  spoke  in  favor  of  the  estab 
lishment  of  the  hospicios  de  estudios,  in  view  of  its 
great  benefit  to  California.  A  little  later,  Sola,  who 
still  preserved  his  interest  in  California  as  well  as  his 
enthusiasm  for  the  promotion  of  learning,  and  now 
represented  the  province  in  the  Mexican  congress, 
wrote  to  Argtiello  of  the  formation  of  an  institute  for 
the  promotion  of  science  in  the  republic,  and  invited 
the  Californians  to  contribute  to  the  estimated  expense, 
which  was  not  slight.  Though  aware  that  he  was 
about  to  be  removed,  and,  moreover,  no  friend  to  Sola, 
Argiiello  sent  circulars  to  the  friars,  and  to  the  more 
prominent  among  the  laymen.  The  priests  refused 
to  aid  an  enterprise  favored  by  enemies  of  the  mon 
archy,  and  the  others  said  that  they  had  no  time  for 
science.  California  contributed  nothing;  and  as  the 
other  states  did  no  more,  the  enterprise  failed.  No 
public  interest  in  education  could  be  awakened,  and 
each  father  of  a  family  followed  his  own  inclination. 

Echeandia  held  that  learning  was  the  corner-stone 
of  a  people's  wealth,  and  its  encouragement  the  chief 
duty  and  greatest  glory  of  a  governor.  He  believed 
in  the  gratuitous  and  compulsory  education  of  rich 
and  poor,  Indians  and  gente  de  razon  alike.  These 
were  favorite  ideas  with  him,  openly  and  frequently 
expressed;  and  when  the  matter  came  to  the  ears  of 
the  friars,  who  through  many  channels  ever  kept 
themselves  informed  of  what  was  said  at  the  govern 
ment  house  of  the  territory,  they,  having  neither  for 
gotten  nor  forgiven  his  secularization  scheme,  called 
upon  God  to  pardon  the  unfortunate  ruler  unable  to 


GOVERNORS  AND  FRIARS.  511 

comprehend  how  vastly  superior  a  religious  education 
was  to  one  merely  secular.  This,  however,  did  not 
prevent  the  governor  from  calling  on  the  fathers  to 
establish  at  each  mission,  and  at  its  proper  charges,  a 
primary  school,  whose  teachers  were  to  be  capable 
rnen  of  good  moral  character.  The  fathers  promised 
obedience,  determined  all  the  time  to  disobey. 

While  at  Tepic,  on  his  way  to  take  possession  of 
his  government,  he  had  been  obliged  to  inform  the 
supreme  authority  that  the  two  teachers  of  primary 
schools  in  California  who  had  already  reached  Aca- 
pulco  were  unable  to  go  farther,  because  the  province 
could  not  defray  the  cost  of  their  passage  to  Monterey. 
Shortly  after  he  reached  Monterey  the  assembly,  at 
his  instigation,  voted  to  request  the  supreme  govern 
ment  that  it  should  send,  at  its  own  cost,  some  masters 
for  primary  schools  in  California.  The  number  of 
masters,  who  were  also  to  establish,  if  possible,  an 
academia  de  gramatica,  where  philosophy,  law,  and 
drawing  should  be  taught,  is  not  mentioned.  Me 
chanics  for  a  rope- walk  which  might  be  useful  to  vessels 
were  also  asked  for.  The  requests  were  not  granted. 

Nothing  daunted,  the  governor  continued  to  battle 
with  recalcitrant  friars  and  stupid  ayuntamientos.  He 
left  no  means  untried  to  gain  the  support  of  the  latter, 
in  one  instance  directing  that  there  should  be  elected 
to  that  body  only  members  who  should  at  least  be  able 
to  write  legibly,  and  threatening  that  were  this  requi 
site  not  complied  with  judicial  action  would,  conform 
ably  to  law,  suspend  their  right  of  citizenship. 

Finding  that  the  civil  authorities  were  powerless  to 
carry  out  his  commands,  some  of  them  in  despair 
asserting  that  it  was  useless  to  endeavor  to  pay  a 
teacher  if  not  a  single  child  attended  school,  Echean- 
dia  called  upon  the  commanding  officers  at  the  presidios 
to  compel  parents  to  send  their  children.  This  meas 
ure  was  to  a  certain  extent  effective,  and  the  alcaldes 
again  set  to  with  a  will,  he  of  Monterey  voluntarily 
acting  as  master  of  a  school  whose  sole  belongings  con- 


512  A  FUTILE  FIGHT  WITH  IGNORANCE. 

sisted  of  a  covered  table,  one  arithmetic,  and  four 
primers. 

So  the  magistrate  was  able  to  make  a  brave  show 
ing — on  paper — when  in  1829  he  reported  to  the 
supreme  government  that  there  were  in  existence  in 
the  province  eleven  primary  schools,  with  an  attend 
ance  of  339  pupils.  This  report  was  dated  at  San 
Diego,  May  19,  1829. 

The  schools  were  as  follows:  one  at  San  Jose 
pueblo  with  30  scholars;  one  at  San  Miguel  mission 
with  three  scholars;  one  at  Santa  Barbara  presidio 
with  67  scholars;  one  at  Santa  Barbara  mission  with 
44  scholars;  San  Buenaventura  had  36  scholars;  San 
Fernando  20;  Los  Angeles  pueblo  61;  San  Diego 
presidio  18;  San  Gabriel  mission  8;  San  Juan  Capis- 
trano  17;  San  Luis  Key  35.  It  will  be  observed  that 
the  Monterey  school  was  once  more  closed  for  want  of 
a  teacher,  and  that  of  San  Francisco  had  not  been 
reopened. 

The  governor  added  that  the  schools  had  been  par 
alyzed  by  the  lack  of  funds  and  the  impossibility  of 
obtaining  suitable  teachers.  Municipalities  and  mis 
sions  were  now  prepared  to  pay  capable  teachers;  for 
even  at  the  schools  for  gente  de  razon  only  poor 
instruction  was  given  in  the  doctrina  cristiana,  read 
ing,  and  writing.  At  the  mission  schools  the  young 
neophytes  learned  only  to  sing  the  mass  awkwardly, 
to  play  wind  and  stringed  instruments,  and  repeat  the 
doctrina,  while  the  attendance  was  small  because  of 
the  necessary  work  afield.  He  therefore  called  on  the 
supreme  government  for  aid. 

But  the  enthusiasm  of  the  subordinate  authorities 
was  short-lived,  and  Echeandia,  unable  to  contend 
against  the  enmity  of  the  friars,  the  indifference  of  the 
people,  and  the  poverty  of  the  treasury,  accomplished 
no  more  than  his  predecessors  had  done.  Reluctantly 
he  abandoned  the  contest,  and  the  cause  of  education 
again  declined.  The  schools,  few  in  number  and  pre 
sided  over  by  incapable  teachers,  were  open  only 


CASA  DE  EDUCACION.  513 

about  one  third  of  the  time,  at  irregular  intervals,  and 
for  brief  periods,  according  to  the  condition  of  the 
treasury.  Any  circumstance  was  seized  upon  as  a 
pretext  for  closing  the  schools.  In  March  1832,  it 
coming  to  light  that  the  assessor  had  introduced  some 
aguardiente  without  paying  duty  thereon,  the  mer 
chants  at  Monterey  also  resisted  payment  on  their 
introductions  of  liquor  until  the  assessor  should  pay. 
Consequently  the  schools,  which  at  the  time  were 
maintained  by  these  funds,  were  closed.  Some  of  the 
teachers  of  the  mission  schools  went  so  far  as  to 
employ  their  pupils  as  servants  about  the  house,  or  in 
gathering  herbs  which  the  master  sold  for  his  own 
profit.  During  the  period  of  anarchy  which  followed 
Echeandia's  term  of  office,  and  even  before  the  secu 
larization  of  the  missions,  these  schools  one  by  one  had 
ceased  to  exist. 

At  this  juncture  W.  E.  P.  Hartnell,  a  Roman 
catholic  Englishman  of  liberal  education,  and  profi 
cient  as  a  linguist,  who  some  years  previously  had 
married  a  woman  of  the  country  and  engaged  in  trade 
at  Monterey,  in  which  he  had  not  met  with  success, 
concluded  to  establish  at  Monterey  a  school  for  boys. 
For  that  purpose  he  associated  himself  with  the  Rev. 
Patrick  Peter  Short,  a  refugee  priest  from  the  French 
missions  at  the  Hawaiian  Islands.  He  also  obtained 
the  concurrence  of  the  friars,  and  of  the  governor,  Fi- 
gueroa,  who  promised  aid.  Hartnell  thereupon  issued 
a  prospectus.  In  this  document,  which  is  dated  De 
cember  10,  1833,  he  announced  that  he  would  open  a 
rcasa  de  educacion'  for  a  limited  number  of  pupils, 
not  under  eight  years  of  age.  He  counted  upon  the 
patronage  of  the  government,  and  of  a  considerable 
number  of  honorable  citizens  and  foreigners,  who  had 
already  contributed  liberally  to  the  preliminary  ex 
penses  of  the  undertaking.  By  the  favor  of  God,  the 
establishment  would  be  opened  at  the  beginning  of 
the  coming  year;  and  as  there  were  but  limited  ac 
commodations  for  pupils — the  wilderness  hereabout 


OAL.  PAST. 


514  A  FUTILE  FIGHT  WITH  IGNORANCE. 

being  narrow — early  application  should  be  made.  In 
struction  would  be  given  in  reading  and  writing;  Span 
ish  grammar;  French,  English,  German,  and  Latin; 
arithmetic  and  book-keeping ;  mathematics  and  philos 
ophy.  Particular  attention  would  be  given  to  teach 
ing  the  Christian  doctrine,  and  to  the  boys'  habits 
and  manners.  For  his  board  and  lodging  and  educa 
tion,  each  pupil  should  pay  $200  yearly.  They  should 
furnish  their  own  books  and  stationery,  and  bring 
with  them  certain  articles  of  clothing.  Three  weeks 
thereafter,  namely,  on  January  1,  1834,  the  Seminario 
de  San  Jose^  was  formally  opened  at  the  rancho  del 
Patrocinio,  an  estate  near  Monterey  belonging  to 
Hartnell.  Fourteen  boys  were  brought  together 
under  these  happy  auspices,  and  yet  in  a  year  and  a 
half  the  school  was  closed. 

In  May  1834  Governor  Figueroa  reported  to  the 
supreme  government  that  there  were  primary  schools 
only  at  Monterey,  Santa  Bdrbara,  and  Los  Angeles, 
which  were  taught  by  ill-qualified,  inexperienced  men, 
and  attended  by  but  few  children.  They  were  all  for 
boys;  for  girls  none  existed;  nor  of  late  years  had 
any  attempt  been  made  in  the  direction  of  female 
education.  These  facts  the  governor  set  forth  in  a 
speech  delivered  shortly  afterward  at  the  opening 
session  of  the  assembly,  whereupon  that  body  asked 
from  the  supreme  government  an  annual  sum  for  the 
support  of  public  schools,  to  which  request  no  atten 
tion  was  paid. 

Aid  was  at  hand,  however;  while  the  governor  and 
the  ayuntamientos  were  searching  for  men  and  money, 
the  Hijar  colony  arrived,  with  a  teacher  for  the 
normal  school,  which  it  was  proposed  to  establish  at 
Monterey,  and  eight,  of  whom  one  was  a  woman,  for 
the  primary  schools. 

At  a  session  of  the  -assembly,  held  November  3, 
1834,  a  bill  of  the  following  tenor  was  passed:  1.  The 
governor  should  designate  the  places  at  which  the 


THE  HIJAR  TEACHERS.  615 

teachers  brought  by  Hijar  were  to  open  schools.  2. 
These  teachers  should  receive  the  salary  assigned  them 
by  Hfjar — $1,000  per  annum — and  be  paid  from  the 
municipal  funds,  or  the  community  property  of  the 
missions,  as  the  governor  might  determine,  in  money 
or  in  produce.  3.  The  teachers  of  primary  schools 
should  first  be  required  to  pass  the  examination  by 
law  indicated.  4.  The  teacher  proposed  for  the 
normal  school  should  also  comply  with  the  law  pre 
vious  to  establishing  himself  at  the  capital.  5.  The 
governor  should  see  to  it  that  one  or  more  persons 
from  each  pueblo,  chosen  from  among  those  most  apt 
for  the  purpose,  attended  the  normal  school.  These 
should  be  maintained  while  at  the  normal  school  by 
the  pueblos.  6.  Senora  Ignacia  Paz  should  open  at 
Monterey  a  primary  school  for  girls ;  she  should 
undergo  an  examination,  and  receive  a  salary  of  $600 
per  annum. 

Still  the  cause  of  education  did  not  thrive.  The  Cali- 
fornians  did  not  like  new-comers ;  and  soon  there  were 
complaints  on  the  score  of  morals  against  the  masters. 
Some  of  these,  finding  Hijar's  representations  to  some 
extent  false,  returned  to  Mexico.  Then  some  of  the 
schools  were  confided  to  the  old-time  pedagogues,  who 
were  incompetent,  he  of  Monterey,  for  instance,  being 
unable  to  spell  correctly  his  native  language.  And 
above  all,  the  old  opponents  of  progress,  the  ignorance 
and  indifference  of  the  people,  which  led  them  in  some 
cases  into  avowed  opposition  to  the  governor's  scheme, 
were  unconquerable. 

At  Los  Angeles  not  a  man  could  be  found  who  was 
able  to  discharge  the  duties  of  fiscal  in  an  alcalde's 
court.  Of  thirty  rancheros  of  San  Antonio,  San 
Pablo,  and  elsewhere,  who  petitioned  the  governor 
that  their  properties  might  be  separated  from  San 
Francisco  and  joined  to  San  Jose,  only  eleven  could 
sign  their  names. 

At  first  the  alcaldes,  urged  thereto  by  the  governor, 
threatened  to  punish  the  priests  who  did  not  comply 


516  A  FUTILE  FIGHT  WITH  IGNORANCE. 

with  the  law;  but  these  having  little  effect,  educational 
matters  were  allowed  to  drift  and  decline. 

In  February,  1835,  Figueroa  instructed  the  alcalde 
of  San  Diego  that  parents  need  not  be  required  to 
send  their  children  to  the  school  when  this  was  not 
convenient.  At  the  San  Diego  ex-mission  the  In 
dians  were  excused  from  attending  school  because  they 
did  not  like  the  master.  Kind  treatment  or  punish 
ment  equally  failed  to  prevent  the  schools  from  being- 
deserted;  parents  preferred  to  employ  their  children 
in  labor,  and  when  search  was  made  for  them  by  some 
conscientious  master — which,  however,  was  of  rare  oc 
currence — they  concealed  themselves. 

Nor  was  Alvarado,  himself  one  of  a  handful  of  native 
Californians  who  in  spite  of  all  obstacles  had  acquired 
some  little  education,  a  whit  more  successful  in  his 
persistent  endeavor  to  advance  the  cause  of  learning. 
His  first  message  to  the  so-called  congress  of  Califor 
nia  urged  the  necessity  of  public  instruction,  and  he 
made  other  appeals  to  the  same  effect.  But  the 
treasury  still  remained  in  its  normal  empty  condition, 
and  save  by  the  stereotyped  reiteration  of  laws  on  the 
part  of  the  ayuntamientos,  nothing  was  accomplished. 
Continuing  his  efforts,  however,  the  governor  visited 
frequently  the  schools  at  the  capital,  rewarding  the 
meritorious  and  rebuking  those  deserving  of  censure. 
But  the  government  was  powerless  to  render  pecuniary 
aid,  and  the  negligence  of  parents  insurmountable.  At 
Los  Angeles,  when  Ignacio  Coronel,  a  man  of  fair 
education  and  good  ability,  called  a  meeting  of  his 
fellow-townsmen  to  select  a  suitable  locality  for  the 
school  of  which  he  had  charge,  there  was  exhibited  an 
almost  entire  lack  of  interest  in  the  matter,  and  few  of 
those  present  offered  to  contribute  to  the  necessary 
expense. 

After  four  years,  Alvarado,  in  another  speech  de 
livered  at  the  opening  of  the  assembly,  said  that  in 
the  whole  territory  there  was  scarcely  a  single  school. 


CALIFORNIANS  AT  THE  ISLANDS.  517 

That  the  ignorance  of  the  people  was  as  great  as  ever, 
is  evidenced  by  a  mass  of  documents  in  my  collection. 
At  Santa  Barbara  there  was  no  one  qualified  to  act 
as  secretary  to  the  alcalde's  court  At  San  Jose  the 
juez  de  paz,  as  he  himself  informed  the  prefect,  being 
unable  to  write,  appointed  an  amanuensis. 

While  it  was  so  impossible  to  maintain  in  the  terri 
tory  the  necessary  primary  schools,  it  was  proposed 
that  a  number  of  young  Californians  should  be  edu 
cated  at  the  military  academy  of  Chapultepec.  The 
plan  was  abandoned,  however,  on  the  ground  that  it 
was  better  to  bring  up  Californians  in  their  own  coun 
try,  where  their  morals  were  less  likely  to  be  cor 
rupted,  and  where  they  were  less  liable  to  be  seduced 
into  participation  in  revolutions. 

About  this  time  the  sons  of  several  foreigners  who 
had  married  Californians,  and  had  settled  in  the  coun 
try,  were  in  need  of  education,  and  with  a  few  of  the 
sons  of  native  Californians,  were  sent  to  a  school  at 
the  Hawaiian  Islands,  which  had  been  for  several 
years  successfully  taught  by  the  missionaries.  But 
the  expense  deterred  many  parents  from  sending  their 
sons  thither.  After  they  had  been  there  some  months, 
the  boys  wrote  to  their  parents  asking  for  some  horses 
and  their  equipments.  The  first  Sunday  after  receiv 
ing  the  gifts  they  went  out  to  amuse  themselves,  and 
other  game  being  scarce,  they  lassoed  and  nearly  killed 
three  natives.  The  boys  were  arrested  and  lodged  in 
jail,  being  liberated  only  at  the  intercession  of  the  for 
eign  consuls. 

When  Bishop  Garcia-Diego  took  possession  of  his 
diocese,  he  signified  in  his  first  pastoral  his  intention 
of  attending  to  the  primary  schools;  and  in  accord 
ance  with  orders  from  Rome,  he  busied  himself  with 
the  project  of  founding  a  seminary  at  Santa  Barbara. 
But  although  he  succeeded  in  obtaining  from  Michel- 
torena  a  grant  of  eight  square  leagues  of  land,  he  was 


518  A  FUTILE  FIGHT  WITH  IGNORANCE. 

unable  to  raise  the  money  for  building  an  episcopal 
residence. 

<  Micheltorena  endeavored  to  adopt  a  new  system  for 
the  establishment  of  schools.  He  exhorted  the  mas 
ters  to  be  patient  and  kind,  and  sought  by  means  of 
rewards  to  arouse  in  the  children  a  love  of  study. 
These  he  caused  to  be  distributed  at  an  examination 
of  the  pupils  of  the  Monterey  schools,  and  made 
similar  gifts  at  such  times  as  he  visited  them  unan 
nounced.  Among  other  reforms,  he  concluded  that 
instead  of  two  poor  teachers  for  the  normal  school,  at 
salaries  of  $1,000  and  $1,200,  one  good  one  was  better, 
and  Hartnell  was  appointed  with  a  salary  of  $1,200. 
He  also  stimulated  to  action  the  ayuntamiento  of  Los 
Angeles,  although  the  corporation  wondered  where 
the  necessary  funds  were  to  come  from. 

The  ayuntamiento,  at  its  session  of  January  11, 
1844,  claimed  that  there  were  no  municipal  funds 
which  could  be  appropriated  to  the  schools,  for  there 
were  none  except  such  as  arose  from  fines  and  land 
dues,  and  requested  that  Los  Angeles  might  be  put 
on  an  equal  footing  with  Monterey,  whose  schools 
received  an  annual  appropriation  of  $600.  The  gov 
ernor  replied  that  he  was  engaged  in  preparing  regu 
lations  for  the  schools,  and  that  meanwhile  $500  per 
annum  should  be  given  to  the  schools  of  Los  Angeles. 
Micheltorena  also  agreed  to  purchase  a  suitable  build 
ing  for  a  school. 

The  governor  spent  several  weeks  in  perfecting  his 
educational  scheme,  and  finally  issued  a  decree  by 
which  schools  were  reestablished  at  San-  Diego,  Los 
Angeles,  Santa  Bdrbara,  Monterey,  San  Jose,  San 
Francisco,  and  Sonoma.  The  plan  adopted,  though 
but  a  slight  improvement  on  the  others,  was  perhaps 
the  best  that  under  the  circumstances  could  have  been 
devised.  The  decree  was  issued  May  1,  1844,  and 
contained  the  following  articles:  1.  Each  school  as 
soon  as  opened  should  be  located  in  the  teacher's 
house  until  a  suitable  locality  was  provided.  2.  Head- 


THE  GOVERNOR'S  PLAN.  519 

ing,  writing,  the  four  fundamental  rules  of  arithmetic, 
and  the  doctrina  should  be  taught.  Girls,  however, 
should  also  be  instructed  in  making  and  mending 
clothes,  and  to  a  certain  extent  in  embroidery  and 
weaving  by  hand.  3.  The  schools  should  be  open 
from  8  to  11  A.  M.  and  from  2  to  5  P.  M.,  except  on  Sun 
days,  national  holidays,  the  saint's  day  of  the  town, 
and  scholars  were  excused  on  their  own  saint's  day. 
4.  All  children  of  from  6  to  11  years  of  age  should 
attend  school,  unless  a  valid  reason  was  given  for  not 
doing  so,  or  unless  the  child  were  instructed  at  home 
or  elsewhere,  in  the  branches  specified.  5.  The 
school-mistress  might,  if  she  would,  receive  children  of 
less  than  the  specified  age.  6.  When  it  should  be 
necessary  to  exact  the  fine  or  impose  other  penalties, 
as  specified  by  law,  the  judge  must  take  into  consid 
eration  the  circumstances  of  the  case;  for  the  child 
might  be  ill,  or  have  to  work  at  home.  7.  Pupils 
were  to  furnish  their  own  books  and  stationery.  8. 
The  school- mistresses  were  to  be  appointed  by  the 
governor,  from  names  sent  to  him  by  the  ayunta- 
mientos,  and  were  to  receive  each  $40  monthly,  the 
payment  being  preferred  to  that  of  any  salary  in  the 
territory.  9.  The  school-mistress,  always  keeping 
good  order  in  view,  should  arrange  the  school  work  to 
suit  themselves — the  sexes,  however,  being  kept  sepa 
rate — should  attend  to  the  religious  education  of  the 
children,  and  pay  due  regard  to  their  acquiring  proper 
social  manners.  10.  The  most  holy  virgin  of  Guada- 
lupe  was  named  as  patroness  of  the  schools,  and  her 
image  was  to  be  assigned  a  suitable  place  in  each  of 
them. 

The  governor  likewise  issued  a  proclamation,  in 
which,  after  an  exhortation  on  the  usefulness  of  edu 
cation  and  a  recital  of  the  obstacles  which  heretofore 
had  prevented  the  establishment  of  schools,  he  called 
upon  the  patriotism  of  officials  and  people  to  support 
them.  The  proclamation  closed  with  the  announcement 
that  on  the  first  Monday  in  June  the  schools  should  be 


520  A  FUTILE  FIGHT  WITH  IGNORANCE. 

opened  with  a  solemn  mass,  and  with  the  concurrence  of 
all  the  leading  people.  It  does  not  appear  that  schools 
were  even  opened  at  all  of  the  places  indicated  by  the 
governor,  and  at  the  places  where  they  were  estab 
lished  it  was  found  to  be  impossible  to  raise  money  to 
pay  the  teachers. 

In  the  autumn  of  this  year,  another  attempt  was 
made  by  a  few  foreigners  to  secure  an  education  for 
their  sons,  who  had  long  since  returned  from  the  Is 
lands;  but  the  plan  was  never  carried  into  effect. 

Nine  men  signed  an  agreement,  whereby  each  was 
to  pay  annually  for  three  years  $100  to  a  school-master 
from  the  United  States,  who  should  be  a  Roman  cath 
olic,  and  bring  with  him  satisfactory  certificates  as  to 
ability  and  character.  He  should  teach  Spanish  and 
English  grammar,  writing,  and  mathematics  for  six 
hours  daily  during  five  days  of  the  week.  Each  sub 
scriber  had  the  privilege  of  sending  two  boys  to  the 
school,  and  by  the  payment  of  an  additional  $50  was 
entitled  to  send  a  third ;  but  the  number  of  pupils  was 
never  to  be  more  than  thirty-six.  Each  subscriber 
agreed  to  board  the  master  for  three  months,  either  at 
his  own  house  or  some  other,  and  each  was  to  furnish 
the  books  and  stationery  used  by  his  sons.  At  other 
hours  than  those  specified,  the  master  was  at  liberty 
to  teach  other  pupils. 

A  visionary  proposition  was  made  to  the  govern 
ment  by  Henri  Cambuston,  a  Frenchman  who  had 
been  master  of  the  Monterey  school,  but  had  been 
discharged  on  account  of  some  trouble  with  the  pre 
fect.  He  offered  to  teach  more  branches,  from  pri 
mary  instruction  to  the  application  of  the  sciences, 
than  any  four  men  could  have  taught  properly;  the 
offer  was  not  accepted. 

Within  a  year  after  its  adoption,  the  impracticability 
of  Micheltorena's  regulations  for  the  schools  had  been 
abundantly  shown,  and  he  had  but  just  left  the  coun 
try  when  the  assembly  resolved  to  ask  the  supreme 


PROHIBITION  OF  BOOKS.  521 

government  to  furnish  five  teachers  of  primary 
schools  on  the  Lancasterian  plan,  and  two  professors 
competent  to  teach  the  higher  branches  and  the  two 
principal  foreign  languages.  But  when  this  request 
reached  Mexico,  other  matters  engaged  the  atten 
tion  of  the  government,  and  the  request  was  not 
granted. 

During  his  brief  term  of  office,  Pico  took  steps  for 
the  establishment  of  schools  similar  to  those  attempted 
by  his  predecessors,  and  encountered  the  same  obsta 
cles — -want  of  funds,  lack  of  competent  teachers,  indif 
ference  on  the  part  of  parents — which  rendered  his 
efforts  fruitless. 

Such  is  the  brief  history  of  the  schools  of  Califor 
nia  under  the  dominion  of  Spain  and  Mexico.  There 
were,  indeed,  none  worthy  of  the  name  until  a  differ 
ent  race  came  into  possession  of  this  fair  land,  and 
broke  the  spell  that  seems  to  bind  every  colony  of  the 
Spaniards  still  ruled  by  their  descendants.  The  Cali- 
fornians  of  1846  were  scarcely  more  learned  than  those 
of  17G9;  they  hardly  knew  enough  fully  to  realize 
their  ignorance. 

In  1845  but  eleven  of  twenty-five  voters  at  San 
Diego  were  able  to  write.  In  March  1845  Alcalde 
Leese  of  Sonoma  reported  to  the  governor  that  the 
pueblo  contained  upward  of  100  inhabitants,  but  that 
among  the  civilians  there  were  but  two  persons  com 
petent  to  serve  as  judges,  for  they  were  the  only  ones 
who  could  write.  Two  months  later,  Marcos  Baca, 
one  of  the  persons  referred  to  by  Leese,  requested  the 
governor  to  excuse  him  from  acting  as  judge,  for  he 
could  neither  read  nor  write.  Baca  stated,  moreover, 
that  the  judge  should  be  removed  from  office,  as  he 
also  was  incapable.  Private  letters  and  official  docu 
ments  in  my  collection,  in  penmanship  and  in  spelling, 
as  well  as  in  the  crudity  of  the  ideas  expressed,  bear 
testimony  to  a  lamentable  condition  of  ignorance. 

Among  such  a  people  books  were  a  superfluity;  and 


522  A  FUTILE  FIGHT  WITH  IGNORANCE. 

only  in  later  years  were  a  few  volumes  collected  by 
two  or  three  individuals.  During  the  early  years  of 
the  missions,  they  had  been  furnished  with  certain 
approved  religious  and  historical  works.  Among 
these  were  copies  of  Venegas  and  Palou's  Vida  de  Ju- 
nipero  Serra.  But  the  Inquisition,  which  throughout 
Spain's  wide  domain  was  the  ruler  in  all  that  related 
to  the  mental  development  of  her  subjects,  prohibited 
the  introduction  into  California  of  any  but  a  certain 
stripe  of  books,  and  watch  was  kept  on  the  luggage  of 
the  few  foreigners  who  visited  the  country. 

In  January  1797,  the  governor,  writing  to  the 
viceroy,  reported  that  Captain  Dorr's  French  pilot 
had  furnished  him  with  the  voyages  of  Biron,  Car- 
taret,  and  Cook,  and  that  he  had  given  in  return  the 
memoirs  of  Sully  and  the  voyages  of  Tavanier.  As 
these  works  were  all  in  the  French  language  they 
could  not  have  worked  great  harm  to  people  unable 
to  read  them. 

One  would  think  that  it  was  about  time  for  mind 
to  be  emancipated  in  America,  but  one  of  the  first 
acts  of  the  church  in  Mexico  was  to  insist  upon  the 
full  rigor  of  the  prohibition.  Heretofore,  indeed,  the 
ban  had  been  inoperative,  because  there  were  no 
transgressors;  but  now  that  trade  with  California  was 
open  to  the  world  the  case  was  different.  The  Bos 
ton  skippers  arid  supercargoes  indulged  in  little  ven 
tures  of  their  own,  which  did  not  appear  on  the  ship's 
manifest — among  other  things  a  few  books  which  they 
bartered  for  hides  and  tallow  to  two  or  three  Califor- 
nians  athirst  for  knowledge.  The  friars  were  vigilant, 
however,  and  not  infrequently  detected  the  illicit 
traffic,  and  condemned  the  volumes,  in  all  the  sober 
ness  of  mediaeval  times,  to  be  burned  in  the  market 
place.  In  1831  some  persons  who  had  in  this  way 
come  into  possession  of  prohibited  books  were  duly 
disciplined  by  the  church. 

But  in  the  lotos-eating  days,  few  books  were  ac 
quired,  and  except  the  collections  of  religious  works 


LIBRARIES  AND  BOOK-BURNERS.  523 

at  the  missions,  which  at  the  time  of  their  seculariza 
tion  consisted  in  the  aggregate  of  some  3,000  volumes 
valued  in  the  inventories  at  about  $4,800,  there  was 
no  such  thing  as  library,  public  or  private,  in  Califor 
nia,  until  the  arrival  of  the  Hijar  colonists,  who 
brought  with  them  a  few  books.  While  limited  in 
number,  these  must  also  have  been  only  such  as  the 
church  permitted,  for  as  late  as  1838,  at  least,  the 
supreme  government  ordered  certain  books  to  be 
taken  away  from  their  owners  and  destroyed.  A  list 
of  works  "  contraries  d,  la  religion  que  de  pronta 
providencia  se  manda  recoger  e  impedir  su  introduc- 
cion,"  is  given  in  an  order  issuing  from  the  depart 
ment  of  state,  dated  July  2,  1838.  And  this  was 
only  eleven  years  prior  to  the  time  when  such  a  flood 
of  infernal  literature  was  poured  into  the  country  as 
should  call  Serra  SaJvatierra,  and  all  the  rest  of  them 
back  to  that  dear  old  besotted  book-burner,  Zumdrraga. 
Shakespeare,  Smollett,  and  Shelley.  Oh  !  Tom  Paine 
and  Luther,  Bunyan  and  Byron,  Voltaire  and  Victor 
Hugo,  Eugene  Sue,  Paul  de  Kock,  and  Reynolds. 
Oh !  Oh  I  Oh  1  If  now  the  scions  of  California  nobility 
could  only  read  what  delicious  draughts  of  wickedness 
might  be  theirs  1 

There  were  in  1846  three  or  four  libraries  in  Cali 
fornia,  other  than  those  of  the  missions,  being  M.  G. 
Vallejo's,  at  Sonoma,  Hartnell's,  which  had  cost  him 
a  good  sum,  and  from  which  he  readily  lent  to  his 
friends ;  Francisco  Pacheco's  collection  was  worthy  of 
notice,  consisting  as  it  did  of  periodicos  empastados,  and 
books  on  Mexican  history.  Captain  de  la  Guerra  at 
Santa  Barbara  had  a  lot  of  scientific  and  religious 
books.  None  of  these  libraries  remained  long  in  the 
original  owner's  possession,  Vallejo's  being  burned; 
Hartnell's  divided  among  his  descendants;  Pacheco's 
went  into  the  possession  of  his  brother-in-law,  Mariano 
Malarin,  of  Santa  Clara.  De  la  Guerra's  was  proba 
bly  scattered  among  his  sons  and  their  descendants. 


524  A  FUTILE  FIGHT  WITH  IGNORANCE. 

The  padres,  as  I  have  intimated,  during  the  period 
of  fall  sway  over  the  consciences  of  the  Californians, 
did  all  they  could  to  check  intellectual  development, 
by  preventing  the  circulation  of  books  containing 
modern  philosophical  ideas.  A  number  of  books  re 
ceived  by  one  of  the  Carrillos  from  the  American 
bark  Volunteer  were  burned  by  the  missionaries,  who 
obtained  after  much  exertion,  the  permission  of  the 
jefe-politico,  Echeandia.  This  was  between  the 
years  1825  and  1831.  In  the  latter  year  on  board  of 
the  Mexican  vessel  Leonor  was  a  large  collection  of 
books  of  the  class  interdicted  by  the  church.  They 
were  the  property  of  the  German  merchant  Virmond, 
and  were  not  on  the  ship's  manifest.  A  spiteful  or 
fanatical  sailor  reported  the  matter  to  the  padres  at 
San  Francisco.  Vallejo,  then  comandante  at  this 
place,  went  on  board,  warned  Virmond  and  Fitch, 
the  commander  of  the  Leonor,  and  offered  to  buy  the 
books,  which  were  sold  to  him  for  400  hides  and  10 
skins  of  tallow.  This  was  the  best  library  in  Cali 
fornia  up  to  this  time.  By  5  o'clock  the  next  morn 
ing  the  books  were  safely  in  the  purchaser's  house. 
Jose  Castro  and  Juan  B.  Alvarado,  who  became  in 
later  years  so  prominent  in  California,  took  some  of 
these  books  to  Monterey  to  read. 

Later,  Castro's  very  pious  chere  amie,  on  confessing 
her  own  and  her  lover's  sins,  told  the  padre  that  he 
and  Alvarado  had  been  reading  Rousseau's  and  other 
prohibited  works.  About  the  same  time  Father 
Estenega  at  San  Francisco  surprised  Vallejo  reading 
Telemachus.  The  president  of  the  missions  demanded 
the  surrender  of  the  books,  and  due  penitence,  etc., 
and  the  demand  not  being  complied  with,  the  three 
were  excommunicated,  and  the  decree  was  duly  pro 
claimed  at  the  several  missions.  Neither  of  them 
cared  much  for  that,  and  went  on  with  their  reading, 
though  the  books  were  kept  where  they  could  not  be 
easily  discovered.  But  their  mothers,  sisters,  and 
female  friends  were  filled  with  terror  at  the  fate 


A  GAME  OF  EXCOMMUNICATION.  525 

awaiting  them,  both  here  and  hereafter.  A  short 
time  afterward,  Alvarado  had  some  money  to  pay  to 
Father  Duran,  the  prelate  of  the  missions  and  vicar- 
forain  of  the  bishop  of  Sonora,  and  went  to  his  resi 
dence  ;  but  before  offering  to  deliver  the  money,  told 
him  that  he  was  one  of  the  excommunicated,  and  in 
asmuch  as  he  had  heard  Father  Sarria  say  that  it 
was  sinful  to  hold  any  relations  with  an  excommuni 
cated  person,  he  was  sorry  to  be  thus  prevented  from 
paying  him  the  money.  Thereupon  he  turned  to 
go  away.  But  the  padre  called  him  back,  saying  : 
"Listen  Juanito;  thou  hast  misunderstood  what 
Padre  Sarria  said.  What  thou  sayst  applies  only  to 
persons  under  excommunication  major,  and  not  the 
minor.  I  have  power  to  annul  the  sentence,  and  to 
do  much  more.  From  now  thou  and  thy  companions 
are  absolved,  and  I  can  give  you  permission  to  read 
prohibited  books,  even  the  protestant  bible.  Let  us 
have  the  money,  and  we  will  still  be  friends,  for  I 
believe  that  the  sons  of  the  old  settlers  who  suffered 
with  us  in  early  times,  will  not  permit  the  Mexican 
government  to  drive  us  out  after  so  many  years  of 
toil,  simply  because  our  vows  will  not  permit  us  to 
take  the  oath  of  allegiance  demanded  of  us. "  Alvarado 
returned  thanks  and  took  lunch  with  the  padre. 


CHAPTER  XVII. 

CALIFORNIANISMS. 

Wer  etwas  Treffliches  leisten  will, 
Hatt'  gern  was  Groszes  geboren, 
Der  sammle  stillt  und  unerschlafft 
Im  kleinsten  Punkte  die  hochste  Kraft. 

—Schiller. 

THE  inhabitants  of  California  have  retained  in 
common  use,  since  the  annexation  of  the  country  to 
the  United  States,  a  considerable  number  of  Spanish, 
Mexican,  and  Hispano- American  words  and  phrases. 
Among  them  are  some  which  seem  to  be  of  purely 
Californian  origin.  The  able  j  urist ,  Ignacio  Sepiilveda, 
remarks  that  though  the  Californian  settlers  did  not 
preserve  the  Castilian  language  in  its  purity,  yet  thev 
retained  a  great  many  memories  of  old  Spain,  with 
many  of  the  concise  proverbs  which  the  Moors 
brought  to  the  peninsula,  and  many  of  its  legends  and 
traditionary  songs. 

r  Beginning  with  the  word  greaser,  so  commonly 
applied  by  Americans  to  their  Mexican  neighbors, 
Salvador  Vallejo,  in  his  Notas  Historical  gives  a  ver 
sion  which  may  be  taken  for  what  it  is  worth.  He 
says  that  in  1844-5,  when  large  numbers  of  immigrants 
were  arriving  overland,  and  most  every  one  drove  a 
heavy  ox  team  by  which  their  aged  relatives,  their 
women  and  children,  had  accomplished  the  journey, 
the  Caynameros,  who  for  mother  wit  were  the  Irish 
men  of  California,  flocked  around  the  wagons,  from 
which  came  forth  human  beings  with  dirty  faces  and 
greasy  hands,  the  drivers  pulling  out  greasy  mat 
tresses  and  with  greasy  hands  spreading  them  on  the 

(526) 


THE  GREASER.  527 

ground.  It  made  the  savages  smile  to  see  such  greasy 
civilization,  to  see  a  people  more  greasy  than  them 
selves,  and  so  they  called  them  mantecosos,  greasy 
ones;  and  at  the  last  it  turned  out  that  whenever  a 
Caynamero  spoke  of  any  one  who  had  come  over  the 
plains,  he  called  him  a  mantecoso.  The  nick-name 
having  been  afterward  explained  to  the  overland  im 
migrants,  they  turned  the  tables  on  the  Indians,  angli 
cized  greaser,  and  applied  it  to  them,  and  finally  to 
all  native  Californians  and  Mexicans.  In  1846  the 
word  was  also  used  in  connection  with  the  people  of 
Matamoros,  and  all  Mexicans  with  whom  the  Amer 
ican  army  came  in  contact.  Its  use  there  is  said  to 
have  originated  as  follows :  The  Americans  did  not 
especially  fancy  greasing  the  wheels  of  their  wagons, 
and  made  the  natives  do  it  for  them.  Hence  they, 
and  presently  all  the  Mexicans,  came  to  be  termed 
greasers. 

Adobe.     An  unburned,  sun-dried  large  brick. 

Aguaje.  The  Mexicans  and  Californians  apply  this 
word  to  springs.  In  Spanish  it  has  reference  only  to 
the  sea. 

Alameda.     A  grove  of  trees. 

Alforjas.     Saddle-bags,  commonly  made  of  rawhides. 

Alisal.     A  grove  of  alisos,  or  alder  trees. 

Aparejo.  A  pack-saddle,  also  applied  to  appurten 
ances  of  machinery. 

Arrastra.     An  old-fashioned  mill  for  crushing  ore. 

Arroyo.     A  brook ;  also  applied  to  the  dry  bed  of  one. 

Ayunte  pronounced  by  the  illiterate  jayunte  (hah- 
yrihn-tay).  The  assembling  of  the  Indian  single  men 
and  grown-up  boys,  as  well  as  their  quarters  in  the 
mission. 

Baqueano.  In  Spanish  it  means  an  expert.  In 
Spanish-America  it  is  especially  applied  to  one  who 
knows  well  a  country  and  its  roads. 

Berruchi.  A  peculiar  form  of  men's  shoes  in  old 
times.  Possibly  it  meant  also  the  material  the  shoes 
were  made  of. 


528  CALIFORNIANISMS. 

Bonanza,  and  Borrasca  in  sea  parlance  mean  respec 
tively  fair  weather  and  storm.  In  mining  the  former 
is  applied  to  a  mine  that  is  yielding  well ;  and  the 
latter  to  one  that  will  not  pay  expenses. 

Brea.     Pitch ;  also  applied  to  tar. 

Buscon.     A  poor  miner  seeking  for  metal. 

Caballada.  In  California  signifies  the  herd  of  broken 
horses  of  an  individual  or  of  an  armed  force. 

Cacaste,  or  cacaxtle.     A.  basket ;  also  a  footstool. 

Canada.  A  deep  ravine,  small  canon,  or  narrow 
valley  with  steep  sides. 

Canon.  The  original  meaning  in  Spanish  is  a  tube. 
It  is  applied  also  to  a  narrow,  tunnel-like  passage  for 
a  stream  of  water  between  high  precipitous  banks ;  a 
canyon. 

Carpa.     Used  in  California  for  tents,   or  shelter. 

Cateador,  like  buscon,  refers  to  a  miner  who  is  look 
ing  for  metal. 

Cedazo,  a  fine  sieve;  also  a  figure  of  the  contre- 
dance. 

Cha.     The  Californian  term  for  tea. 

Chahuixtle.  A  disease  of  wheat  caused  by  long 
drought. 

Chapapote.  A  bituminous  substance ;  also  applied 
to  tar. 

Chaparro.     A  short,  thick-set  man. 

Chapulin  and  Chapul.  Mexican  for  locust,  and 
grasshopper.  In  Spanish  langosta,  salton,  and  grillo 
for  different  species. 

Chichiguo,  as  applied  to  sucking  calves,  and  toruno 
to  bull  calves.  Chichigua  is  applied  to  milch  cows, 
and  possibly,  as  in  Central  America,  to  wet  nurses. 

Chinguirito.  Rum  distilled  from  the  refuse  of 
sugar.  Applied  also  to  all  ardent  spirits. 

Cliirrion,  from  the  Spanish  chirriar,  to  squeak. 
Chiefly  applied  to  an  unwieldy  cart.  It  means  also  a 
heavy  whip.  A  chirrionazo  is  a  blow  with  a  chirrion ; 
a  pela  de  chirrionazos,  means  a  sound  thrashing  with 
a  chirrion. 


MIXED   SPANISH  AND  INDIAN  WORDS.  529 

Comilitona,  an  old  Spanish  word,  now  comilona. 
An  abundant  feast;  a  sort  of  picnic  and  barbecue, 
with  plenty  of  meat,  bread,  mezcal,  etc. 

Corral  A  pen  for  live-stock ;  even  a  poultry  yard. 
Hence  the  California  verb  'to  corral,'  to  drive  into  a 
corral. 

Coyote  A  small  California  wolf;  also  a  mining 
term,  meaning  to  dig  a  hole  similar  to  the  burrow  of 
a  coyote.  It  is  used  likewise  as  an  adjective  applied 
to  any  person  or  thing  native,  or  indigenous  to  the 
country. 

Cuera  was  a  jacket  of  several  thicknesses  of  chamois 
or  other  skin,  used  by  the  presidial  troops  for  cam 
paigning  against  hostile  Indians. 

Cueradera,  the  practice  of  killing  cattle  to  steal  the 
hides. 

Cuero,  the  hide  of  cattle  or  horses. 

Denunviar,  or  to  make  a  denuncio.  To  report  to 
the  government  a  crime  or  plot;  a  metal  bearing  site, 
or  unoccupied  land. 

Diaferiado.  A  day  on  which  no  work  could  be 
done.  Used  in  California  as  dia  de  fiesta. 

Embarcadero.     A  place  of  embarking,  or  landing. 

Expediente.  The  collection  of  original  papers  relat 
ing  to  a  government  affair. 

Enrinal     A  grove  of  encinos,  or  oaks. 

Fandango.     A  dance  of  the  common  people. 

Fuste.     A  saddle-tree. 

Gorguez.  Probably  a  corruption  of  the  Spanish 
gorguz,  a  species  of  dart  used  in  the  olden  time.  In 
California,  gorguez  means  an  ox-goad. 

Habilitacion.  The  act  of  authorizing  a  thing,  or  the 
provision  made  in  money,  goods,  etc.,  to  carry  out  a 
project. 

Habilitado  was  the  paymaster  and  business  man  of 
a  presidial  company. 

Huero.  In  Spanish,  it  is  an  unfecundated  egg ;  un 
substantial,  empty,  insignificant.  In  California,  it 
was  applied  to  persons  of  light  complexion  and  hair. 

CAL.  PAST.    34 


530  CAL1FORNIANISMS. 

Huilo.  A  man  without  physical  strength,  or  weak 
in  the  legs. 

Jacal,  or  Jacale.  A  temporary  hut  covered  with 
canes  or  tule. 

Jdquima.     A  head-stall  for  breaking  wild  horses. 

Jam.     An  arrow  or  dart. 

Jarazo.     An   arrow  wound. 

Jilotear.  As  pronounced  by  the  illiterate.  The 
word  is  helotear:  to  pick  Indian  corn  in  the  milk, 
which  is  called  helote. 

Lazar.     To  lasso,  or  catch  animals  with  a  rope. 

Manada.  A  herd  of  sheep,  also  called  borregada. 
A  manada  de  yeguas  is  a  herd  of  breeding  mares 
under  the  lead  of  a  stallion.  When  the  mares  were 
used  for  breeding  mules,  a  caballo  volteado  was  placed 
with  them.  A  mare,  after  she  had  been  touched  by 
a  jackass,  was  called  a  yegua  aburrada. 

Mangos.     Bed-clothes  and  blankets. 

Mecate.     Mexican  for  rope. 

Mesteno  and  Mostrenco.  Live-stock  without  owner. 
Generally  applied  to  wild  horses  or  cattle. 

Milpa.     A  field  of  Indian  corn. 

MochUas,  or  Mochillas.  Leathern  flaps  for  covering 
a  saddle-tree.  A  soldier's  mochila  is  his  knapsack. 

Mocho.  Applied  to  a  bull  or  cow  with  horns  cut 
off;  also  to  any  human  being  or  animal  that  has  lost 
a  piece  of  a  finger,  thumb,  toe,  ear,  etc. 

Monjerio.  The  quarters  of  the  single  Indian  wo 
men,  or  even  young  widows,  in  the  missions. 

Naranja  de  agua.  A  measure  of  water  of  about  the 
diameter  of  an  orange,  which  is  rather  an  indefinite 
measure. 

Orejano.  Res  Orejana  de  fierro.  Cattle  marked  on 
the  ears,  though  not  necessarily  with  an  iron  brand. 

Panino.  An  epithet  applied  to  land  suitable  for 
any  purpose. 

Panocha  for  panoja.  An  ear  of  millet  or  maize; 
applied  to  the  disc-shaped  loaves  of  coarse  sugar; 
otherwise  called  panela,  and  in  Peru,  chancaca. 


MIXED  SPANISH  AND  INDIAN  WORDS.  531 

Placer.  A  place  where  gold  is  found  in  dirt,  either 
on  dry  land  or  in  the  bed  of  a  stream. 

Playa.     The  sea-beach. 

Plaza.     An  open  square  in  a  town. 

Pozo.     A  spring  or  well. 

Pueblo.     A  chartered  town. 

Ranclio.  A  tract  of  land  used  almost  wholly  for 
pasturage.  It  rarely  had,  in  Mexican  times,  less  than 
four  miles  in  extent;  in  most  cases,  not  less  than  30. 
Since  the  American  annexation,  rancho,  anglicized 
ranch,  is  applied  even  to  small  farms,  and  to  single 
houses.  The  verb,  to  ranch,  has  been  coined  in  con 
nection  with  farming.  It  is  bad  form. 

RancJiero.  A  person  owning  a  rancho.  or  living 
in  one. 

Rancheria.  An  Indian  village,  or  collection  of 
Indian  lodges.  It  may  also  be  a  place  of  scattered  huts. 

Realar,  or  ecliar  realada.  To  seize  by  royal  right. 
No  longer  heard. 

Reata.  A  rope  made  of  rawhide,  used  for  lassoing 
animals. 

Recogida.     A  gathering  of  horses. 

Res.     A  head  of  neat  cattle. 

Rodeo.  Bounding  up  cattle  for  separating  or  mark 
ing  them. 

Rubrica.  A  scroll  or  flourish  appended  by  people 
of  the  Spanish  race  to  their  signatures,  as  a  necessary 
part  of  them.  Officials  in  the  Spanish  dominions 
often  use  the  nibrica  alone  to  public  documents. 

Sauzal.  From  sauz,  or  sauce,  willow,  means  a  grove 
of  willows. 

Sauzalito.  This  diminutive  means  a  small  grove  of 
willows. 

Sierra.  The  original  meaning  is  a  saw;  a  serrucho 
is  a  common  carpenter's  saw.  The  word  is  commonly 
used  to  express  a  chain  of  mountains. 

Socoyote.  As  is  applied  to  the  youngest  child 
of  a  family;  also  to  the  lowest  servant. 

Tdpalo.     A  shawl. 


532  CALIFOKNIANISMS. 

Tapanco.  Used  to  mean  a  cock-loft  or  room  over 
the  garret. 

Tardeada.     A.  march  begun  late  in  the  day. 

Tecolero.     The  master  of  ceremonies  at  a  ball. 

Tecolote.     A  species  of  owl. 

Tequezquite.  A  mineral  salt,  chiefly  used  in  the 
mines. 

Tequio.  A  task  allotted  to  the  mission  neophytes, 
after  completing  which  they  were  allowed  to  rest. 

Tierras  de  temporal.  Lands  depending  entirely  on 
rains  for  their  cultivation ;  distinguished  from  tierras 
de  regadio,  or  irrigated  lands. 

Tierras  de  abrevadero.  Lands  having  deposits  of 
water  to  which  cattle  resort. 

Tule.     Water-reeds. 

Tidar.     Field  of  tules. 

Vallado  is  used  to  signify  a  wide,  deep  trench,  with 
the  earth  taken  therefrom  thrown  up  on  one  side. 
The  vallado  served  as  a  boundary  fence.  In  Spain 
and  some  parts  of  Spanish  America  vallado  means  a 
kind  of  fence  or  wall  of  rummed  earth  surmounted  by 
stones  or  rods,  and  planted  on  the  summit  with 
maguey,  cactus,  pinuelas,  blackberry  vines,  or  some 
other  thorny  plants. 

Vacuno.     Neat  cattle. 

Vacuna.     Vaccination,  and  also  the  vaccine  virus. 

Vaquero.  A  cow-herder.  Used,  also  as  an  adjec 
tive,  as  in  silla  vaquem,  a»  saddle  of  the  kind  used  by 
vaqueros. 

Zanja.  An  irrigating  ditch,  such  as  one  in  Los 
Angeles. 

Zanjero  is  the  official  having  charge  of  the  zanja, 
to  see  that  it  is  in  good  order,  and  to  attend  to 
the  distribution  of  water,  etc. 

To  the  above  may  be  added  other  words,  not  of 
Spanish  or  Mexican  origin,  which  have  peculiar 
meanings  in  California,  as  for  instance  : 

Bed-rock,  borrowed  from  mining,  is  often  used  to 
imply  the  bottom  of  a  subject. 


MIXED  SPANISH  AND  INDIAN  WORDS.  533 

Bummer,  an  idle,  worthless  fellow,  who  earns 
nothing,  and  has  no  means  of  support. 

Bumming  around,  playing  the  role  of  a  bummer. 

Claim.  The  piece  of  ground  measured  out  for 
mining  by  a  party  or  a  company.  There  are  bar, 
bank,  hill,  flat,  tunnel,  claims;  also  land  claims. 

Diggings.  Ground  where  gold  is  dug  for.  Wet 
diggings  are  on  banks  or  bars  of  streams  of  water. 

OO         O 

Dry  diggings  are  in  places  which  are  dry  at  certain 
periods  of  the  year. 

To  dry  up  is  a  slang  phrase,  signifying  to  stop,  say 
no  more,  fail,  go  away,  disappear,  etc. 

To  freeze  out  Used  by  miners  to  express  that 
certain  stockholders  or  others  concerned  in  a  mine 
have  been  forced  to  sell  their  shares  or  interest. 

Gulch.     A  gully. 

Hoodlum.  Applied  to  young  vagabonds,  especially 
of  towns.  The  word  does  not  necessarily  imply  that 
the  individual  will  not  work,  for  there  are  young 
persons  who  work  in  the  day,  and  act  as  hoodlums  in 
the  evening,  on  holidays,  etc.  The  word  is  generally 
used  to  mean  a  young  man  or  woman  who  is  con 
stantly  disturbing  the  peace,  or  causing  annoyances. 
Most  of  the  hoodlums  are  vicious,  and  sooner  or  later 
swell  the  criminal  class.  Many  of  them  in  San 
Francisco  affect  a  certain  rakish  dress,  peculiar  shoes 
and  hats,  and  mode  of  arranging  their  hair,  which 
makes  them  out  at  once  to  be  of  the  class. 

Hydraulic.  A  mining  process  by  which  water  is 
thrown  through  a  hose  or  pipo  upon  the  dirt,  to  wash 
out  the  gold. 

To  knock  down.  To  steal.  In  miner's  parlance,  to 
steal  valuable  pieces  of  auriferous  quartz  from  a 
lode. 

Pay-dirt.  Auriferous  dirt  that  yields  wages,  or 
'  pans  out  well.'  When  wages  were  high,  it  was  equiv 
alent  to  yielding  abundantly.  When  a  mine  has  be 
come  exhausted  it  is  said  to  have  'petered  out.' 
Hence,  both  expressions  are  applied  to  other  affairs. 


534  CALIFOKNIANISMS. 

To  prospect.  To  hunt  for  places  containing  gold, 
silver,  etc. 

Prospect  is  the  discovery  made  after  prospecting. 
When  a  prospector  finds  gold  in  one  or  more  particles, 
he  says  he  has  found  the  color. 

Rocker  or  Cradle,  an  apparatus  resembling  a  domes 
tic  cradle,  used  to  wash  the  gold  clear  of  the  dirt. 

Sluice.  A  wooden  trough  used  for  washing  dirt 
to  separate  the  gold  dust  or  nuggets. 

Ground  Sluice.  A  trough  or  hole  made  in  the 
ground  for  washing  dirt. 

Tail- Sluice.  A  sluice  placed  below  other  sluices 
from  which  it  receives  dirt  and  water. 

Sluice-Fork.  A  fork  resembling  one  for  stirring 
manure.  The  prongs  are  blunt,  the  width  the  same 
at  point  and  heel. 

Sluice-Head  is  the  amount  of  water  used  in  the 
sluice.  Water  is  constantly  running  into  the  sluice 
through  an  opening. 

Slum  is  slimy  dirt. 

To  strip.     To  clear  the  pay-dirt  of  worthless  earth. 

Square  meal  is  a  full  and  sufficient  meal  eaten  at 
table. 

Tailings.  A  mining  word,  meaning  the  waste  of  a 
quartz-mill,  rocker,  sluice,  etc. 

Tom.  A  wooden  trough,  of  10  to  15  feet  in  length 
in  which  to  wash  out  auriferous  earth. 

Tom- Stream  and  Tom-Head.  The  quantity  of  water 
used  in  a  torn. 

Wing -Dam.  A  dam  made  in  a  river  or  creek,  so 
as  to  shut  out  the  water  from  a  part  of  the  bed. 

A  word  as  to  the  popular  use  of  the  terms  '  Califor- 
nian  ?  and  '  American.'  I  object  strongly  to  the  use  of 
these  words,  in  their  common  acceptation,  as,  strictly 
speaking,  incorrect  and  misleading.  In  my  Native 
Races  of  the  Pacific  States,  I  apply  the  word  '  Califor- 
nian '  to  the  native  inhabitants  of  California,  and  the 
word  'American '  to  the  native  inhabitants  of  America. 
And  these  are  and  can  be  the  only  strictly  accurate 


' CALIFORNIAN '  AND   'AMERICAN.'  535 

application  of  the  words  to  peoples.  It  is  a  gross 
absurdity  to  call  the  people  on  one  side  of  the  Niagara 
River,  Canadians,  and  those  on  the  other  side  Ameri 
cans  ;  or  to  call  those  on  one  side  of  the  Rio  Grande, 
Mexicans,  and  those  of  the  other  side  Americans. 
An  equal  absurdity  it  is  to  call  Europeans  who  came 
from  Spain  or  Mexico  and  settled  in  one  part  of  the 
state  at  one  time  Californians,  and  Europeans  who 
came  from  England  or  the  United  States  and  settled 
in  another  part  or  the  same  part  of  the  state  at  an 
other  time,  Americans.  Yet,  after  turning  the  matter 
well  over  in  my  mind,  I  see  no  other  way  than  to  fall 
in  with  fallacy,  and  drift  with  the  tide  into  the  slough 
of  inaccuracy.  The  words  have  become  so  identified 
with  the  history  of  the  times  that  it  is  now  impossible 
to  change  them;  and  even  were  this  possible,  it  is 
difficult  to  find  other  words  practicable  to  be  used  as 
substitutes.  The  words  'Anglo-American'  and  'His- 
pano- American '  are  much  more  exact,  but  these  are 
too  clumsy  for  popular  use.  All  the  more  repugnant 
to  me  is  this  forced  misuse  of  these  words  here,  when, 
in  another  work,  I  have  applied  them  in  a  totally 
different  and  the  only  correct  sense;  for  thus  I  find 
myself  the  instrument  of  an  anomaly  which  in  the 
same  literature  applies  to  the  same  words  different 
meanings. 

There  is  yet  another  application  of  the  word  '  Cali- 
fornian '  rapidly  springing  into  use,  which  increases 
the  difficulty.  Shortly  after  the  country  fell  into  the 
hands  of  the  United  States,  returned  gold-seekers 
were  called  Californians;  and  as  California  grew 
mightily,  and  became  famous  throughout  the  world, 
and  as  the  word  became  the  synonym  of  freeness, 
flushness,  manliness,  and  enterprise,  it  pleased  the 
fancy  of  these  adventurers ;  and  ever  since,  wherever 
the  state's  adopted  sons  have  wandered — in  the  east, 
in  Europe,  and  in  Asia — they  have  proudly  recorded 
their  names  as  Californians.  Nor  do  I  see  any  way 
to  avoid  this  application  of  the  word  in  this  connec- 


536  CALIFORNIANISMS. 

tion.  The  present  inhabitants  of  the  country  must 
have  a  name,  and  are  justly  entitled  to  the  use  of  the 
word.  But  that  makes  the  abnormity  no  less  un- 
pleasing  to  the  writer,  who  finds  himself  forced  to 
apply  to  a  proper  name  three  several  meanings,  with 
nothing  but  the  connection  and  the  intelligence  of  the 
reader  to  determine  in  each  instance  which  is  meant. 
In  writing  upon  the  aborigines  of  America  and  Cali 
fornia,  therefore,  I  call  the  natives  Americans  and 
Californians,  respectively;  in  speaking  of  the  events 
that  transpired  under  and  immediately  subsequent  to 
Spanish  and  Mexican  rule,  I  call  the  Spanish  and 
Mexican  occupants  of  the  country  Californians,  in 
contradistinction  to  the  people  of  the  United  States 
known  as  Americans;  and  later,  as  the  before-men 
tioned  distinctions  become  •  obliterated,  and  people  of 
all  lands  and  nations  are  proud  to  merge  their  nation 
ality  into  that  of  the  land  of  their  adoption,  these,  too, 
shall  have  given  them  the  name  they  so  love — Cali 
fornians. 


CHAPTER  XVIIT. 

LAW,  GOVERNMENT,  AND  RELIGION. 

Aviendo  y  deviendo  ser  los  Historiodores  puntuales,  verdaderos,  y  no  nada 
apassionados,  y  ni  el  interes,  ni  el  miedo,  el  rancor  ni  la  aficion,  no  les  haga 
torcer  del  camino  de  la  verdad,  cuya  madre  es  la  Historia  emula  del  tiempo, 
deposito  de  las  acciones,  testigo  de  lo  passado,  exemplo  y  aviso  de  lo  pre- 
seiite,  advertencia  de  lo  por  venir.  Cervantes. 

IF  the  three  great  principles  underlying  ethics,  name 
ly,  law,  government,  and  religion,  are  proper  criteria  of 
progress,  the  Hispano-Californians  were  the  most  civ 
ilized  of  peoples.  Law,  dating  from  Spain  and  Mexico 
centuries  back,  was  present  to  superfluity,  though  to 
tell  the  truth  it  was  very  moderately  applied.  Gov 
ernment,  civil  and  ecclesiastical,  was  piled  round  them 
mountain  high,  as  if  the  two  great  purposes  of  God 
and  man  were,  one  class  to  rule  and  another  te  obey. 
As  for  religion,  it  was  like  a  limitless  swamp;  all 
were  engulfed  in  it. 

But  law,  government,  and  religion  are  not  elements 
or  essentials  of  progress ;  they  have  but  little  to  do 
with  progress  except  at  certain  stages.  Savages, 
strictly  such,  have  no  law  or  government,  and  but  a 
poor  excuse  for  religion.  Men  the  highest  cultivated 
have,  or  have  need  of,  little  more  of  these  bonds  than 
savages.  But  in  the  intermediate  stage  they  are 
found  to  be  essential.  Law  and  government  were 
stronger  in  feudal  times  than  later ;  and  religion  was 
much  more  the  master  of  advanced  peoples  fifty  years 
ago  than  now. 

In  few  of  Spain's  colonies,  or  in  any  part  of  her  do 
minions,  or  in  the  communities  growing  out  of  her  col- 

(537) 


538  LAW,  GOVERNMENT,  AND  RELIGION. 

onizations,  has  there  been  much  lack  of  governing. 
Dominion  has  ever  been  a  prominent  feature  with  the 
Latin  race,  to  say  nothing  of  the  Anglo-Saxon,  half  of 
the  nation  being  always  quite  ready  to  govern  the 
other  half.  And  as  for  laws,  there  was  no  end  to 
them.  Men  were  made  to  eat  and  sleep  by  law,  to 
work,  dress,  play,  and  pray  by  law,  to  live  and  die  by 
law. 

Nor  was  California  slighted  in  this  respect,  as  I  have 
said.  A  pueblo  of  500  inhabitants  should  be  ruled  by 
an  ayuntamiento,  consisting  of  an  alcalde,  three  alder 
men,  and  one  procurador  sindico.  These  officers  were 
to  be  elected  each  year  according  to  the  law  of  election, 
the  alcalde  and  two  of  the  aldermen  to  be  changed 
every  year,  while  one  alderman  and  the  procurador 
were  to  serve  for  two  years. 

One  writing  of  Monterey  places  it  at  the  head  of 
civilization.  "The  whitewashed  houses,"  he  says, 
"have  a  much  better  effect  in  the  landscape  than 
those  of  Santa  Barbara,  or  of  California  towns  gener 
ally,  which  are  all  of  a  dirty  mud  color ;  the  red  tiles 
of  the  roofs  also  contrast  well  with  the  white  sides  of 
the  houses,  and  with  the  bright  fresh  green  of  the 
lawn,  upon  which  the  dwellings,  about  a  hundred  in 
number,  are  dotted  about  irregularly  here  and  there. 
There  are  not,  in  this  or  in  any  other  town  of  Califor 
nia,  either  streets  or  fences,  except  here  and  there  a 
small  patch  fenced  in  for  a  garden,  so  that  the  houses 
being  placed  at  random  on  the  green,  and  being  all  of 
one  story  and  of  the  cottage  form,  have  a  remarkably 
pretty  effect  when  seen  from  a  distance. 

"  Monterey  is  decidedly  the  pleasantest  and  most 
civilized-looking  place  in  California.  In  the  centre  of 
the  town  is  an  open  square  surrounded  on  the  four 
sides  by  lines  of  one-storied  plastered  buildings.  In 
the  middle  of  the  square  are  some  half-dozen  cannon, 
some  mounted,  others  not.  This  is  the  presidio,  or 
fort.  Every  town  has  a  presidio  in  its  centre,  or 
rather,  every  presidio  has  a  town  built  round  it,  as  the 


PASTORAL  MONTEREY.  539 

forts  were  first  built  by  the  Mexican  government,  and 
the  people  then  erected  their  dwellings  round  them 
for  protection.  The  presidio  here  is  entirely  open  and 
unfortified.  A  short  time  back  there  were  several 
officers  stationed  here,  with  long  and  sounding  titles, 
and  about  eighty  soldiers.  These,  however,  were  very 
poorly  paid,  fed,  and  clothed,  and  consequently  just  as 
poorly  disciplined.  The  governor-general,  or  as  he  is 
commonly  called,  the  general,  has  his  residence  here, 
and  Monterey  is  thus  the  seat  of  government.  This 
officer  is  appointed  by  the  central  government  of 
Mexico,  and  is  the  chief  civil  and  military  officer.  In 
addition  to  the  general,  each  town  has  its  comandante, 
who  is  the  chief  military  officer  of  the  station,  and 
has  charge  of  the  fort,  and  conducts  all  transactions 
with  foreigners  and  foreign  vessels.  The  civil  officers 
consist  of  two  or  three  alcaldes  and  corregidores,  who 
are  elected  by  the  inhabitants.  Of  courts  of  law 
and  jurisprudence  generally,  the  inhabitants  have  no 
knowledge  whatever.  Small  municipal  matters  are 
regulated  by  the  alcaldes  and  corregidores,  whilst 
everything  pertaining  to  the  general  government,  to 
the  military,  and  to  foreigners  is  left  to  the  coman 
dante,  acting  under  the  orders  of  the  governor-general. 
Capital  cases  are  decided  by  him  upon  personal  in 
spection  if  he  happened  to  be  near,  or  by  minutes, 
transmitted  to  him  by  the  proper  officer,  if  the  offender 
chances  to  be  at  a  distant  place.  No  protestant  has 
any  civil  rights,  nor  can  he  hold  property;  nor  in  fact 
is  he  allowed  to  remain  more  than  a  few  weeks  ashore, 
unless  he  belongs  to  some  vessel,  so  that  any  Ameri 
cans  or  English  who  intend  to  reside  at  Monterey  are 
compelled  to  become  catholics." 

The  only  ranchos  given  as  property  to  holders  dur 
ing  Spanish  time  were  those  of  the  Nietos,  Verdugos, 
Dominguez,  the  Maligo  of  Bartolo  Tapia,  and  proba 
bly  also  la  Ballona  of  the  Zunigas. 

Here  are  some  of  the  ordenanzas  municipales  for  the 
ayuntamientos  for  1823.  One  of  the  principal  pre- 


540  .    LAW,  GOVERNMENT,  AND  RELIGION. 

rogatives  granted  by  the  constitution  to  the  ayunta- 
mientos,  contained  in  the  8th  faculty  of  article  321, 
is  that  of  forming  the  municipal  ordenanzas  of  the 
pueblos,  and  presenting  them,  accompanied  by  a  report 
through  the  diputacion  territorial  for  approval.  These 
ordenanzas  should  comprehend  the  order  to  be  ob 
served  in  the  internal  government  of  the  ayunta- 
miento,  and  in  what  must  be  observed  by  the  citizens 
as  to  police,  utility  (comodidad],  and  health.  The  prin 
ciples  governing  the  interior  affairs  of  the  ayunta- 
miento  can  be  generalized ;  but  as  to  external  matters, 
these  will  be  different  in  the  different  pueblos. 

1.  The  pueblo  shall  have  a  house  for  the  use  of  the 
ayuntamiento,  with  the  necessary  offices  for  the  secre 
tary,  the  archives  and  accounts,  as  well  as  a  warehouse 
for  the  implements  and  tools  needed  for  public  works, 
and  barracks  for  the  national  guard  when  this  be  or 
ganized.  2.  This  house  shall  be  termed  the  casa  con- 
sistorial,  and  the  apartment  where  the  ayuntamiento 
meetings  are  held  the  sala  capitular.  3.  As  soon  as 
installed,  the  ayuntamiento  shall  by  a  plurality  of  votes 
appoint  a  secretary,  a  virtuous  and  capable  person— 
whose  appointment  shall  be  subject  to  the  approval  of 
the  provincial  deputacion,  and  who  shall  not  be  removed 
except  by  consent  of  the  same  body;  a  treasurer,  or 
depositary  of  the  common  funds — this  being  a  person 
approved  only  by  the  ayuntamiento ;  a  contador  fiscal, 
whose  duty  shall  be  that  of  keeping  the  municipal  ac 
counts,  and  authorizing  drafts  made  by  the  committee, 
such  as  come  within  his  province;  one  or  two  porters, 
who  shall  summon  members  to  meetings,  and  make 
themselves  generally  useful;  a  store-keeper,  who  shall 
take  care  of  and  keep  in  order  the  tools,  etc.,  as  well  as 
the  furniture  and  the. standards  of  weights  and  meas 
ures. 

4.  The  ayuntamiento  being  installed  with  the  solem 
nities  prescribed  by  the  constitution,  on  the  first  day 
in  January,  which  is  not  a  holiday,  an  extraordinary 
session  shall  be  held  for  the  purpose  of  the  appoint- 


MUNICIPAL  PROCEDURE.  641 

ment  of  committees,  according  to  article  321  of  the 
constitution — the  secretary  having  previously  read 
the  ordinances  and  the  article  mentioned.  See  article 
47  of  these  ordinances. 

5.  There  shall  be  appointed,  besides  these  commit 
tees,  regidores  auxiliares  to  assist  the  alcalde — accord 
ing  to  the  second  part  of  said  article — in  caring  for 
the  police  and  security  of  the  pueblos,  this,  if  suffi 
ciently  extensive  being  divided  into  cuarteles  districts. 

6.  The    ayuntamiento    as  a  body   shall    be   called 
ilustre  until  the  cortes  determine  the  proper  title,  and 
while  in  session  its  members  shall  address  one  another 
as  V.  S. 

7.  Until  it  shall  be  determined  whether  or  not  the 
members  of  the  ayuntamiento  must  use   a  uniform, 
they  may  use  those  in   vogue  among  former  ayunta- 
mientos,  and  see  that  they  be  of  stuffs  made  in  the 
country ;  no  one  being  obliged  to  wear  uniform  if  he 
be  not  able  to  afford  it,  it  being  sufficient  that  he  pre 
sent  himself  decently.     Military  men  will  wear  their 
uniforms. 

8.  Ordinary  sessions  shall  be  held  on  Tuesdays  and 
Thursdays  of  each  week  without  any  summons  being 
necessary,  but  he  who  will  be  unable  to  attend  will  pre 
viously  give  due  notice  to  the  president,  who  shall  be 
the  jefe-politico,  where  there  be  one,  and  in  the  following 
order  the  1st  and  2d  alcaldes  and  the  senior  regidor. 

9.  To  constitute  a  quorum  all  voting  members  must 
attend,  but  this  being  impossible,  a  number,  consist 
ing  of  one  more  than  half  the  whole,  will  suffice. 

10.  At  the  hour  fixed  upon,  the  porters  shall  indi 
cate  the  same  to  the  president,  and  the  members  shall 
enter  the  sala  capitular,  and  by  order  of  seniority  in 
office  take  their  seats  around  the  table  with  the  presi 
dent  at  the  head.     The  secretary  shall,  occupy  a  sep 
arate  table  at  the  foot  of  the  main  table.     All  shall 
conduct  themselves  urbanely  and  circumspectly.     The 
porter  shall  be  at  hand  outside  of  the  sala,  in  order 
to  come  when  called  and  keep  outsiders  from  entering. 


542  LAW,   GOVERNMENT,   AND  RELIGION. 

11.  Should  a  member  arrive   after  the  sitting  be 
opened,  he  is  to  be  received  by  the  others  standing, 
and  the  secretary  must  inform  him  of  what  business 
has  been  done. 

12.  The  session  will  commence  by  the  secretary 
reading  minutes  of  the  last  meeting,  that,  if  necessary, 
amendments  may  be  made,  and  that  a  clean  copy  be 
made  and  duly  signed  at  the  present  sitting. 

13.  Reception  of   reports,  written  or  verbal,   of 
committees,  shall  then  be  in  order.      14.   He  who  has 
the  floor  shall    be   listened    to   attentively,  and   not 
interrupted  by  others.     After  all  desirous  of  speak 
ing  have  done  so,  the  vote  shall  be  taken — the  junior 
members  voting  first. 

15.  Should  the  sindico  make  any  verbal  proposition, 
he  shall  be  attentively  heard  before  the   matter  be 
acted  on;  if  in  writing  it  shall  be  discussed,  but  not 
resolved  until  the  next  meeting,  or  if  a  very  intricate 
matter,  the  meeting  thereafter. 

16.  When  the  secretary  lays  before  the  council  an 
order,  or  a  bando  circular  of  the  jefe-politico,  it  shall  be 
read  slowly,  and  afterward  ordered  passed  to  the  al 
calde  for  publication  or  execution — except  where  it  be 
referred  to  a  committee  within  the  cognizance  of  which 
it  may  come.     The  alcalde  will,  as  ordered,  cause  the 
same  to  be   sent  to  the  next  ayuntamiento,  and  he 
and  the  secretary  will  acknowledge  having  received 
and  circulated  the  same. 

17.  Should  any  order  be  received  from  the  pro 
vincial  diputacion,  relative  to  economy  in  expending 
propios  y  arbitrios,  it  must  be  communicated  to  the 
contador  and  tesorero  for  their  guidance. 

18.  Should  the  order  or  bando  circular  relate  to  a 
matter  interesting  to  the  juez  of  first  instance,  eccle 
siastical  juez,  or  other  functionary,  he  shall  be  officially 
notified  in  writing  by  the  president  and  secretary. 

19.  The  discussion  of  business  treated  of  being  fin 
ished,  and — provided  that  the  proceedings  have  been 
lengthy — the  minutes  of  the  secretary  signed  by  the 


MUNICIPAL  PROCEDURE.  543 

president,  that  they  may  be  afterward  written  out, 
the  expedientes  shall  be  given  to  the  committees, 
that  the  same  be  examined  or  executed. 

20.  Should  the  juez  eclesidstico,  and  he  of  first  in- 
instance,  have  occasion  to  attend  a  sitting  of  the  ayun- 
tamiento,  the  former  shall  be  seated  on  the  right  hand 
of  the  alcalde,  and  the  latter  on  the  left ;  either  when 
alone  shall  be  seated  on  the  right — as  also  the  coman- 

O 

dante  militar — but  any  other  public  functionary  must 
sit  below  the  sindico. 

21.  Should  any  diputacion  of  farmers,  merchants, 
or   artisans    present   itself  to    the  ayuntamiento,    in 
order  to  treat  of  anything  relating  to  their  respect 
ive  trades,  etc.,  or  the   imposition  of  contributions, 
they  shall  be  seated  on  seats  separated  from  those  of 
the  members  of  the  ayuntamiento;  but  any  one  citi 
zen  who  may  present  himself  individually  shall  remain 
on  foot  unless  he  have  some  military  or  civil  distinc 
tion — being  a  military  officer  or  having  belonged  to 
the  ayuntamiento,  or  a  letrado,  or  some  person  con 
sulted  on  the  point  under  discussion — in  which  case 
he  shall  have  a  separate  seat;  if  a  clergyman,  he  shall 
sit  among  the  members  next  to  the  decano. 

22.  Citizens'  petitions  requiring  study  or  resolution 
shall  be  referred  to  a  special  committee,  which  shall  ex 
amine  the  same  and  report  at  the  next  meeting  of  the 
ayuntamiento ;  but  no  business  can  be  so  referred  to  a 
person  not  a  member,  though  he  be  a  relative  of  a 
member.     23.    Should  any  individual   petition   have 
any  relation  to  the  public,  it  shall  be  referred  to  the 
sindico,  that  he  examine  the  same  and  report  as  the 
occasion  may  demand;  and  in  any  matter  of  this  nature 
his  opinion  shall  be  heard  before  the  same  is  decided. 

24.  Should  the  petition  be  one  in  which  is  con 
cerned  any  member  of  the  ayuntamiento,  or  his  rela 
tive,  intimate  friend,  or  person  to  whom  he  is  under 
obligations,  or  oil  whom  he  in  any  way  depends,  such 
member  shall  not  vote,  or  shall  leave  the  sala  when 
the  matter  may  require,  that  the  others  vote  freely. 


544  LAW,   GOVERNMENT,    AND  RELIGION. 

25.  Should  the  matter  treated  of  be  of  a  reserved 
nature,  all  the  members  are  obliged  to  be  reticent ;  and 
whoever  divulges  the  secret  shall  be  voted  as  weak- 
minded,  and  be  held  responsible  for  resultant  damages. 

26.  What  has  been  determined  upon  by  the  ayun- 
tamiento  cannot  be  revoked  without  grave  motives,  or 
without  the  previous  consent  of  the  sindico,  and  the 
concurrence  of  all  who  previously  voted  on  the  ques 
tion. 

27.  Should  the  secretary  be  ill  or  unavoidably  ab 
sent,  the  junior  regidor  shall  act  in  his  stead;  if  the 
regidor  be  busy  on  some  committee,  a  secretary  ad 
interim  shall  be  appointed    by  a  plurality  of  votes 
who  shall  deliver  to  the  secretary,  on  his  return,  the 
minutes,  etc.,  signed  by  the  members. 

28.  In  the  same   manner,  the  sindico  shall  be   re 
placed  by  the  junior  regidor;  the  alcalde  by  the  regi- 
dores  in  order  of  seniority;  when,  however,  there  be 
two  alcaldes  or  two  sindicos,  one  shall  fill  the  vacancy 
of  the  other,  and  only  when  both  be  absent  shall  the 
above  course  be  taken. 

29.  If  on  the  day   of  any  ordinary  meeting  any 
matter  requiring  immediate  action  should  arise,  mem 
bers  shall  be  cited. 

30.  In  case  of  special  meetings  members  shall  be 
cited  by  means  of  notes  signed  by  the  president  and 
secretary. 

31.  The  sindico  may  ask  that  a  special  meeting  be 
called,  and  is  not  obliged  to  give  his  reasons ;  any  other 
member  shall  make  a  like  request  through  and  in  ac 
cord  with  the  sindico,  informing  him  of  the  case  that 
he  may  ask  what  is  fitting,  and  that  all  the  members 
be  cited — they  signing  the  citation  and  returning  it 
to  the  portero  for  a  record  of  their  having  been  cited. 

32.  At  stated  as  well  as  at  extraordinary  meetings 
members    may   request  that  their  vote  be  recorded 
apart  from  the  rest  in  a  book  kept  for  the   purpose, 
but  this  will  not  excuse  them  from  signing  the  minutes 
according  to  the  will  of  the  plurality. 


MUNICIPAL  PROCEDURE.  545 

33.  No  individual  vote  shall  be  recorded,  unless  so 
ordered  by  the  president. 

34.  If  the  matter  debated  be  not  urgent,  any  mem 
ber  may  suspend  the  taking  of  a  vote  until  further 
discussion,  provided  that  he  signify  his  intention  of 
bringing  forward  new  arguments.     No  business  can 
be  thus  suspended  for  more  than  3  sittings — on  the 
4th  the  vote  to  be  taken. 

35.  Should  a  special  meeting  be  called  to  consider 
some  sealed  communication  addressed  to  the  ayunta- 
miento,  the  secretary  shall  not  open  the  same  until  one 
more  than  the  half  of  the  members  be  present,  when, 
if  the  matter  be  grave,  there  must  be  unanimity  in 
voting — in  case  of  disagreement  all  the  members  be 
ing  cited. 

36.  No  member  while  engaged  on  a  special  com 
mittee  may  absent  himself  until  its  labors  are  concluded, 
and  then  only  for  cause,  and  with  permission  of  the 
president. 

37.  No  authority  may  summon  the  ayuntamiento 
as  a  body  to  appear  before  it;  and  should  any  individ 
ual  member  be  cited,  it  must  be  by  an  official  commu 
nication. 

38.  Communications  to  the  ayuntamiento  from  the 
different  authorities  must  be  in  writing,  and  must  be 
answered  in  the  same  way;  or  if  deemed  better,  by  a 
committee  of  one  or  two. 

39.  Nor  can  the  ayuntamiento   summon   before  it 
any    public    functionary,   except    for    consultation    or 
agreement,  which  shall  be  done  by  an  official  communi 
cation. 

40.  Should  the  judge  of  first  instance  be  obliged  to 
judge  civilly  or  criminally  a  member  of  the  ayunta 
miento,  he  shall,  in  a  polite  manner,  give  official  com 
munication  to  the  president,  unless  he  be  taken  in  the 
act,  when  it  is  necessary  only  to  advise  the  president 
that   the   party  has  been  arrested  without  it  being 
necessary  to  say  why. 

41.  An  arrested  member  of  the  ayuntamiento  must 
be  detained  at  the  casa  consistorial  under  the  respon- 

CAL.  PAST.    35 


546  LAW,  GOVERNMENT,  AND  RELIGION. 

sibility  of  the  president,  or  one  of  the  regidores,  as  he 
should  be  in  case  of  imprisonment  being  necessary,  or 
there  be  no  bondsman  according  to  law;  but  if  sen 
tenced  to  death  or  corporal  punishment,  he  must  be 
delivered  to  the  juez  and  go  to  the  jail. 

42.  During  the  trial,  and  until  the  crime  be  deter 
mined,  his  vacancy  in  the  ayuntamiento  shall  be  filled 
in  the  usual  way. 

43.  The  same  course  shall  be  followed  if  the  alcalde 
formulate  the  sumaria  until  the  culprit  be  legally  placed 
at  the  disposition  of  the  juez. 

44.  Should  the  culprit  be  the  alcalde,  the  2d  alcalde, 
or  the  senior  regidor,  shall  take  his  place. 

45.  Should   the  arrest  be  arbitrary  or  illegal,  the 
ayuntamiento  shall,  by  its  sindico,  make  a  formal  com 
plaint  to  the  juez  of  the  nearest  partido,  according 
to  law,  for  they  should  aid  and  honor  one  another  as 
members  of  the  same  body. 

46.  If  the  offence   be  committed  by  a  regidor  as 
regidor,  the  alcalde  cannot  judge  it,  but  shall,  through 
the  sindico,  formalize  the  accusation  before  the  juez 
de  partido,  and  if  it  be  for  an  infraction  of  the  consti 
tution,  the  same  juez  shall  form  the  sumaria,  and  for 
ward  the  same  through  the  provincial  diputacion  to 
the  proper  authority. 

47.  In  accordance  with  article  4 — ut  supra — there 
shall  be  appointed  a  juez  de  aguas  y  de  plazas,  an  in 
spector  of  cattle-killing  and  bakeries,  a  police  judge, 
one  of  schools,  and  one  or  more  of  public  works,  roads, 
forests,  and  jails,  who  shall  act  according  to  a  special 
ordinance  formed  for  that  object. 

48.  There  shall  also  be  a  committee  of  ways  and 
means  (hacienda),  composed  of  an  alcalde  and  a  regi 
dor,  the  contador,  and  the  secretary. 

49.  These  persons  shall  take  turns,  of  one  month 
each,  in  collecting  the  rents  of  propios,  or  other  sums 
of  a  like  nature,  the  contributions  of  arbitrios  or  capi- 
taciones  levied  in  accord  with  the  provincial  diputa 
cion,  and  shall  pay  these  sums  into  the  treasury — the 
contador  entering  the  same  on  his  books. 


MUNICIPAL  PROCEDURE.  547 

50.  No  money  for  expenses  shall  be  drawn  without 
there  being  presented  to  the  treasurer  a  draft  signed 
by  the  alcalde  and  secretary — cognizance  of  the  same 
being  taken  by  the  contador  in  the  books,  all  the  doc 
uments  being  retained  by  the  treasurer  as  vouchers 
for  balancing  his  accounts. 

51.  Accounts  shall  be  balanced  on  the  1st  of  each 
month,  on  which  occasion  the  members  of  the  com 
mittee  of  ways  and  means  (hacienda)  shall  attend,  and 
the  accounts  audited  by  the  committees  of  producto 
and  consumo  shall  be  presented,  and  the  estimates  for 
the  ensuing  month  shall  be  made. 

52.  No  item  of  the  accounts  shall  be  admitted  by 
the  treasurer  or  depositary,  unless  it  be  certified  by  the 
contador  that  he  has  taken  account  of  it;  nor  shall 
the  latter  certify  to  any  taking  of  funds  for  expense, 
unless  the  same  be  approved  by  the  provincial  diputa- 
cion  for  any  object  whatever,  not  even  for  the  secre 
tary's  pay — as  was  determined  by  the  decree  of  July 
13,  1813. 

The  record  of  the  ayuntarniento  sessions  of  Angeles 
afford  little  information  as  to  rules  and  mode  of  pro 
cedure,  besides  what  the  reglamento  prescribes.  The 
president  as  1st  alcalde,  and  hence  usually  a  man  of 
more  influence  and  sagacity,  as  may  be  supposed,  than 
he  ordinary  regidores,  generally  proposes  the  more  im 
portant  projects.  There  appears  to  be  no  record  of  any 
motions  being  formerly  seconded;  they  are  referred 
to  the  general  vote,  discussed,  and  passed  or  rejected. 
The  resolution  is  given  to  the  president  to  carry  out 
by  vote  of  authorization,  or  a  commission  is  elected  to 
do  so.  Often  a  subject  is  by  vote  transferred  to  the 
president,  or  to  a  committee  to  decide  as  it  pleases. 

The  limit  of  power,  as  regards  the  nature  of  a  sub 
ject  or  its  extent,  may  be  seen  in  the  various  proceed 
ings  in  the  police  regulations  where  mention  is  made 
as  to  when  the  government  or  assembly  have  to  be 
appealed  to,  as  of  higher  authority  in  the  respective 
matters.  The  acts  of  a  meeting  are  re-read  at  the  next 
one  to  be  approved  finally.  Often  a  petition  or  meas- 


548  LAW,   GOVERNMENT,    AND   RELIGION. 

ure  is  exempted  from  the  usual  routine  of  several  read 
ings  and  report  of  a  committee,  and  passed  the  same 
day. 

Previous  to  1823,  the  alcalde  was  elected  at  the 
beginning  of  the  year  under  superintendence  of  the 
ministros,  who  should  notify  the  governor. 

On  the  llth  of  May,  1836,  Jefe-politico  Chico  is 
sued  the  following  decree  for  the  better  enforcement 
of  the  law  of  December  29,  1835  :  1st,  Cuerpos  de 
seguridad  y  policia  to  be  established  in  the  territory. 
2d,  These  cuerpos  to  be  composed  of  jefe-politico,  sin- 
dicos  of  the  ayuntamiento,  and  four  comisarios  of  po 
licia,  chosen  from  the  leading  citizens.  3d,  The 
comisarios  to  be  approved  by  the  respective  ayuntami- 
entos  by  a  plurality  of  votes  during  the  first  week  in 
January.  4th,  Four  substitutes  were  also  to  be  ap 
pointed.  5th,  The  ayuntamiento  should  notify  members 
of  their  appointment,  and  also  notify  all  encargados  and 
masters  of  haciendas.  6th,  No  one  should  be  excused 
from  serving  without  just  cause.  7th,  The  duties  of 
the  members  will  be:  1st,  to  care  for  the  public  tran- 
quility  at  their  place  of  residence;  2d,  to  pursue  and 
arrest  evil-doers,  and  deliver  them  to  the  judges ;  3d,  to 
obey  the  orders  of  the  alcalde  constitucional.  8th, 
Residents  of  all  municipalities  are  obliged  to  aid  the 
officers  of  police  with  their  persons,  horses,  arms,  and 
whatever  may  be  required,  but  the  comisarios  are  to 
act  kindly.  9th,  Ayuntamientos  will  report  to  the 
governor  the  organization  of  these  cuerpos  according 
to  this  decree.  10th,  Disobedience  to  be  severely 
punished.  This  is  taken  from  the  San  Diego  archives. 

I  give  herewith  the  provisional  rules  for  the  em 
ployees  of  the  office  of  governor's  secretary,  prepared 
by  the  chief  clerk  and  secretary  ad  interim,  Francisco 
Arce,  conformably  to  powers  conferred  on  him  by 
the  law  of  March  20,  1837,  and  approved  by  Michel- 
torena. 

Secretary's  functions:  Art.  1.  To  have   charge  of 


RULES  OF  GOVERNOR'S  OFFICE.  549 

everything  connected  with  the  office,  being  respon 
sible  for  whatever  documents  may  be  intrusted  to  him 
by  the  governor.  Art.  2.  To  see  that  the  employes 
comply  faithfully  with  their  duties,  and  that  they  do 
not  divulge  matters  taking  place  in  the  office.  Art. 
3.  To  sign  all  orders  or  documents  sent  him  for  that 
object  by  the  governor,  and  to  strictly  comply  with 
and  give  speedy  despatch  to  everything  sent  or 
recommended  to  him.  Art.  4.  To  report  immediately 
every  paper  or  document  which  may  come  into  his 
possession  from  other  sources,  and  which  may  depend 
for  despatch  on  the  governor's  decision.  Moreover, 
he  shall,  once  or  twice  daily,  report  to  the  governor 
for  orders. 

Escribiente's  functions:  Art.  1.  To  comply  strictly 
with  the  present  rules,  and  carry  out  faithfully  all 
orders  given  by  the  secretary.  Art.  2.  Shall  come 
to  the  office  at  8  A.  M.,  and  work  till  12  M.,  come  again 
at  2,  and  work  till  6  P.  M.,  except  on  the  customary 
holidays.  Art.  3.  Shall  be  responsible  to  the  secre 
tary  for  any  document  not  forthcoming  when  needed; 
and  to  the  government  for  the  slightest  infraction  of 
these  rules.  Art.  4.  Shall  take  care  that  all  matters 
confided  to  him  be  despatched  with  neatness,  and  keep 
silent  as  to  matters  confided  to  him  by  the  governor 
or  secretary. 

With  Victoria's  arrival,  the  officers  already  began 
to  look  upon  the  soldiers  as  inferiors.  Formerly,  there 
had  been  no  distinction,  for  officers'  and  soldiers'  fami 
lies  treated  one  another  as  equals. 

Jose  Maria  Amador,  writing  of  1827,  relates: 
"  After  ten  years  and  five  months  of  service  in  the 
San  Francisco  company  of  cuera,  I  determined  to  ask 
for  my  discharge.  I  went  to  Captain  Argiiello  to 
demand  the  same.  He  refused,  and  offered  me  a 
chevron  of  sergeant  if  I  would  remain  in  the  service. 
This  I  refused,  saying  that  he  had  not  favored  me 
when  promotion  would  have  been  timely,  notwith- 


550  LAW,  GOVERNMENT,  AND  RELIGION. 

standing  my  being  the  son  of  an  officer,  and  having 
always  done  my  duty  faithfully. 

''All  the  acknowledgment  of  my  services  had  been 
the  title  of  soldado  distinguido — a  title  which  was 
mine  by  right.  I  confess  that,  during  the  time  I  was 
his  servant,  he  had  frequently  asked  rne  to  take 
wine  with  him.  The  advantage  of  being  a  soldado 
distinguido — there  were  four  of  us  in  the  company- 
was  this:  we  were  not  obliged  to  do  any  kind  of 
work  other  than  the  occupying  of  our  places  in  the 
ranks,  and  mounting  guard.  When  ordered  to  do 
anything  else,  and  we  agreed  to  do  it,  we  received  ten 
reales  extra  pay  in  advance.  When  told  that  there 
was  no  money,  we  refused  flatly  to  do  what  was 
desired." 

When  Spaniards  first  began  coming  to  California, 
pursuant  to  a  royal  order  the  government  furnished 
to  each  soldier  of  the  garrisons  a  broadsword,  lance, 
an  oval  leathern  shield,  a  firelock,  and  pistols.  The 
sword  had  to  be  of  the  standard  size;  the  lance-heads 
were  about  two  feet  in  length,  one  and  a  half  inches 
wide,  well  strengthened  in  the  centre,  so  that  they 
formed  a  swell,  and  sharp  on  both  sides,  with  a  guard 
to  check  the  weapon  from  going  in  too  far,  and  to 
facilitate  its  being  pulled  out,  and  the  repetition  of 
blows.  The  shield  was  like  those  long  in  use  before 
and  after  this  time;  the  firelock  as  well  as  the  pistols 
were  cocked,  and  had  locks  after  the  Spanish  fashion; 
the  gun-barrel  was  of  the  length  of  three  feet  of  a  toise 
— a  toise  being  a  French  measure  of  six  feet,  equiva 
lent  to  seven  Spanish  feet — the  stock  was  well  propor 
tioned.  The  barrels  of  the  pistols  did  not  exceed  ten 
inches.  The  calibre  of  the  guns  and  pistols  was  of 
one  ounce ;  the  hammers  of  the  guns  were  of  the  finest 
temper,  in  order  that  they  could  stand  the  action  of  the 
sun. 

Besides  the  troops  of  the  line,  artillery  and  cavalry, 
each  presidio  had  a  certain  number  of  Indian  scouts, 
who  were  armed  with  pistol,  shield,  and  spear,  besides 


MILITARY  MATTERS.  551 

having  their  bows,  .and  their  quivers  filled  with  arrows. 
There  was  always  an  extra  supply  of  arms  at  each 
post,  and  they  were  kept  in  perfect  order.  An 
armorer,  who  was  also  a  private,  to  whom  extra  pay 
was  allowed,  had  charge  of  the  armament  of  his  com 
pany,  and  his  duty  was  to  keep  the  same  clean  and  in 
good  repair. 

Each  soldier  was  allowed  six  horses,  one  pony,  and 
one  mule ;  the  captain  of  the  presidio  saw  that  the 
animals  were  properly  cared  for  and  fed.  Each  man 
was  required  to  have  one  of  his  horses  ready  saddled 
and  supplied  with  forage,  day  and  night;  the  captains 
and  officers  were  held  responsible  for  the  strict  fulfil 
ment  of  this  order ;  the  safety  of  the  port  and  of  the 
settlements  might  depend  upon  the  troops  being  in 
readiness  to  start  at  a  moment's  notice,  and  to  put  a 
stop  to  the  raids  of  the  savages. 

The  Indian  scouts  were  also  supplied  with  a  saddle 
and  bridle;  the  former  was  of  the  kind  later  known 
under  the  name  of  silla  vaquera,  or  vaquero's  or  cow- 
herder's  saddle;  it  was  provided  with  the  usual  ap 
pendages  of  caparison;  long  and  wide  leathern  skins 
attached  to  the  pommel  to  cover  the  thighs  and  legs, 
little  cushions  and  closed  wooden  stirrups;  the  use  of 
large  stirrups  was  strictly  forbidden. 

" Notwithstanding  our  privileges,"  continues  Ama- 
dor,  "  Captain  Argiiello  frequently  put  us  in  the 
stocks,  the  culprit  lying  on  the  ground,  with  no  rest 
for  the  head,  and  exposed  to  the  sun.  This  punish 
ment  the  captain  termed  the  pena  arbitraria,  and  said 
that  he  inflicted  it  "because,  in  refusing  to  assist  in  load 
ing  mules  and  conducting  them  from  Santa  Cruz  to 
the  presidio,  we  gave  a  bad  example  to  the  other  sol 
diers.  But  as  soon  as  Dona  Rafaela,  wife  of  Captain 
Argtiello,  saw  us  in  the  stocks,  she  would  insist  that 
we  should  be  liberated;  many  times  coming  personally 
to  make  the  corporal  of  the  guard  free  us.  I  imagine 
that  she  and  the  captain  had  an  understanding  about 
this;  for  one  day  in  his  presence,  and  that  of  the  offi- 


552  LAW,  GOVERNMENT,  AND  RELIGION. 

cer  of  the  guard,  she  herself  opened  the  stocks  and 
set  us  at  liberty,  after  obtaining  permission  of  the 
officer  of  the  guard.  The  captain  merely  laughed, 
and  called  us,  as  was  his  custom,  costales  de  azumbre." 
(Azumbre  is  a  measure  used  for  liquids,  and  azumbrar 
is  to  use  that  measure.  It  was  also  used,  as  are  very 
many  other  Spanish  words,  to  express  drunkenness. 
The  expression  may  be  taken  to  signify  '  empty-pated 
fellows;'  literally,  it  is  'sack  of  azumbre.') 

Justice  was  somewhat  erratic:  severe  to-day,  lax 
enough  to-morrow.  Mexican  thieves  were  so  plenti 
ful  in  1838  that  Alvarado  thought  two  at  least  might 
well  be  spared,  and  under  color  of  martial  law  ordered 
them  to  be  shot. 

"  I  can  assert,"  says  Arnaz,  "that  from  1840  to  1843 
perfect  security  for  person  prevailed  in  California 
towns  and  highways,  except  from  savages  in  remote 
localities,  as  at  El  Nacimiento,  Asuncion,  Paso  de 
Robles,  and  Las  Pasitas.  Fink's  was  the  only  mur 
der  and  robbery  I  heard  of." 

The  alcalde  was  the  justice,  and  all  disputes  and  all 
suits  wrere  brought  before  him.  Minor  cases  he  de- 

O 

cided  himself,  but  cases  of  great  importance,  and  all 
commercial  cases,  were  referred  to  the  government 
at  the  north.  After  the  suppression  of  alcaldes  and 
ayuntamientos,  under  the  central  regime,  there  were 
justices  of  the  peace  who  exercised  the  judicial  func 
tions  formerly  performed  by  the  alcaldes. 

Alvarado  divided  the  territory  into  districts  and 
cantons,  at  the  head  of  each  district  placing  a 
prefect  with  a  sub-prefect  to  aid  him.  Toward  the 
close  of  the  year  1839,  in  accordance  with  a  law  of 
congress,  the  ayuntamientos  were  suppressed,  the  pre 
fects  being  authorized  to  take  charge  of  business  con 
nected  with  land  titles  in  order  to  bring  the  same 
before  the  government.  The  law  referred  to  provided 
that  there  should  be  letrados  or  escribanos  publicos, 
(which  will  bear  translating  into  notaries  public,  since 


JUDICIAL  DISTRICTS.  553 

their  duties  were  similar),  for  the  purpose  of  authenti 
cating  all  acts,  judicial  as  well  as  civil;  and  at  points 
where  there  were  no  such  officers,  the  jueces  de  paz, 
aided  by  two  witnesses,  were  empowered  to  act  in  their 
stead.  On  the  suppression  of  the  ayuntamientos, 
jueces  de  paz  were  named,  who  performed  the  duties 
of  the  former  alcaldes  constitucionales,  with  this  dif 
ference  :  that,  whereas  the  1st  alcalde  had  been  pres 
ident  of  the  ayuntamiento  and  juez  de  la  instancia, 
now  the  1st  juez  de  paz  possessed  the  powers  of  juez 
de  la  instancia  who  took  cognizance  of  suits  at  law, 
and  the  substantiation  of  criminal  causes.  The  2d 
juez  de  paz  took  charge  of  preliminary  matters  in  crim 
inal  cases,  and  of  conciliatory  and  verbal  civil  suits. 

The  San  Diego  district  in  1844  extended  to  Santa 
Margarita,  one  league  beyond  San  Luis  Rey.  San 
Juan  Capistrano  extended  from  Las  Flores  puebhto, 
six  leagues  south,  to  Rio  Santa  Ana.  Santa  Barbara 

O 

extended  from  rancho  Simi  on  the  north  slope  of  Santa 
Susana  to  the  rancho  lying  half-way  between  Puri- 
sima  and  San  Luis  Obispo.  Monterey  extended  from 
San  Luis  Obispo  to  near  San  Juan  Bautista,  though 
judicially  it  held  sway  farther  north.  San  Jose  ex 
tended  over  Santa  Clara  and  San  Jose  mission  and 
ranches. 

In  case  of  a  sale  of  real  estate,  the  alcalde  acted  as 
notary.  The  protocol  of  terms  was  signed  by  the  par 
ties,  by  the  judge,  and  two  witnesses,  and  sometimes 
by  two  or  three  other  witnesses  called  instrumental. 
The  original  deed  remained  in  the  archives,  a  certi 
fied  copy  being  given  to  parties.  The  judge,  clerks, 
or  parties  would  read  the  document  aloud  to  all. 

For  very  grave  crimes,  twenty-five  lashes  daily  were 
given  for  nine  days,  but  this  sentence  was  indulged 
in  only  by  military  commanders  or  the  government. 
Twenty-five  lashes  were  the  most  imposed  by  the 
padres. 

On  one  occasion  Pio  Pico  came  to  Angeles  from 
San  Diego.  Before  reaching  Angeles,  he  was  informed 


554  LAW,  GOVERNMENT,  AND  RELIGION. 

that  the  alcalde  would  not  let  him  enter  the  place 
without  a  passport.  Having  none,  he  forged  one- 
signing  to  it  the  name  of  the  comandante  of  San  Diego. 
This,  on  reaching  Angeles,  he  presented.  The  alcalde, 
•  who  did  not  know  how  to  read,  took  the  paper  and 
pretended  to  read  it.  Thereupon  he  expressed  him 
self  as  perfectly  satisfied,  and  returned  the  document 
to  Pico. 

In  a  letter  from  the  alcalde  of  Monterey  to  the 
governor,  under  date  of  December  19,  1848,  reference 
is  made  to  the  enclosed  verdict  of  a  jury  of  six  Mex 
icans,  against  Salvador  Nieto  for  having  challenged 
Nicolds  Silvas  and  fired  a  pistol  at  him.  He  is  con 
demned  to  six  months  public  labor,  and  Silvas  to  three 
months  for  accepting  the  challenge  and  leaving  his 
house  with  arms. 

It  was  common  to  challenge  an  opponent  out  of 
jealousy,  after  a  quarrel  over  a  game.  Place  and 
time  appointed,  they  met,  and  without  further  words 
began  to  slash  with  their  swords,  inflicting  terrible 
wounds.  When  one  of  them  became  tired,  a  rest  was 
allowed.  When  one  cried  enough,  and  recognized  the 

O       '  O 

other  as  the  best  man,  the  victor  dictated  conditions. 
The  usual  meeting-places  were  the  Huerta  Vieja, 
Huerta  del  Rey,  or  Canada  de  la  Segunda.  Care  was 
taken  to  prevent  observation. 

Writing  to  the  governor  from  San  Jose  April  15, 
1825,  Father  Duran,  vicario  foraneo,  acknowledges 
the  summary  of  proceedings  formed  against  Cabo 
Canuto  Bororida,  and  Meliton  Soto,  civilian,  for  fight 
ing  a  duel  near  Santa  Barbara,  in  which  case  he  is 
asked  to  give  his  opinion  as  regards  the  penalty  im 
posed  by  the  church  for  the  offence.  The  church,  he 
says,  cannot  look  with  indifference  on  the  almost  cer 
tain  eternal  damnation  of  those  who  die  in  a  duel,  and 
has  accordingly  imposed  the  most  terrible  punishment, 
namely,  that  of  excomunion  mayor,  ipso  facto  incur- 
renda.  He  refers  to  the  laws  on  this  offence — intro 
duced  by  the  devil  to  destroy  men's  souls — which  also 


LATIN  LYING.  555 

deny  burial  in  consecrated  ground  to  the  fallen.  To 
this  the  bull  detestabilem  of  Pope  Benedict  XIV. 
adds  denial  of  sacred  burial,  even  when  the  person 
dies  some  time  after,  in  consequence  of  the  wounds. 

Boronda  appears  to  have  been  challenged  by  Soto, 
and  the  duel  was  fought  with  deadly  weapons,  not 
pistols,  in  a  cafiada,  without  witnesses.  Hence  they 
incurred  excomniunion  mayor  late  sententia  ipso  facto 
incurrenda,  and  must  conduct  themselves  as  required 
to  obtain  absolution.  One  excuse  was  ignorance  of 
the  punishment,  but  this  plea  was  rarely  admitted. 
The  absolution  for  the  case  was  termed  ad  cautelam. 

If  the  Californians  were  fluent  and  polite  liars,  they 
came  honestly  by  this,  with  other  amiable  vices,  in 
heriting  them  from  their  Mexican  and  Spanish  ances 
try.  To  lie  was  a  small  matter;  to  be  caught  lying, 
even,  was  not  a  great  matter.  Religion,  on  a  Sunday 
morning,  was  a  serious  matter ;  on  a  Sunday  afternoon, 
it  was  a  trifling  matter.  Perjury  was  a  horrible  of 
fence — sometimes.  With  easy  consciences  and  facile 
tongues,  they  did  not  really  expect  to  be  visited  by 
punishment,  here  or  hereafter,  for  false  swearing. 
Governor  Sola  says,  in  1821,  it  was  customary  for 
witnesses  to  deny  a  knowledge  of  facts  whenever  it 
might  be  deemed  uncharitable  to  speak  truth  which 
would  bring  injury  upon  another — just  as  it  is  to-day 
with  regard  to  our  railway  magnates  testifying  where 
their  interests  are  concerned ;  if  there  is  no  other  way 
of  getting  around  it,  their  memory  is  sure  to  fail 
them.  One  certainly  could  not  expect  a  fifty-million 
dollar  man  to  remember  anything  which  it  was  clearly 
to  his  interests  to  forget. 

So  it  is  with  nine-tenths  of  those  who  are  put  upon 
the  witness  stand  in  any  country.  Not  all  of  them 
intend  to  swear  falsely,  but  few  speak  or  practise  the 
whole  truth  and  nothing  else.  It  may  be  bias  of 
mind  or  bias  of  feeling,  but  it  is  a  singular  fact  that 
the  bias  is  always  in  favor  of  the  affiant's  interests. 
How  often  in  a  court  of  justice  do  we  hear  witnesses 


556  LAW,   GOVERNMENT,   AND  RELIGION. 

swearing  diametrically  opposite  to  each  other,  so  that 
it  is  impossible  to  say  that  one  or  both  of  them  are 
not  perjuring  themselves,  and  yet  they  can  hardly  be 
punished  for  purjury,  as  it  is  impossible  to  tell  which, 
•if  either,  is  telling  the  truth.  And  so  when  a  man 
swears  he  cannot  remember ;  there  is  no  way  of  prov 
ing  that  he  is  swearing  falsely,  or  that  he  can  and 
does  remember,  and  would  be  very  quick  to  give  the 
desired  imformation  were  it  to  his  interest  to  do  so. 

Hence,  when  we  complain  that  a  Mexican's  word 
cannot  be  relied  on,  that  his  sense  of  honor  as  a  rule, 
is  not  sufficiently  strong  to  keep  him  honest,  that  as 
he  suspects  every  one  himself,  he  expects  every  one  to 
suspect  him,  that  as  he  believes  to  be  true  not  more 
than  half  of  what  is  told  him,  so  he  expects  not  more 
than  half  of  what  he  says  will  be  believed,  and  so  on, 
—I  say  when  we  complain  of  the  short-comings  of  the 
Hispano-American,  let  us  not  forget  those  of  the 
Anglo- Amer  ican. 

The  ecclesiastical  government  in  1835  was  arranged 
somewhat  in  this  wise :  The  two  Californias  and  So- 
nora  together  formed  one  diocese,  under  a  bishop  with 
a  stipend  of  $6,000.  Until  California  should  be  erected 
into  a  bishopric,  there  was  to  be  a  vicar,  appointed 
by  the  bishop  of  Sonora,  as  he  was  usually  called,  for 
each  of  the  two  California  territories.  The  necessary 
curacies  were  established,  each  mission  being  such; 
and  were  the  curate  clergyman  or  friar,  he  could  not 
be  a  Spaniard.  The  curate  must  have  sufficient  means 
apportioned  to  him  for  the  support  of  himself  and  his 
subordinates,  collecting  nothing  from  his  parishioners, 
and  making  no  charge  for  baptism.  Curates  were 
ecclesiastical  judges,  their  acts  to  be  before  two  wit 
nesses,  with  appeal  from  their  decisions  to  the  vicar. 
Curates  should  act  fraternally,  and  settle  matters 
amicably. 

The  mission  churches  afforded  asylum  for  political 
or  military  refugees,  but  were  hardly  sufficient  to 
shield  notorious  criminals.  The  chapels  of  the  pre- 


ECCLESIASTICAL  AFFAIRS.  557 

sidios,  whose  expenses  were  defrayed  by  the  garrison, 
gave  no  such  protection. 

Pontifical  bulls  being  counterfeited  at  Rome,  and  also 
breves  and  rescriptos  on  indulgences  and  other  favqrs, 
the  president  decreed  in  1833  that  six  months  from 
date  no  bula  or  rescripto  should  be  received  which  did 
not  come  provided  with  the  visto  bueno  of  the  Mexi 
can  consul  at  Rome. 

The  Angeles  ayuntamiento  in  1845  resolved  that 
the  present  ecclesiastical  authorities  should  set  aside 
a  place  for  Indians  to  hear  mass,  because  they  were 
too  dirty  to  mix  with  gente  de  razon. 

Says  Alvarado :  "  In  California  we  have  never  had  a 
bishop,  and  consequently  the  people  do  not  desire  one. 
Here  the  friars  are  in  general  looked  upon  with  indif 
ference,  because  every  one  is  poor  and  devoted  to 
agriculture.  That  is,  there  is  no  fanaticism,  such  as 
I  have  been  told  exists  in  other  parts  of  the  republic- 
Here  we  have  no  religious  establishments." 

Father  Mercado,  of  mission  San  Antonio,  being 
called  on,  March  10,  1836,  to  ratify  on  oath  what  he 
had  on  the  28th  of  December,  1835,  represented  to 
the  diputacion  against  the  treatment  of  the  Indians 
of  San  Antonio  by  the  administrator,  Ramirez,  refused 
to  do  so,  pleading  his  privilege  as  a  priest,  and  his 
position  as  ecclesiastical  authority  in  San  Antonio ;  he 
denied  that  the  fiscal  had  any  authority  to  demand 
testimony  from  him.  The  fiscal  quoted  the  law  of 
the  llth  of  September,  1820,  under  which  he  claimed 
the  right  to  interrogate  the  padre,  and  allowed  him 
five  hours  within  which  to  come  and  testify. 

The  five  hours  having  elapsed  without  the  padre 
appearing,  the  fiscal  wrote  him  that  for  the  last  time 
he  summoned  him  to  appear  forthwith;  otherwise,  he 
would  at  once  declare  the  charge  against  Ramirez 
false  and  calumnious. 

Still  Mercado  did  not  come;  but  on  the  same  day 
he  answered  in  writing  that  he  would  like  the  fiscal 
to  show  him  the  law  under  which  he  could  declare 


558  LAW,  GOVERNMENT,  AND  RELIGION. 

his  charges  false  and  calumnious,  and  that  he  pro 
tested  beforehand  against  such  an  illegal  action  on 
the  fiscal's  part. 

Mercado  finally  appeared  in  person  before  the  fis 
cal,  and  took  the  oath  'in  verbo  sacerdotis,'  and 
stated  that  the  church  canons  forbid  ecclesiastics  to 
appear  before  secular  judges,  unless  in  self-defence,  or 
in  defence  of  the  church,  or  of  such  persons  as  could 
not  act  for  themselves.  Ecclesiastical  as  well  as  civil 
laws,  and  the  holy  father's  command,  and  even  under 
the  penalty  of  mortal  sin,  impose  upon  all  the  literate, 
and  also  upon  the  priests  of  Indians  (pdrrocos  de 
indios),  to  defend  these  unfortunate  beings  against 
any  abuses  they  may  be  subjected  to. 

There  may  be  those  who  would  like  to  know  what 
the  San  Francisco  chapel  contained  in  the  year  of  our 
Lord  1831.  There  were  six  images  on  canvas  of  the 
virgin,  San  Diego,  and  St  Dominick,  one  statue  of 
St  Francis,  five  complete  ornaments,  two  plu vials  or 
copes,  rose  and  black,  six  stoles,  five  sets  of  altar  linen 
(on  which  the  communion  bread  and  wine  are  put  to 
be  consecrated),  one  set  of-  embroidered  linen,  five 
ornaments  of  the  altar,  six  albs,  one  surplice,  one  con 
secrated  stone  of  the  altar,  one  silver  chalice  with 
patine  and  little  spoon,  one  large  silver  cup,  one  pair 
of  vessels  for  wine  and  water,  silver  saucer  and  tum 
bler,  one  silver  and  one  copper  small  bell,  two  incen 
sories,  two  gilt  wooden  stands  for  the  missal,  one 
old  wooden  palabrer,  two  covers  for  the  altar,  two 
amices,  one  manotejo,  thirteen  purificatories,  six  silk 
embroidered  blue  ribbons  for  amices,  two  missals, 
one  of  them  old,  one  ritual,  one  Christ  crucified  of 
wood  with  the  inri  of  silver,  one  Christ  crucified  of 
copper,  one  old  gilt  niche,  six  copper  candlesticks  for 
wax  tapers,  one  copper  candlestick  in  pieces,  two  large 
bells,  one  copper  letter,  one  tin  box  for  communion 
wafers,  two  small  candlesticks,  two  parvapalias  of 
front  ornaments,  one  white  linen  cloth,  two  long  cas- 


SOUL-SAVING  MACHINERY.  559 

socks,  one  old  useless  carpet,  one  wooden  bench,  one 
arm-chair,  two  sets  of  red  curtains  in  windows,  one 
case  for  the  ornaments,  one  wooden  confessional,  two 
old  gilt  screens,  one  small  vial  for  the  holy  oil,  one 
old  trunk  for  the  dry  goods  of  the  church,  one  old 
breviary,  one  old  via  crucis,  and  one  iron  implement 
for  making  communion  wafers — machinery  enough,  if 
properly  fed  with  money,  to  save  a  hundred  thousand 
souls. 

It  was  too  much  the  fashion  with  foreigners  to  ma 
lign  all  classes.  The  priests,  they  said,  possessed  little 
learning  or  intelligence,  and  this  little  they  devoted  to 
the  crushing  and  plundering  of  their  people.  They  were 
dissolute  and  unscriptural,  fatherly  in  a  too  literal  sense, 
bringing  too  much  of  heaven  to  earth  if  of  such  is  the 
kingdom  of  heaven;  and  loving  eau-de-vie,  the  water 
of  life,  more  than  the  bread  of  life.  For  the  laity, 
they  were  the  largest  order  of  animals  then  known, 
as  well  as  the  dirtiest;  a  people  wholly  lying  in  wicked 
ness,  and  lacking  soap.  They  were  supercilious,  yet 
ignorant  and  superstitious,  and  full  of  beastly  habits. 
That  they  were  over-ridden  by  their  clergy  they  con 
sidered  a  benefit,  if  not  to  themselves,  at  least  to  their 
neighbors,  for  when  the  blind  lead  the  blind  both  fall 
into  the  ditch.  The  Indians  were  as  wild  and  timid 
as  the  beasts  of  chase  among  which  they  existed,  with 
the  exception  of  a  few  slightly  advanced  by  becoming 
Mexicans  by  connection  with  the  missions.  The  ap 
pearance  of  an  immigrant  for  the  first  time  in  a  ranche- 
rfa  of  the  natives  produced  an  effect  sickening  and  pitiful, 
as  indicative  of  their  treatment  by  the  Californians. 
All  capable  of  flight  escaped,  while  the  women  appeared 
wailing  for  mercy,  and  endeavoring  to  appease  supposed 
ferocity  by  offerings  of  such  food  as  they  possessed. 
On  the  departure  of  the  stranger,  they  made  the  place 
echo  again  with  cries  of  surprise  and  joy.  The  gov 
ernment  was  a  rotten  military  despotism;  and  the 
courts  of  so-called  justice  were  run  by  hard  bribery 
and  hard  swearing,  legal  and  profane. 


560  LAW,  GOVERNMENT,  AND  RELIGION. 

Sunday  was  the  great  gala-day,  devoted  to  religion 
and  amusement.  After  mass  the  young  arid  fashion 
able  belle  returned  home  and  dressed  for  the  ball-room. 
The  waltz  which  followed  so  closely  their  worship 
was  all  the  more  fantastic  from  the  previous  sombre 
solemnities.  The  mind  for  the  present*  was  freed 
from  further  anxiety,  and  the  heart,  relieved  of  its 
burden  of  sin,  bounded  lightly  forth,  a  new  creature. 
Aboriginals,  those  who  could  obtain  it,  resorted  to 
liquor  as  a  panacea  for  their  troubles. 

The  ideal  of  the  time  and  place  was  pleasure.  Re 
ligion  was  a  power,  wealth  a  blessing,  and  chastity 
comely;  but  religion,  wealth,  and  chastity  were  made 
secondary  to  pleasure.  The  fathers  saw  this,  and  so 
made  religion  pleasurable;  the  rich  men  felt  it,  and 
so  opened  their  houses  to  festive  throngs;  the  humble, 
the  poor,  the  good,  and  the  wicked,  whatever  else  might 
befall  them,  were  not  to  be  cheated  of  their  round  of 
pleasure. 

On  Christmas  night,  1837,  while  the  families  of  San 
Diego  were  gathered  at  Pio  Pico's  house,  the  religious 
comedy  of  El  diablo  en  la  pastorela  was  performed. 
In  the  play  appeared  an  angel,  the  devil,  a  hermit, 
and  a  Bartolo,  in  the  persons  of  Guadalupe  Estu- 
dillo,  Felipe  Marron,  Isidora  Pico,  and  other  girls. 
On  each  side  of  the  scene  were  six  little  girls  dressed 
in  white  with  red  head-gear.  During  the  represen 
tation  the  women  sang  hymns  of  adoration  to  Jesus. 

The  government  demanded  of  all  the  fulfilment  of 
church  precepts.  All  except  the  disabled  had  to  assist 
at  mass  on  Sundays  and  ordained  days.  If  any  one  was 
noticed  to  fail  in  attendance  for  some  time  without  just 
cause,  the  authorities  sought  him  out  and  reprimanded 
him. 

In  easter  (pascua  florida)  all  had  to  confess  and 
take  sacrament,  and  assist  at  doctrina.  Each  received 
a  paper  from  the  padre  to  show  that  he  had  complied 
with  church  duties  that  year.  When  one  reached  the 
age  for  confession,  this  was  no  'onger  requisite,  or  at 


INSTANT  IN  PRAYER.  561 

least  was  not  compulsory.  Still,  they  performed  their 
duties  in  obedience  to  the  wish  of  their  parents,  al 
though  the  government  did  not  meddle. 

Religious  education  was  carefully  attended  to.  In 
every  house,  before  dawn,  an  alabado  was  said  and  sung 
by  the  united  family.  At  noon,  prayers  were  again 
offered  up.  At  the  oracion — about  6  p.  M. — and  at 
night,  before  retiring,  a  rosario  was  recited,  and  an 
other  alabado  chanted  in  chorus.  At  a  fandango  or 
a  ball,  at  8  o'clock,  the  head  of  the  family  has  been 
known  to  cause  the  diversion  to  cease  while  he  recited 
the  rosario,  which  occupies  about  a  quarter  of  an  hour, 
in  which  all  present  were  obliged  to  join,  after  which 
the  festivities  wero  resumed.  Many  times  at  rodeos, 
at  the  wonted  hour  for  prayer,  old  men  would  cause 
labor  to  be  suspended  while  they,  and  with  them  all 
the  bystanders,  offered  up  a  prayer.  Indeed,  among 
the  more  pious  life  was  one  continuous  petition,  or 
series  of  petitions,  to  the  almighty  powers  for  favors 
desired,  and  calamities  to  be  averted.  The  most  insig 
nificant  of  every  day  affairs  were  referred  to  the  man 
ager  of  the  universe,  to  be  passed  upon  and  adjusted. 

It  was  an  altogether  abnormal  condition  of  affairs, 
so  far  as  law,  government,  and  religion  were  concerned. 
The  natives,  when  let  alone,  were  wholly  natural; 
when  under  the  domination  of  foreign  missionaries,  it 
was  worse  than  artificial.  There  were  no  other  appli 
ances  for  the  debasement  of  intellect  which  would 
equal  these.  For  though  the  mind  when  left  alone 
may  fall  into  a  thousand  fantastic  fanaticisms,  when 
played  upon  and  impressed  by  more  skilled  minds,  the 
result  is  an  intimidation  of  intellect  painful  to  see.  I  f 
missionaries,  or  others  who  would  convert  the  whole 
world  to  one  way  of  thinking  in  religious  affairs,  would 
but  observe  how  quickly  both  body  and  mind  wither 
under  the  malign  influence  of  superiority,  savages  and 
children  would  be  more  let  alone,  would  be  less  under 
restraint  in  the  application  of  ancient  traditions  and 
meaningless  formulas  to  the  training  of  intellect. 

CAL.  PAST.    36 


562  LAW,  GOVERNMENT,  AND  RELIGION. 

A  godchild,  wherever  and  whenever  he  met  his 
godfather  or  godmother,  was  obliged  to  take  off  his 
hat  and  offer  a  brief  prayer,  after  which  a  benediction 
was  bestowed  by  the  sponsor.  The  obligations  of  the 
sponsors  were  such  that  in  case  of  the  godchild  be 
coming  an  orphan,  the  sponsors  took  the  place  of 
parents,  and  provided  him  with  food  and  education. 
At  all  times  it  was  the  duty  of  the  sponsor  to  give 
salutary  counsels  to  the  godchild. 

The  compadrazgo  was  a  bond  of  affinity  existing 
between  the  parents  of  the  child  on  the  one  side,  and 
the  sponsors  of  the  child  on  the  other — that  is,  it  was 
so  held  by  the  church,  but  not  by  civil  law.  At  a 
baptism  the  officiating  priest  always  explained  the 
relations  thus  contracted.  Compadre  and  comadre  were 
the  words  used  in  speaking  to  or  of  the  sponsors  of 
one's  child — the  same  words  being  by  them  applied  to 
the  parents  of  the  child.  The  words  mean  literally 
co-father  and  co-mother.  We  have  no  kindred  term 
in  English,  unless  it  be  the  now  obsolete — in  that  sense 
—gossip,  a  perfectly  well-formed  Saxon  word,  against 
the  retaining  of  which  no  objection  could  be  reasonably 
urged. 

About  September  1847,  two  Indians  were  con 
demned  to  be  hanged  for  murdering  a  foreigner.  The 
cords  were  adjusted  by  the  attending  padres,  but  both 
knots  slipped,  and  except  a  slight  choking  they  were 
both  uninjured.  In  a  moment  one  of  the  priests 
mounted  a  horse  and  galloped  to  the  governor's,  urg 
ing  a  reprieve  on  the  plea  of  a  special  dispensation 
of  providence.  Governor  Mason  refused,  and  the 
Indians  were  hano-ed. 

O 

The  robes  of  the  paares  were  deemed  by  the  In 
dians  sacred  things,  precious  relics.  In  1833  at  the 
death  of  Padre  Sanchez  the  women  took  fragments 
of  his  dress,  sewed  them  up  in  little  silk  or  velvet 
bokillas,  and  wore  them  round  their  necks  as  blessed 
relics. 

It  was  the  custom  in  California  to  give  thanks  to 


THE  MILL  OF  THE  GODS.  563 

God  at  break  of  day,  in  a  loud  voice.  One  gave  the 
thread  of  the  prayer,  the  rest  responding.  Men,  wo 
men,  children,  all  were  good  Christians  at  heart,  al 
though  most  knew  nothing  of  the  rudiments  of  their 
religion. 

It  seemed  hard  on  the  poor  padres  in  California, 
that  after  spending  their  whole  lives  to  gain  heaven, 
they  should  be  left  to  flounder  about  in  purgatory 
perhaps  for  a  year  or  more,  and  all  because  there  were 
none  in  certain  times  and  places  to  give  prompt  sufra- 
gios.  Finally,  it  was  agreed  that  for  lack  of  quality 
there  should  be  quantity,  every  mission  padre  cele 
brating  twenty  masses  every  time  a  brother  priest 
died.  As  there  were  then  twenty-one  missions,  there 
would  be  420  masses  for  every  priest  dying. 

Says  Friar  Juan  Sancho,  guardian  of  the  college  of 
San  Fernando  de  Mexico,  writing  to  the  viceroy,  the 
Conde  de  Galvez,  in  answer  to  the  viceroy's  despatch 
covering  general  royal  order  of  January  31,  1784: 
"From  the  reports  of  the  padres  in  charge  of  the  Cali 
fornia  missions,  which  owe  their  being"  and  advance 

O 

chiefly  to  the  efforts  of  Don  Josef  de  Galvez — each 
of  the  nine  missions  has  its  church  wrell  supplied  with 
ornaments,  vessels,  etc.,  the  $1,000  given  by  the  vice 
roy  for  the  founding  of  each  having  been  augmented 
by  what  the  padres  have  been  able  to  economize  in 
their  yearly  stipends. 

"Each  mission  has  the  buildings  necessary  for  the 
padres'  dwelling,  storehouses,  and  the  like.  Each  has 
a  building  for  youths,  and  another  for  maidens,  pre 
sided  over  by  persons  detailed  for  that  purpose  by  the 
Driest.  Each  has  barracks  for  the  escolta.  These 
buildings,  together  with  the  houses  for  married  Indians, 
comprise  the  pueblo,  or  mission.  At  each  mission  live 
its  children,  at  least  the  adults,  for  many  little  ones  by 
reason  of  tender  age  live  with  their  pagan  parents, 
who  take  them  almost  every  day  to  the  mission  that 
the  priest  may  see  them,  and  in  order  to  receive  food 


564  LAW,  GOVERNMENT,  AND  RELIGION. 

for  them,  until  the  age  of  four  or  five,  after  which  the 
child  remains  at  the  mission. 

"At  the  sound  of  the  morning  bell,  the  Indians  o-o  to 

O  '  O 

the  church,  where  the  priest  recites  prayers  and  doc- 
trina  in  Spanish.  After  hearing  mass,  they  go  to  break 
fast.  The  same  religious  exercises  are  repeated  every 
afternoon.  Although  at  almost  each  mission  the  na 
tive  dialect  is  different,  by  the  padres'  exertions  most 
of  the  Indians  speak  Spanish,  and  some  confess  in  this 
language.  At  the  same  time  the  priests  have  learned 
the  Indian  tongues.  The  children  learn  Spanish 
easily.  The  efforts  of  the  padres  for  the  spiritual 
amelioration  of  the  natives  are  ceaseless.  As  the 
padres  also  look  after  the  temporal  welfare  of  the 
natives,  they  instruct  them  in  what  pertains  to  social 
and  political  life,  and  in  all  operations  connected  with 
the  cultivation  of  the  land,  the  padres  actually  per 
forming  all  these  operations  that  they  may  learn. 
Thus  they  have  cleared  the  best  land  near  the  missions, 
and  have  brought  water  to  irrigate  it.  Each  year 
there  is  planted  as  much  as  is  possible.  The  new 
Christians  learn  also  to  be  carpenters,  masons,  smiths, 
quarrymen,  and  the  like,  under  the  direction  of  the 
padres.  The  Indians  produce  everything  that  is  pro 
duced,  and  consume  it.  The  pagans  that  visit  the 
missions  are  given  what  there  is  to  give,  the  padre 
knowing  that  thus  they  are  more  readily  attracted  to 
a  Christian  mode  of  life.  The  padres  also  are  physi 
cians  and  surgeons,  making  use  of  remedies  sent  from 
the  college,  and  of  herbs  the  virtues  of  which  expe 
rience  has  shown  them. 

"  One  affliction  the  padres  suffer — they  cannot,  as 
they  desire,  clothe  their  neophytes.  Of  his  stipend 
of  $400,  each  padre  spends  the  half  in  his  own  dress, 
chocolate,  wine  and  wax  for  the  church;  and  other 
things  of  less  import — such  as  medicines,  trinkets  for 
the  Indians,  etc.  It  costs  nearly  $100  to  conduct 
these  things  from  Mexico  to  San  Bias.  The  other 
$100  is  spent  on  blankets  and  coarse  stuffs  for  cloth- 


SAINTS  AND  SAVAGES.  565 

ing — that  is,  the  balance  left  after  the  necessary  pur 
chasers  of  things  for  the  church  and  implements  of 
husbandry.  So  there  is  not  enough  to  half  clothe 
the  Indians.  Although  nearly  every  year  there  is  a 
superabundance  of  grain  arid  cattle,  no  advantage  can 
be  taken  of  it,  for  there  are  no  buyers.  If  the  padres 
sell  anything,  it  is  only  losing  it  and  not  receiving  its 
value,  the  purchaser  asserting  when  payment  is  asked 
that  he  has  no  money. 

" Through  the  instruction  of  the  padres,  the  Indians 
soon  become  skilled  in  the  mechanic  arts.  They  are 
quick  at  learning,  and  are  docile.  Though  they  work 
well  when  the  padre  is  present,  they  wrill  not  other 
wise  apply  themselves,  which,  considering  the  new 
ness  of  civilized  life  to  them,  is  not  to  be  wondered 
at.  Without  the  continual  care  of  the  padres,  they 
would  relapse  into  barbarism.  This  is  the  reason 
why  the  lands  have  not  been  assigned  by  families,  and 
why  all  cultivate  them  in  common,  and  live  and  eat 
together.  At  present  they  are  not  capable  of  living  in 
any  other  way;  many  years  must  elapse  before  they 
will  be.  They  are  like  children,  and  have  yet  to  learn 
how  to  live  a  political  and  civil  life  in  Christian  society. 

"  At  these  missions,  there  are  no  cofradias,  nor  her- 
mandades,  nor  any  branch  of  commerce.  The  padres 
do  not  even  think  of  receiving  any  obvencion.  In 
December  of  the  past  year,  an  order  of  the  king  was 
intimated  to  the  padres  of  these  missions,  and  its 
punctual  observance  exacted.  Paragraph  19  of  that 
order  provides  that  only  at  missions  near  presidios,  or 
at  those  near  the  pagan  frontier,  shall  there  be  two 
padres.  All  these  nine  missions  are  on  the  pagan 
frontier,  and  almost  every  night  many  pagans  sleep  at 
one  or  all  of  them,  so  it  would  seem  that  none  are 
obliged  to  go  on  with  only  one  padre.  The  king 
orders  that  the  statutes,  which  in  1780  the  comisario 
general  de  Indias  framed  by  royal  order,  shall  be  ob 
served  punctually.  Paragraph  6,  number  3,  of  these 
statutes,  orders  that  no  minister  shall  reside  alone  at 


566  LAW,  GOVERNMENT,  AND  RELIGION. 

the  new  missions.  As  the  missions  are  distant  one  from 
another,  and  the  assaults  of  savages  may  take  place 
at  any  time,  a  padre  living  alone  is  exposed  to  death 
without  receiving  the  sacraments — a  contingency 
which  should  by  all  means  be  avoided.  Therefore, 
these  padres  beseech  the  viceroy  not  to  allow  them  to 
live  alone,  but  to  provide  that  they  shall  continue  to 
reside  two  at  a  mission." 

Governor  Micheltorena,  in  his  interview  with  Bishop 
Diego,  said  that  the  clergy  of  California  swam  in 
luxury  and  lasciviousness,  having  abandoned  the  ways 
of  the  missionaries  of  old.  The  early  padres  slept  on 
the  ground  with  an  adobe  for  a  pillow,  and  a  hide  for 
a  blanket;  while  now  the  padres  Real,  Jimeno,  Quijas, 
Mercado,  Santillan,  and  others  had  luxurious  beds 
adorned  with  curtains,  and  provided  with  good  mat 
tresses.  Formerly  they  punished  the  padre  who  car 
ried  a  silver  watch,  but  to-day  all  the  priests  go  with 
gold  watches  and  chains.  They  engage  in  all  manner 
of  illicit  pleasures,  and  all  without  hindrance  from 
their  bishop.  The  scandalous  conduct  of  the  clergy 
impelled  all  who  could  afford  it  to  send  their  children 
abroad  to  be  educated,  and  keep  them  from  the  per 
nicious  example  of  unchaste  priests.  So  said  the  gov 
ernor  to  the  bishop. 

The  Senora  Padilla  once  complained  indignantly 
to  the  juez  de  paz,  for  herself,  and  in  the  name  of 
other  religiously  inclined  females  accustomed  to  go 
to  the  chapel  to  say  their  prayers.  On  this  occasion, 
they  were  about  to  commence  their  novenas  and  via 
crucis,  when  the  sacristan,  Mariano  Quarte,  would  not 
serve  them  in  the  via  crucis,  saying  that  he  did  not 
know  how  to  pray  the  same,  but  he  did  know  the 
novena,  always  supposing  they  would  give  him  five 
reales  apiece,  as  had  been  done  formerly  after  finishing 
the  novena  by  those  women  whom  he  had  accom 
panied  in  this  exercise;  and  that  complainant  and  the 
others  were  also  obliged  to  do  this.  No  one  would 
object  to  this  were  the  sacristan  not  paid  by  the  people 


PAY  AND  PRAY.  507 

to  serve  in  all  things  necessary.  They  believe  that 
they  should  pay  nothing,  for  the  public  pays  the  sac 
ristan  a  salary,  and  he  does  not  do  his  duty  as  he 
should. 

Mr  Reed  of  Yerba  Buena,  whose  family  had  been 
insulted  by  a  drunken  priest,  being  asked  why  he  had 
not  knocked  the  drunkard  down,  answered  that  under 
the  law  if  a  layman  struck  a  priest  he  had  to  suffer 
amputation  of  his  right  hand  in  punishment. 

The  early  fathers  were  not  remarkable  for  their 
intelligence,  or  their  faculties  for  reasoning.  "  La  verite 
est  que  ces  bons  peres  n'eetaierit  pas  de  grands  cri 
tiques,"  says  Le  Clerc;  and  the  more  they  were  like  the 
apostles  the  more  simple  were  they.  Their  writings 
were  like  those  of  men  who  had  never  seen  daylight, 
or  heard  the  roar  of  ocean,  or  smelt  a  violet.  They 
could  neither  receive  nor  communicate  strange  truths, 
and  childish  credulity  characterized  their  thoughts 
and  actions. 

The  Californians,  says  Gomez,  had  been  led  to  be 
lieve  that  the  fathers  of  Zacatecas  were  true  apostles, 
living  models  of  virtue  and  goodness.  But  what  was 
their  surprise  when  they  came  hither  to  find  them 
drunkards,  adventurers,  who  sallied  forth  at  night  in 
search  of  fun,  with  women  at  their  arm,  with  whom 
they  lived  more  or  less  openly.  For  them  it  was'  a 
vice  to  abstain  from  pleasure.  Among  these  pleasure- 
loving  priests  were  Father  Ordaz,  Father  Real,  also 
Mercado  and  Anza.  Ordaz,  however,  was  a  Fernan- 
dino. 

Captain  Phelps  tells  a  story  of  Ermitinger,  the 
trapper,  and  a  padre  of  San  Rafael  mission.  The 
scene  occurred  at  a  small  party  given  by  Glen  Rae, 
under-factor  of  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company  in  charge 
at  Yerba  Buena  Cove.  The  priest,  who  had  been 
drinking  rather  freely,  disclosed  a  penchant  for  kiss 
ing  the  men  after  the  fashion  of  the  Latin  race. 
Ermitinger,  who  was  a  stranger,  a  rough  man,  and  a 
rigid  woman-kisser,  declined  the  fraternal  embrace. 
"In  vain,"  says  the  captain,  "we  tried  to  keep  the 


568  LAW,  GOVERNMENT,  AND  RELIGION. 

priest  quiet ;  but  as  he  increased  his  libations,  so  grew 
his  foolish  persistence.  Making  a  desperate  effort  to 
accomplish  his  purpose,  most  unexpectedly  he  came  in 
contact  with  the  back  of  the  hunter's  hand,  which  sent 
him  sprawling  across  the  room.  'Stranger/  said  Er- 
mitinger,  'when  I  was  in  the  Rocky  Mountains  I  swore 
that  I  would  never  allow  myself  to  be  hugged  by  a 
Black  foot  Indian  or  a  grizzly  bear ;  but  I  would  suffer 
the  embraces  of  either  in  preference  to  those  of  a 
drunken  priest."' 

In  robbing  the  church,  the  government  required 
no  more  plausible  pretext  than  did  the  church  in  rob 
bing  the  people.  War  was  a  standing  excuse;  and 
here  the  people  must  not  only  pay,  but  come  up  and 
be  shot.  They  are  fine  things,  civilization,  religion, 
and  well  worth  paying  and  dying  for,  and  all  so  neces 
sary,  for  so  religions  and  civilizations  are  established. 

It  is  interesting  to  follow  the  manipulations  of  the 
fondo  piadoso  in  California.  So  firmly  established  in 
the  Peninsula  were  the  ramparts  of  Satan  that  the 
hosts  of  the  Lord  could  not  prevail  against  them— 
without  money;  with  money  all  things  are  possible, 
the  devil  himself,  from  the  earliest  times  in  these 
regions  to  the  present  day,  whether  in  legislative  or 
cathedral  halls,  being  unable  to  withstand  its  influence. 
A  royal  junta,  appointed  in  1681  to  consider  the  mat 
ter,  offered  money,  but  not  enough;  even  the  Jesuits 
were  not  tempted  by  the  advances  of  the  government. 

Finally,  in  1697,  fathers  Salvatierra  and  Ugarte 
offered  to  undertake  the  work  on  their  own  account 
if  the  government  would  give  them  their  own  way, 
which  it  was  very  glad  to  do,  for  it  was  a  shame  to 
give  over  to  Beelzebub  any  portion  of  Christ's  king 
dom,  even  so  God-forsaken  a  spot  as  the  Peninsula. 
But  even  these  priests,  ripe  as  they  were  for  martyr 
dom,  and  depending  chiefly  on  spiritual  weapons,  must 
have  money.  It  is  wonderful  how  spirits  even  are 
wooed  and  won  by  the  cold,  impassive  metal. 


THE  PIOUS   FUND.  569 

The  priests  began  to  borrow  and  beg,  and  the  peo 
ple  gave  willingly  enough,  security  being  well  assured 
in  heaven  if  all  were  lost  on  earth.  One  man,  Caba- 
llero  y  Ozio,  gave  $20,000 ;  another,  Puente  y  Pena, 
desiring  something  more  than  a  hut  in  heaven  such 
as  this  sum  would  buy,  with  his  wealthy  wife  put  up 
half  a  million  dollars  in  lands  and  cattle.  Others 
gave,  until  the  pious  fund  aggregated  a  million  dollars, 
arid  a  board  was  appointed  to  take  charge  of  it,  the 
government  meanwhile  eyeing  it  closely.  Ten  thou 
sand  dollars  would  found  a  mission  in  those  days,  and 
the  establishments  of  Upper  California  were  not  with 
out  participation  in  the  pious  fund. 

From  the  Jesuits  the  pious  fund  passed  to  the  junta 
de  temporalidades,  and  when  this  board  was  extin 
guished,  to  the  ininisterio  de  hacienda,  after  which  it 
went  to  the  minister  of  relaciones.  It  was  invested 
at  this  time  in  buildings  occupied  mostly  by  the  gov 
ernment  and  paying  no  rent,  which  was  equivalent  to 
confiscation  by  the  government. 

The  government  divided  the  fund  into  three  branches 
for  its  better  administration :  one  embracing  the  city 
estates  and  the  interest  of  the  capital;  the  second, 
embracing  the  hacienda  Cienega  del  Pastor,  in  Jalisco ; 
and  the  third,  the  other  country  estates  in  Guanajuato, 
Potosf,  and  Tamaulipas.  All  these  branches  depend 
directly  on  the  secretary  of  affairs. 

The  secretary  of  state  gives  a  review  of  the  condition 
of  the  pious  fund  in  1830,  and  calls  the  attention  of 
congress  to  the  fact  that  not  only  had  the  missions  of 
Alta  California  sustained  themselves  during  the  with 
drawal  of  the  pious  fund  stipends  from  1811  to  1818 
and  1823  to  1830,  but  actually  provided  §271,311  for 
the  troops  there,  which  had  been  also  neglected  by  the 
government.  Hence  some  modifications  in  the  admin 
istrative  system  should  be  entertained,  reserving  the 
funds  for  the  poorer  establishments,  both  for  support 
of  their  missionaries  and  for  their  exterior  progress. 
He  foresees  the  most  glowing  results  to  the  Califor- 


570  LAW,  GOVERNMENT,  AND  RELIGION. 

nians  in  applying  to  its  development  the  yearly  fund 
revenue  of  30,000  pesos  or  more. 

Says  Carrillo :  "  The  people  of  California  are  well 
convinced'  that  to  the  missions  is  due  the  little  pros 
perity  hitherto  attained  by  their  country.  They  be 
lieve  that  the  government  is  bound  to  protect  and 
develop  the  missions.  They  well  know  that  the  in 
come  of  the  pious  fund  ought  to  be  expended  for  that 
purpose,  and  that  the  missionaries  have  not  been  paid 
for  years — and  that  the  government  treasury  is  in 
debted  to  that  fund  some  $500,000  principal  and  inter 
est."  In  1836  the  Mexican  government  obtained  from 
the  pope  the  establishment  of  a  bishopric  in  California, 
and  gave  the  administration  of  the  pious  fund  to  the 
bishop.  But  this  functionary  was  soon  bankrupt,  and 
the  fund  turned  over  to  a  government  director  to 
manage.  The  amount,  yielding  six  per  cent,  was  now 
$1,698,745. 

That  black  angel,  Santa  Anna,  pretending  to  a  bet 
ter  care  of  these  gifts  of  piety  and  charity,  in  1842 
ordered  the  fund,  now  amounting  to  a  million  and  a 
half,  to  be  swept  into  the  government  treasury,  or 
thieves'  strong-box,  Upper  California's  declared  por 
tion,  after  passing  the  ordeal  of  a  joint  commission, 
being  finally  declared  to  be  $900,000. 


CHAPTER     XIX. 

CRIMES   AND  COURTS. 

Les  republiques  finissent  par  le  luxe;  les  monarchies  par  la  pauvrete. — 
Montesquieu. 

IT  is  not  among  a  lazy,  improvident  people  that  we 
go  to  look  either  for  the  greatest  criminals  or  the 
strictest  administration  of  justice.  Few  desired  to 
kill;  there  was  but  little  to  steal;  it  was  easier  and 
more  profitable  to  be  satisfied  with  poverty  on  a  full 
belly  than  to  enjoy  a  lean  and  hungry  higher  sphere. 
Illicit  hate  was  thus  reduced  to  a  minimum ;  while 
illicit  love  was  not  driven  into  the  thorny  path  marked 
out  for  it  by  the  saintly  and  sentimental  of  the  more 
frigid  moralities.  Governor  Alvarado  affirms,  with 
perhaps  a  slight  stretch  of  truth,  and  himself  the 
father  of  children  born  out  of  wedlock,  that  in  pre- 
American  times  there  were  no  prostitutes.  Some 
women,  indeed,  may  have  given  themselves  up  to 
their  heart's  desire,  but  it  was  through  the  heart's 
impulse,  and  not  base  passion.  Money  had  nothing  to 
do  with  it,  until  the  Americans  came — which  would 
seem  to  say  that  the  wicked  ones  from  the  United 
States  paid  the  women  they  prostituted,  while  the 
good  Mexicans  did  not.  The  truth  is,  in  lotos-eating 
lands  loves  licit  or  illicit  are  not  harshly  denominated 
crimes,  but  rather  the  effect  of  the  weather. 

So  with  cattle-stealing,  probably  the  next  great 
wickedness,  it  was  rather  a  manly  occupation,  some 
times  a  war  measure,  unlucky  on  the  part  of  the 
person  caught  at  it,  but  not  specially  disgraceful  even 
though  it  might  be  death. 

(571) 


572  CRIMES  AND  COURTS. 

Slander  was  an  offence.  On  the  12th  of  March, 
1828,  the  governor,  writing  to  the  comandante  at 
Monterey,  ordered  him  to  exact  reparation  from  Maria 
Vasquez  for  calumniating  the  honor  of  the  wife  of 
Captain  Gonzalez.  But  back  in  1785  I  find  in  the 
state  papers  Governor  Fages  writing  from  Monterey 
to  Diego  Gonzalez,  desiring  him  to  warn  the  heads  of 
families  to  be  scrupulously  mindful  to  correct  among 
themselves  all  excess  of  bickering  and  discord,  and  to 
hold  each  responsible  for  any  disturbance  they  cause. 

In  the  archives  of  Santa  Cruz,  I  find  written  in  May 
1835  that  it  is  notorious  that  vagrancy  is  excessive  in 
the  pueblos.  And  the  governor  ordered  that  alcaldes 
should  establish  tribunales  de  vagos,  or  vagrants' 
courts,  to  hear  and  determine  cases  against  vagrants, 
conforming  proceedings  to  the  law  of  the  3d  of  March, 
1828. 

In  November  1833,  Governor  Figueroa  issued  cir 
culars  to  the  cornandantes  of  the  four  presidios,  that 
from  each  presidio  there  should  every  month  be  sent 
out  a  military  expedition  which  should  visit  the  places 
of  refuge  and  deposit  of  horse-thieves.  The  missions 
and  neighbors  nearest  at  hand  should  supply  the 
necessary  horses.  Expeditions  should  be  made  at  any 
time  during  the  month,  to  be  commanded  by  an  officer, 
sergeant,  or  corporal,  who  should  conform  to  the  orders 
of  the  comandante  of  the  presidio.  All  horses  found 
in  the  possession  of  any  one  without  the  venta,  that 
is  to  say,  sale  mark,  or  other  legal  formality  showing 
rightful  possession,  should  be  restored  to  the  owners. 
Cattle  found  at  the  tulares,  and  in  other  waste  places, 
should  be  considered  as  stolen,  and  the  actual  posses 
sors  thieves;  and  they  should  be  held  responsible  for 
damage  done  by  the  gentiles  whom  they  incite  to 
steal  the  cattle.  Alcaldes,  comandantes,  proprietors, 
owners  of  ranches  and  estates,  and  their  mayordomos, 
should  aid  in  pursuing  cattle-thieves,  arresting  those 
caught  in  the  act,  or  where  there  might  be  proofs  of 
crime,  and  delivering  them  to  the  proper  authority. 


CATTLE-STEALING.  573 

The  monthly  expedition  should  take  place  at  the 
time  most  convenient,  and  any  hunters  encountered, 
if  foreigners,  were  to  be  told  that  hunting  is  prohib 
ited;  and  if  Mexicans  or  naturalized,  that  they  must 
have  permission  from  the  government. 

All  commerce  should  be  carried  on  in  the  civilized 
districts,  and  on  no  account  with  the  wild  Indians,  who 
possess  no  property  whatever;  any  one  found  carrying 
on  a  clandestine  traffic  should  be  deemed  a  smuggler, 
his  goods  confiscated,  and  placed  at  the  disposal  of  the 
judge,  who  should  decide  whether  they  are  to  be  for 
feited  or  not. 

The  Indians  should  be  well  treated,  and  be  made 
to  understand  that  if  they  stole  stock  they  will  in  fu 
ture  be  brought  by  force  to  the  presidios  for  punish 
ment;  that  all  were  under  the  obligation  to  inform 
against  robbers,  and  if  they  did  not,  they  too  would 
be  punished. 

Alcaldes  as  well  as  comandantes  militares,  proprie 
tors  of  ranchos,  haciendas,  andjtheir  mayordomos,  were 
to  pursue  all  stock-thieves,  apprehending  them  when 
caught  in  the  act,  or  having  proof  of  their  crime,  and 
to  hand  them  over  to  the  judge,  who  as  quickly  as 
possible  should  sentence  and  punish. 

There  were  laws  against  gambling  and  against 
drinking;  no  special  increase  in  the  vices  seems  to 
have  been  noticed  after  the  passages  of  these  regula 
tions.  The  gente  de  razon,  or  people  of  reason,  were 
the  only  class  the  law  allowed  to  drink  at  all,  the  wild 
gentiles  not  having  any  reason  to  be  affected  by  fire 
water,  it  were  a  waste  giving  it  to  them.  A  wager 
on  a  game  not  forbidden  by  law  was  a  legal  contract 
in  1833.  On  all  the  ranchos  where  there  were  shops, 
the  ranchero  encouraged  gambling  among  his  laborers. 
The  games  were  of  cards,  and  the  players  would 
bet  hides,  money,  and  any  article  of  clothing,  to 
their  shirts.  The  money  and  hides  generally  fell  to 
the  ranchero,  in  exchange  for  aguardiente  and  other 
merchandise.  Later,  store-keepers  allowing  gambling 


574  CRIMES  AND  COURTS. 

were  fined  $6  for  the  first  offence,  $12  for  the  second, 
and  for  the  third  offence  according  to  the  decision  of 
the  judge.  Bankers  of  games  and  monteros  paid  the 
same  penalties,  and  those  assisting  $1  each. 

Echeandia,  writing  to  the  minister  of  justice  in 
Mexico,  in  June  1829.  says:  "Formerly  San  Francisco, 
Monterey,  San  Diego,  and  Santa  Barbara  were  the 
four  heads  of  departments,  and  the  respective  coman- 
dantes  had  cognizance  of  government  and  the  admin 
istration  of  justice  according  to  the  formulario  de 
Colon,  and  in  the  graver  cases  sent  the  expedientes, 
or  information,  to  the  governor  for  his  decision,  or  that 
of  a  court-martial,  or  for  him  to  send  to  the  viceroy. 
.Since  the  independence,  things  have  changed.  The 
government,  in  order  to  have  a  rental,  has  opened 
commerce  to  foreigners,  and  there  are  many  in  the 
country.  Civil  population  has  increased,  arid  the  num 
ber  of  military  officers  decreased.  The  alcalde  of  An 
geles  within  his  limits,  and  on  the  neighboring  farms 
to  a  distance  of  nine  or  more  leagues,  and  the  alcalde  of 
San  Jose  in  his  jurisdiction,  determine  civil  causes  not 
exceeding  $100  in  value,  and  criminal  matters  where 
only  reparation  is  to  be  made,  or  a  light  punishment 
inflicted."  In  matters  of  greater  importance,  they 
take  the  first  depositions,  which  they  remit  to  Echean 
dia,  who,  according  to  the  military  system,  determines 
the  matter,  or  consults  the  nearest  asesor,  or  legal 
adviser,  who  is  at  Sonora,  or  calls  a  court-martial,  or 
sends  the  matter  to  the  minister  of  justice,  or  war,  or 
of  the  navy,  as  the  case  may  be.  In  his  small  juris 
diction,  the  alcalde  of  Branciforte  determines  matters 
verbally,  and  in  graver  affairs  sends  the  expediente 
to  the  comandante  of  Monterey,  who  proceeds  in  a 
military  manner.  The  alcaldes  of  Monterey  and 
Santa  Barbara,  as  well  as  the  respective  comandantes, 
take  cognizance  of  civil  matters  not  in  excess  of  $100, 
and  act — criminally — as  the  alcalde  of  Angeles,  ex 
cept  that  they  refer  proceedings  to  the  comandantes. 

At  the  presidios  of  San  Francisco  and  San  Diego, 


THE  ALCALDE'S  AUTHORITY.  575 

the  comandantes  proceed  in  a  military  manner  in 
minor  matters,  and  in  graver  cases  as  the  others. 
There  are  therefore  six  districts  for  the  administra 
tion  of  justice.  This  itself  is  in  a  lamentable  condition 
for  want  of  a  letrado,  or  legal  adviser,  which  makes 
it  impossible  to  proceed  properly  in  military  or  other 
depositions. 

Savage  says  that  in  1826  there  were  no  competent 
courts  of  law  to  try  civil  or  criminal  cases.  The 
alcaldes  of  the  towns  were  authorized  to  act  as  jueces 
comisionados,  or  fiscales,  in  criminal  cases,  to  make 
investigations,  and  suggest  release  or  punishment  of 
the  accused;  but  being  ignorant  of  law,  they  could  not 
even  do  this  properly,  and  they  often  acknowledged 
their  ignorance  in  the  dictamen  fiscal.  And  as  late 
as  1847  Bryant  found  no  written  statute  law,  the  only 
law  books  beino-  a  digested  code  entitled  Laws  of 

O  O  */ 

Spain  and  the  Indies,  published  in  Spain,  a  century 
before,  and  a  small  pamphlet  defining  the  powers  of 
various  judicial  officers,  emanating  from  the  Mexican 
government  since  the  revolution.  A  late  governor 
of  California  told  a  magistrate  to  administer  the  law 
"in  accordance  with  the  principles  of  natural  right 
and  justice;"  and  this  was  the  foundation  of  Califor 
nia  jurisprudence — the  true  foundation,  indeed,  of  all 
justice.  The  local  bandos  or  laws  were  enacted, 
adjudicated,  and  executed  by  the  alcaldes.  The 
alcalde  had  jurisdiction  in  all  municipal  matters,  and 
in  cases  for  minor  offences,  and  for  debt  in  sums  not 
over  one  hundred  dollars.  In  cases  of  capital  offences, 
the  alcalde  had  simply  power  to  examine,  testimony 
being  taken  down  in  writing  and  transmitted  to  the 
juez  de  primera  instancia,  or  first  judge  of  district 
before  whom  the  case  was  tried.  The  trial  by  hom- 
bres  buenos,  to  which  any  one  that  might  demand  it 
was  entitled,  differed  from  our  trial  by  jury  only  in 
the  number  of  the  jurors,  they  having  three  or  five,  as 
ordered  by  the  magistrate.  With  honest  magistrates, 
the  system  of  law  in  California  operated  well;  but 


576  CRIMES  AND  COURTS. 

with  corrupt  and  ignorant  magistrates,  too  frequently 
in  power,  the  consequences  were  bad. 

I  find  among  the  archives  of  the  administration  of 
justice,  of  1824,  the  following  instructions  for  the  tri 
bunal  es  of  la  instancia  of  California  compiled  by  the 
asesor  thereof. 

"  As  the  alcaldes  constitucionales  exercise  the  func 
tions  of  jueces  de  la  instancia — in  conformity  with 
articles  1  and  3,  chapter  IV.,  degree  of  October  9,  1812, 
still  in  force  in  the  republic — and  as  no  distribution  of 
partidos  has  been  made,  nor  jueces  de  letras  appointed 
for  them,  as  the  alcaldes  have  no  escribanos,  or  other 
subalterns,  who  might  advise  them,  as  it  would  not  be 
easy  for  them  in  a  short  time  to  solve  doubts  arising — 
I  have  deemed  this  cartilla  necessary,  in  order  that  it 
be  of  service  to  them,  it  being  understood  that  rny 
labor  has  been  unofficial,  and  that  as  asesor  of  Cali 
fornia  I  am  not  obliged  to  do  it — whence  it  follows 
that  it  has  the  same  authority  as  would  the  produc 
tion  of  any  individual  lawyer  who  desires  uniformity 
of  proceeding,  and  who  has  held  strictly  to  the  practice 
and  formulae  generally  in  use." 

1.  Having  been  informed  that  an  offence  has  been 
committed,  the  juez  shall  draw  up  a  document  called 
cabeza  de  proceso,  which  must  set  forth  the  information, 
and  order  an  inquiry  into  the  alleged  offence.    This  must 
be  signed  by  the  alcalde  and  two  testigos  de  asistencia, 
who  act  instead  of  an  escribano  publico — of  this  pro 
ceeding  it  being  said  that  they  actuaron  por  receptoria. 

2.  The  alcalde  will  then  proceed  to  verify  in  person 
the  fact  of  an   offence  having  been  committed:  in  a 
case  of  homicide,  he  will  inform  himself  as  to  where  the 
body  is,  of  the  wounds  and  their  dimensions ;  shall  make 
a  drawing  of  the  weapon,  as  part  of  the  sumaria,  in 
order  that  two  experts  may  verify  its  having  caused 
the  wounds;  if  the  alcalde  be  alone,  he  should  make 
an  examination  of  the  locality  where  the  crime  was 
committed 


COURT  OF  FIRST  INSTANCE  PROCEDURE.  577 

3.  After  taking  declarations  concerning  the  crime, 
lie  shall  take  that  of  the  criminal  himself,  and  there 
after  take  such  proceedings  as  the  case  dem  nd. 

4.  Should  the  crime  be  proven  even  by  circumstan 
ces,  the  alcalde  shall  draw  up  the  document  called  de 
bien  preso  (that  culprit  is  well  held),  endeavoring  to  do 
this  within  the  GO  hours  stipulated  by  article  191  of  the 
general  constitution.     This  he  shall  make  known  to  the 
accused,  and  shall  send  a  copy  to  him  who  acts  as  alcaide 
(jailer),  that  he   may  comprehend  his  responsibility. 
If  it  be  manifest  that  the  accused  be  not  delinquent, 
or  that  the  crime  is  unimportant,  the  alcalde  shall  set 
him  at  liberty,  or  order  the  proceedings  to  be  quashed. 

5.  In  case  the  prisoner  should  be  guilty,  and  there 
be  no  further  documents  to  be  made  out,  he  shall  be  no 
tified  to  name  a  defensor — or  having  none,  or  refusing 
to  do  so,  the  juez  shall  do  so.     In  the  presence  of  this 
defensor,  the  culprit's  confession  shall  be  taken  as  to 
all  of  which  he  is  in  the  sumaria  accused,  and  he  shall 
be  confronted  with  any  or  all  of  the  witnesses,  if  this  be 
considered  convenient. 

6.  At  this  stage,  the  sumaria  is  to  be  sent  to  the 
offended  party — if  there  be  one — as  is  his  right,  and 
to  the  defensor,  that  he  may  answer  the  charges  made. 
The  alcalde  shall  wait  for  this  such  time  as  appears 
well  to  him — even  for  the  80  days  prescribed  by  law; 
the  witnesses,  except  those  who  have  been  confronted 
with  the  accused  and  qualifying  as  acceptable,  those 
of  deceased  witnesses  or  those  who  live  at  a  distance. 

7.  The  proofs  or  allegations  of  the  offended  party 
and  of  the  defensor — or  of  this  latter  alone  when  the 
proceeding  has  been  de  oficio— having  been  received, 
the  same  shall  be  made  public,  and  after  the  prosecu 
tion  and  the  defence  have  pleaded  de  bien  probado, 
the  case  shall  be  sent  to  the  asesor  in  order  that  he 
may  pass  upon  the  matter  definitively,  and  pronounce 
sentence. 

8.  The  decision  of  the  asesor  being  received,  and 
being  in  conformity  with  the  alcalde's  opinion,  sentence 


CAL.  PAST.    37 


578  CRIMES  AND  COURTS. 

must  be  passed  within  eight  days — according  to 
article  18,  chapter  ii.,  of  the  decree  of  October  9,  1812. 

9.  The  sentence  pronounced  shall  be  notified  to  the 
acusador,  and  to  the  reo.     If  either  appeal,  the  original 
cause  shall  be  sent  to  the  supreme  court  of  justice,  in 
order  that  in  its  quality  as  audiencia  the  sentence  be 
approved  or  modified. 

10.  Should    accuser   and   accused  conform  to  the 
sentence,  and  the  crime  be  a  trifling1  one  for  which  the 

O 

law  does  not  prescribe  corporal  punishment,  sentence 
shall  be  executed  by  the  alcalde ;  but  if  it  be  grave,  the 
cause  and  the  customary  official  communication  shall 
be  sent  to  the  supreme  court  after  the  time  for  appeal 
has  passed,  although  neither  party,  being  cited,  de 
mands  such  proceeding. 

11.  If  the  delinquent  be  an  ecclesiastic,  at  what 
ever  stage  of  the   proceedings  this  fact  appear,  the 
matter  must  be  transferred  to  his  proper  judge,  ex 
cept  the  crime  be  atrocious,  in  which  case  the  civil 
and  ecclesiastical  judges  shall  sit  jointly. 

12.  If  the  criminal  be  a  military  man,  he  may  be 
apprehended  at  once,  the  first  steps  in  the  sumaria  be 
taken,  and  an  account  of  the  same,  together  with  the 
testimony,  be  given  to  the  officer  under  whose  com 
mand  the  criminal  is,  and  this  latter  placed  at  the  dis 
position  of  said  officer — except  that  the  offences  have 
been  committed  while  the  perpetrator  was  a  deserter, 
in  which  case,  or  should  delinquent  be  of  that  class 
which  has  lost  the  fuero  militar,  the  alcalde  shall  con 
tinue  to  manage  the  case  until  definite  sentence  be 
pronounced — this  in  accordance  with  decrees  of  Octo 
ber  14,  1823,  February  13  and  April  12,  1824. 

13.  Should  the  criminal  take  sanctuary,  his  delivery 
shall  be  demanded  of  the  ecclesiastical  judge — this 
having  been  preceded  by  the  caucion  juratoria  (bond 
that  he  be  returned  on  demand)  that  no  capital  pun 
ishment  be  inflicted — and  the  case  properly  prepared 
shall  be  sent  to  the  asesor. 

14.  Should  the  asesor  declare  that  the  offence  is 


COURT  OF  FIRST  INSTANCE  PROCEDURE.  579 

not  an  excepted  one,  or  that  the  proof  is  insufficient 
to  take  away  the  immunity  of  the  culprit,  he  shall  be 
condemned  por  providencia  (temporary  resolution  of 
juez)  as  the  asesor  may  rule — before  its  execution  the 
matter  being  reported  to  the  supreme  court  of  justice, 
sentence  being  executed  when  the  offence  is  such  as 
bars  the  right  of  asylum  to  the  criminal. 

15.  Should  the  supreme  court  of  justice  return  the 
case  to  the  court  of  first  instance,  as  coming  within 
the  exception  treated  of  in  the  latter  part  of  article 
14,  this  latter  tribunal  shall  present  a  certified  copy 
of  the  delito,  and  a  communication  on  ordinary  paper 
to  the  ecclesiastical  judge  of  the  district,  and  demand 
the  full  and  complete  delivery  of  the  culprit — where 
upon  the  trial  shall  proceed  in  the  usual  manner. 

16.  In  case  of  a  refusal  to  comply,  on  the  part  of 
the  ecclesiastical  judge,  the  alcalde  shall  report  the 
same  to  the  supreme  court  of  justice,  in  order  that  the 
corresponding  recourse  to  force  may  be  justified. 

17.  In  case  a  criminal  cannot  be  found,  there  shall 
issue  an  exhorto  giving  his  description ;  and  the  desired 
result  not  being  obtained  in  this  manner,  he  shall  be 
summoned  by  three  edicts,  issued  at  intervals  of  nine 
days,  which  shall  be  posted  in  public  places,  and  his 
family  shall  be  notified — it  being  stated  whether  it  be 
the  first,  second,  or  third  edict. 

18.  The  alcalde  shall  make  the  general  and  weekly 
visits  to  the  cdrcel  in  the  manner  prescribed  by  law, 
and  shall  make  a  monthly  report  of  the  result  to  the 
supreme  court  of  justice,  accompanying  the  same  with 
a  list  of  causes  pending,  with  a  specification  of  the  day 
of  the  commencement  of  the   proceedings,   and    the 
stage  these  have  reached. 

Here  follow  various  forms  for  the  use  of  alcaldes  in 
the  before-mentioned  proceedings.  They  are  the  fol 
lowing  :  For  the  cabeza  de  proceso  of  the  inquiry  into 
a  crime;  certification  of  the  cuerpo  del  delito;  decla 
ration  of  the  surgeon  or  surgeons;  declaration  of  the 
experts;  declaration  of  the  culprit;  the  document 


580  EHRATIC  JUSTICE. 

called  de  bien  preso;  acceptance  of  position  by  the 
defensor,  and  his  oath;  confesion  con  cargos,  of  the 
criminal ;  confronting  of  witnesses  and  criminal ;  docu 
ment  called  de  prueba;  ratification  of  his  testimony  by 
witness ;  formality  in  case  of  dead  or  absent  witness ; 
definite  sentence;  form  of  edict  for  summoning  absent 
culprits. 

Whenever  a  person  was  arrested  for  any  offence  of 
a  serious  character,  he  was  imprisoned  and  fettered, 
and  so  held  until  his  trial  was  concluded. 

Sir  Simpson  thought  the  judicial  system  "rotten  to 
the  core."  "In  cases  of  real  or  fictitious  importance," 
he  says,  "the  alcalde  reports  to  the  prefect  of  his  dis 
trict,  the  prefect  to  the  governor  of  the  province,  and 
the  governor  to  the  central  authorities  of  Mexico." 
Meanwhile,  the  accused  endures  in  a  dungeon  a  men 
tal  torture  in  most  cases  more  than  adequate  to  his 
alleged  guilt.  The  ordinary  result  after  the  delay  "is 
a  receipt  either  for  dismissing  or  for  punishing  without 
trial — perhaps  for  punishing  the  innocent  and  for  dis 
missing  the  guilty.  .  .  Frequently,  however,  the  sub 
ordinate  functionaries,  under  the  influence  of  personal 
feelings,  such  as  caprice,  or  vindictiveness,  or  indigna 
tion,  or  love  of  popularity,  pronounce  and  execute 
judgment  on  their  own  responsibility.  Thus,  a  prefect 
of  the  name  of  Castro,  being  informed  that  a  man  had 
murdered  his  wife  in  a  fit  of  jealousy,  caused  the  of 
fender  to  be  instantly  destroyed  under  this  sentence : 
'Let  him  be  taken  out  and  shot  before  my  blood  cools/ 
A  commandant  named  Garvaleta  similarly  disposed  of 
a  suspected  murder,  on  the  principle  that  he  had  before 
been  accused  of  a  similar  crime.  Occasionally,  the 
government  is  unable  to  carry  into  effect  its  ideas  of 
justice.  In  1837,  when  the  foreigners  of  Los  Angeles 
carried  before  Alvarado  some  wretches  who  confessed 
to  the  murder  of  a  German,  they  were  told ;  '  I  have 
not  sufficient  force  to  carry  the  law  into  execution 
against  them,  but  if  you  have  evidence  of  their  crime, 
do  as  you  consider  right,' " 


STRANGEST  OF  STRANGE  PLACES.  581 

The  alcalde  generally  walked  with  a  silver  headed 
cane,  with  it  summoned  parties  into  court.  Or  a  man 
bearing  the  cane  summoned  a  person;  if  he  disobeyed 
he  was  sure  to  be  fined.  When  the  parties  appeared 
in  court,  each,  if  he  wished,  could  select  a  hombre 
bueno,  arbitrator,  or  juryman.  Then  the  alcalde  made 
the  parties  tell  their  story  and  heard  the  witnesses, 
if  any;  after  which  the  alcalde  and  arbitrators  would 
decide.  Sometimes  the  alcalde  decided  the  cases  him 
self  at  once." 

Governor  Chico,  writing  to  the  alcalde  of  Angeles 
on  the  4th  of  May,  1836,  orders  him  to  arrest  crimi 
nals,  for  alcaldes  primeros  are  as  jefes  politicos  in  their 
jurisdiction.  Thieves  and  murderers  are  to  be  given 
up  to  the  comandante  militar,  according  to  the  law  of 
October  29,  1835,  which  orders  them  to  be  tried  by  a 
military  court;  or  he  may  try  them  himself,  as  sub- 
delegate,  which  the  law  declares  him  to  be. 

"As  an  instance  of  the  way  civil  cases  are  disposed 
of  in  this  strangest  of  strange  places,"  writes  the 
Hudson's  Bay  Company's  Douglas,  in  his  journal,  in 
1840,  "I  may  cite  the  example  of  a  Mr.  Stokes,  who 
summoned  a  farmer  before  the  alcalde,  to  compel  the 
payment  of  a  debt  which  had  been  two  years  out 
standing,  contrary  to  the  previous  stipulation  between 
the  parties.  The  justice,  instead  of  meeting  the  case, 
referred  it  to  arbitration.  The  case  was  going  against 
the  farmer,  who  entreated  for  a  further  indulgence,  as, 
if  compelled  to  pay  at  that  moment,  he  would  be  com 
pelled  to  sell  his  cattle  at  a  heavy  sacrifice.  'Well,' 
says  the  justice,  'how  long  do  you  ask?'  'Why,'  says 
the  farmer,  'I  promise  to  make  the  first  instalment  in 
twelve  months  hence.'  'Very  well/  replied  the  jus 
tice,  with  the  utmost  indifference,  'that  will  do;'  and 
the  case  was  dismissed  without  further  proceedings." 

In  1834,  Governor  Figueroa  published  the  text  of 
the  law  passed  by  the  Mexican  congress,  and  approved 
by  President  Santa  Anna,  regulating  the  judiciary 
system  of  the  republic.  The  parts  particularly  refer- 


582  CRIMES  AND  COURTS. 

ring  to  California  were  that  the  state  of  Sonora  and 
territory  of  Alta  California  should  form  one  circuit. 
Until  a  convenient  division  of  the  republic  into  dis 
tricts  should  be  made,  each  of  the  twenty  states 
should  be  considered  one  district.  District  judges 
should  have  cognizance  of  causes  and  affairs  affecting 
the  federation.  There  should  be  one  district  judge  in 
the  territory  of  the  Californias.  The  seat  of  the  dis 
trict  courts  should  be  in  the  capitals  of  the  states  and 
territories  not  on  sea-coast,  or  in  the  principal  port 
of  those  which  are;  the  government  might  change 
the  place  when  deemed  expedient  for  the  benefit  of 
the  federation.  The  district  court  should  have  a 
notary  appointed  by  the  government  with  a  salary 
not  exceeding  $1,200,  and  no  fees.  In  the  absence  of 
a  notary,  the  judge  should  appoint  one — if  there  were 
none,  the  judge  should  collect  the  pay  to  remunerate 
attorneys,  witnesses,  and  a  clerk.  The  district  court 
should  have  a  sheriff  appointed  by  the  judge,  with 
a  salary  of  $200  or  $300,  and  no  fees.  Fiscals  should 
have  a  salary  of  $1,500,  and  no  fees.  The  district 
judge  of  the  Californias  should  have  a  salary  of 
$3,000.  His  promoter  fiscal's  salary  should  be  $2,000. 

As  in  the  case  of  wages  of  common  and  skilled 
labor,  so  with  regard  to  salaries,  they  were  about  where 
they  are  to-day  in  many  parts  of  the  United  States. 

Hall  states  that  "  according  to  the  leyes  constitu 
tional  of  December  30,  1836,  each  department  was  to 
be  proviJsd  with  a  superior  tribunal.  On  the  23d  of 
May,  1837,  the  Mexican  congress'  passed  a  law  mak 
ing  provisions  for  such  a  tribunal  for  California,  out 
of  which  two  courts  were  to  be  formed.  This  tribu 
nal  was  to  be  composed  of  four  ministros,  or  judges, 
and  one  fiscal,  or  attorney -general.  The  three  senior 
judges  were  to  compose  the  first  sala,  or  bench,  and 
the  junior  one  the  second.  The  second  bench  was 
known  as  the  court  of  the  second  instance,  which 
took  cognizance  of  appeals  from  the  court  of  first  in 
stance,  and  also  original  jurisdiction  in  certain  cases. 


THE  ALCALDE'S  FUNCTIONS.  583 

The  first  bench  was  the  court  of  third  instance,  with 
appellate  powers.  These  courts  were  to  sit  at  the 
capital  of  the  department.  There  was  to  be  a  court 
of  first  instance  at  the  chief  town  in  each  district, 
with  original  general  jurisdiction  of  all  sums  over  one 
hundred  dollars.  No  superior  tribunal  was  ever  es 
tablished  under  this  law  in  California;  nor  were  there 
any  judges  of  the  court  of  first  instance;  certainly 
none  in  San  Jose  until  1849,  when  they  were  appointed 
by  United  States  authority."  The  governor  of  the 
department,  in  his  message  to  the  assembly  in  1840, 
expresses  his  regret  that  no  superior  tribunal  existed, 
and  that  there  were  no  judges  of  first  instance,  adding 
that  the  justices  of  the  peace  in  the  towns  had  begun 
to  exercise  the  judicial  functions  in  the  first  instance. 
The  governor  also  informed  that  body  that  they  had 
power  by  the  act  of  July  15,  1839,  to  appoint  judges 
for  the  interior;  but  they  failed  to  use  their  faculties 
in  this  respect. 

In  the  decree  of  the  Mexican  congress  of  March  2, 

O 

1843,  it  is  stated  that  in  the  Californias  there  had  been 
no  courts  of  second  and  third  instance  established; 
and  by  act  28th,  the  governors  of  these  departments 
were  ordered  "to  take  care  that  justice  is  punctu 
ally  and  completely  administered  in  first  instance,  by 
judges  of  that  grade,  if  there  be  such,  or  by  alcaldes, 
or  justices  of  the  peace." 

The  supreme  court  of  the  United  States,  in  the 
case  of  the  United  States  against  Castillero,  held  that 
the  alcalde  in  San  Jose  could  not  perform  the  func 
tions  of  judge  of  first  instance,  under  the  mining  laws, 
as  provided  by  the  Mexican  decree  of  the  2d  of  De 
cember,  1842;  and  that  his  acts  relating  to  perfecting 
title  to  the  Almaden  mines  were  void.  The  judicial 
officers  then  known  at  San  Jose*  were  first  and  second 
alcaldes  and  justices  of  the  peace. 

The  alcalde's  court  had  appeal  to  courts  of  first 
instance,  which  had  original  jurisdiction  in  cases  over 
$100.  If  a  single  judge  was  in  commission,  he  took 


584  CRIMES  AND  COURTS. 

cognizance  of  civil  and  criminal  cases.  If  two  were 
appointed,  their  jurisdictions  were  divided,  one  judge 
only  constituting  the  court.  The  court  of  second  in 
stance  was  an  appellative  tribunal,  consisting  of  as 
many  judges,  not  exceeding  three,  as  corresponded 
with  the  districts  in  the  department.  These  judges 
were  the  court  of  second  instance  for  the  districts 
they  represented,  and  they  entertained  appeals  from 
all  judgments  of  the  court  of  first  instance  in  that 
district.  The  court  of  third  instance  was  the  last 
resort,  except  to  the  supreme  tribunal  at  Mexico.  All 
the  judges  of  second  instance  in  the  department,  or  a 
majority,  constituted  this  court.  It  entertained  ap 
peals  only  in  cases  involving  more  than  $4,000.  Its 
review  of  cases  was  general,  riot  being  confined  to  the 
questions  raised  below,  but  it  could  not  review  those 
on  which  the  two  inferior  courts  had  concurred. 

In  a  letter  from  Monterey,  in  May  1845,  Larkin 
writes  of  the  condition  of  the  laws  as  follows :  "  In 
California  there  is  a  large  allowance  of  laws  sent  on 
by  the  supreme  government,  and  as  the  paper  is  not 
very  good  to  make  paper  segars,  the  law-books  are 
laid  on  the  shelf.  To  make  a  thousand-dollar  obliga 
tion  good,  it  is  necessary  to  purchase  from  government 
an  $8  stamped  paper;  and  I  have  never  seen  an  al 
calde  enforce  the  payment  of  the  debt,  although  $8 
was  paid  to  make  it  legal.  Sometimes  the  debtor 
pleads  too  much  rain  for  his  crops,  at  other  times  the 
season  is  too  dry,  or  he 's  too  busy  to  attend  to  the 
debt;  as  the  alcalde  has  neither  sheriff  nor  constable, 
fees  nor  commission,  and  is  forced  to  serve  for  one 
year,  nolens  volens,  collecting  debts  is  at  the  lowest 
stage.  If  a  person  with  stolen  property  was  brought 
forward,  and  said  he  purchased  the  article  from  an 
Indian  who  had  left  for  some  other  place,  the  trial 
might  be  put  off  until  the  Indian  returned,  or  the  sup 
posed  sheriff  had  time  to  look  for  him.  Some  people 
dislike  prosecuting  a  man  for  stealing  his  horse,  for 
fear  he  should  be  told  that  the  man  was  only  bringing 


UNCOMFORTABLE  JAILS.  585 

him  home  by  a  roundabout  road,  and  demand  a  dol 
lar  for  his  trouble.  If  a  person  is  really  convicted  of 
a  crime,  he  is  ordered  to  some  other  town,  and  is  sure 
to  go  when  he  gets  ready,  and  return  when  he  has 
occasion.  As  some  of  the  jails  are  uncomfortable,  the 
prisoners  are  often  kept  outside;  as  the  food  is  bad, 
they  go  home  to  get  better,  and  always  return  to  the 
prison  door  when  ordered.  There  was  one  day  a  com 
plaint  made  to  the  alcalde  by  the  person  who  lost  the 
property  stolen,  that  the  thief  was  every  day  out  of 
prison  and  every  day  passed  his  house.  The  alcalde 
said  he  was  very  sorry,  and  in  extenuation  remarked 
that  he  had  told  the  prisoner  to  take  his  forenoon 
and  afternoon  pasear  on  the  other  side  of  the  town. 
On  another  complaint  of  the  prisoner,  after  his  trial, 
reaching  the  store  where  he  had  been  stealing,  before  the 
merchant,  the  alcalde  said :  To-day  is  Saturday,  to-mor 
row  is  the  sabbath,  Monday  is  a  feast-day,  but  on  Tues 
day  or  Wednesday  the  man  shall  be  informed  that  he 
is  a  prisoner,  and  dealt  with  accordingly.  Sometimes 
the  alcalde  puts  a  few  of  the  Indian  prisoners  to  work 
on  his  own  farm.  When  they  become  tired  of  the 
fare,  they  run  away  on  his  worship's  horses,  if  they 
are  fat;  as  the  Indians  eat  these  horses,  they  never 
steal  poor  ones. 

"The  alcaldes  pick  up  the  drunken  Indian  cooks  and 
stewards  in  the  afternoons  of  feast-days,  and  discharge 
them  next  morning  in  time  to  cook  their  masters' 
breakfasts.  Some  of  the  Monterey  prisoners  are 
banished  to  San  Diego;  those  of  San  Diego  to  Mon 
terey — that's  fair.  If  they  commit  a  second  offence, 
they  may  be  banished  back  again,  and  find  their  own 
horses  on  the  road,  which  are  easily  borrowed  with  a 
lasso.  So  that  the  owners  of  a  Monterey  horse,  which 
has  been  stolen  near  home  and  then  again  at  San 
Diego,  may  see  the  animal  again,  in  bad  condition  it 
is  true,  but  then  he  gets  his  horse,  by  giving  the 
man  who  says  he  found  him  at  San  Diego  a  dollar  or 
two;  and  that's  cheap  for  bringing  a  broken-down 
horse  500  miles." 


586  CRIMES  AND  COURTS. 

During  Echeandia's  time,  1825-31,  robberies  were 
frequent.  His  successor,  Victoria,  made  a  vow  that 
during  his  rule  property  should  be  safe  left  unguarded 
on  the  public  highway.  He  published  an  edict  that 
larceny  to  the  value  of  two  and  a  half  dollars  and 
upwards  would  be  punished  with  death.  It  was  not 
long  before  he  had  occasion  to  put  his  sincerity  to  the 
test.  Two  servants  of  the  San  Cdrlos  mission  ob 
tained  the  keys  of  the  warehouse  from  an  Indian  boy 
who  acted  as  a  page  of  the  priests,  and  robbed  it. 
The  men  were  convicted,  and  sentenced  to  death. 
The  missionary  came  to  Monterey,  threw  himself  at 
Victoria's  feet,  and  implored  him  to  spare  their  lives ; 
but  he  was  inflexible,  and  the  two  men  were  shot. 
The  boy  was  flogged  almost  to  death. 

A  little  later,  an  Indian  boy,  of  less  than  20  years 
of  age,  stole  some  buttons  from  the  military  stores, 
which  he  gambled  away.  They  were  picked  up,  and 
valued  at  $2.50.  The  boy  was  tried,  convicted,  and  shot. 

In  that  same  year,  1831,  one  evening,  at  about  six 
o'clock,  an  Indian  entered  the  house  of  Venancio  Ga- 
lindo  and  his  wife,  Komana  Sanchez,  and  seized  their 
two  children,  a  boy  and  a  girl.  The  former  managed 
to  escape.  The  Indian  ravished  the  girl,  and  after 
ward  killed  her.  The  little  boy  said  that  the  coyote 
had  seized  his  sister.  On  the  strength  of  this,  the 
soldier,  Francisco  Rubio,  nicknamed  Coyote,  was  ar 
rested,  tried  by  court-martial,  and  sentenced  to  death. 
The  evidence,  it  was  alleged  by  many,  did  not  justify 
such  a  finding;  nevertheless,  Victoria  approved  the 
sentence.  The  officers,  M.  G.  Vallejo  and  Jose  An 
tonio  Sanchez,  and  several  others,  including  the  priest 
who  prepared  him  for  the  awful  change,  believing 
Rubio  innocent,  exerted  themselves  to  save  him,  but 
nothing  availed,  and  he  was  shot.  His  innocence  is 
said  to  have  .been  made  evident  some  time  after.  The 
Indian  perpetrator  of  the  crimes  was  captured,  and 
being  in  a  miserable  condition  from  venereal  disease, 
died  in  the  prison  before  his  trial  was  ended. 


MEXICAN  MISCREANTS.  687 

A  fellow  named  Mariano  Duarte,  whose  mother  or 
grandmother  was  an  Indian  of  the  mission  San  An 
tonio,  was  placed  in  charge  of  the  public  school  of  the 
town  of  San  Jose.  Some  of  the  school-girls  accused 
him  of  having  assaulted  them.  He  was  taken  to  San 
Francisco,  tried,  and  sentenced  to  hard  labor  in  the 
public  works.  He  was  accordingly  kept  fettered,  and 
put  to  breaking  stones,  sweeping  the  plaza,  etc.  At 
the  expiration  of  his  sentence  he  was  released,  and 
died  shortly  after. 

Another  man,  named  Cornelio  Resales,  for  violat 
ing  his  step- daughter,  was  kept  a  close  prisoner  in 
irons  at  the  guard-house  in  San  Francisco,  working  as 
a  tailor,  but  he  died  after  a  little  more  than  a  year's 
imprisonment. 

An  ex-soldier,  named  Diego  Felix,  who  lived  at  the 
Huerta  Vieja,  about  half  a  mile  from  Monterey,  in 
1840,  murdered  his  wife,  inflicting  most  horrible 
wounds  on  the  head  and  body  of  his  victim.  The 
most  heartrending  part  of  the  case  was  that  the  wo 
man  being  enceinte,  he  cut  her  open,  and  dragged  out 
the  child,  which  also  exhibited  evidences  of  having 
been  killed  with  blows.  It  seems  that  Felix  went  to 
the  house  of  his  mother-in-law,  where  his  wife  was, 
and  asked  her  to  go  home,  as  he  wanted  her.  On  the 
way,  he  kept  pricking  her  in  the  back  with  a  poniard. 
After  committing  the  murders,  he  coolly  walked  up 
and  down  a  distance  of  70  paces  outside  of  his  house, 
but  when  he  saw  a  military  guard  coming  to  arrest 
him,  made  an  attempt  to  escape,  which  proved  unsuc 
cessful.  He  was  secured,  and  taken  to  Monterey. 

A  superstition  prevailed  at  the  time  in  California 
that  if  a  person  killed  another,  and  the  corpse  fell  face 
downwards,  the  slayer  could  not  escape,  but  would 
hover  around  the  spot  to  his  final  undoing.  Several 
cases  occurred  to  confirm  this  idea.  The  prisoner  at 
his  trial  pleaded  that  he  had  done  his  duty,  as  he 
would  not  be  a  willing  cuckold,  or  assent  to  infamies. 
But  the  evidence  proved  that  his  wife's  frailties  had 


688  CRIMES  AND  COURTS. 

been  with  his  own  knowledge  and  consent,  and  his 
displeasure  had  been  caused  by  her  failing  to  give 
him  the  amount  of  money  she  had  formerly  supplied 
him  with.  It  was  true  that  he  had  unsuccessfully  at 
tempted  to  kill  one  of  the  men  with  whom  she  had 
committed  adultery.  As  martial  law  was  then  in 
force,  Governor  Alvarado  had  the  murderer  tried  by 
court-martial,  aided  by  the  civil  judge,  and  he  was 
sentenced  to  be  shot  at  7  P.  M.,  just  12  hours  from  the 
commission  of  the  crimes.  Just  after  the  reading  of 
the  sentence,  an  edict  was  published,  embodying  the 
law  prohibiting,  under  the  penalty  of  death,  that  any 
one  should  crave  mercy  for  the  criminal. 

The  body  of  an  Indian  woman  being  found  eaten 
by  coyotes  at  San  Gabriel,  and  a  man  accusing  her 
husband  of  having  murdered  her,  the  matter  was 
duly  investigated,  and  the  charge  proved  to  be  a 
calumny.  Whereupon  the  false  accuser  was  sentenced 
to  imprisonment,  and  to  receive  35  lashes,  twelve 
lashes  a  day  for  the  first  two  days,  and  eleven  on  the 
third  day. 

One  Albitre  for  having  illicit  intercourse  with  an 
Indian  married  woman  was  put  to  hard  labor  for  two 
months  at  a  presidio,  after  which  he  was  forced  to 
live  at  a  great  distance  from  his  home.  The  woman 
was  also  exiled.  Wives  were  not  to  be  abused.  One 
Garcia  was  sentenced  for  maltreating  his  wife,  and 
one  Higuera  likewise  for  cutting  off  his  wife's  hair 
out  of  jealousy.  A  soldier  who  had  ruined  a  girl, 
and  refused  to  make  her  his  wife,  was  confined  in  a 
fort  in  irons,  and  forced  to  pay  her  $50  out  of  his  sav 
ings  in  the  fondo  de  retencion.  In  March  1841  Uribe 
was  fined  $5  for  challenging  to  a  duel  with  a  "  bone," 
and  Ibarra  was  fined  $1.50  for  accepting  the  chal 
lenge. 

Pastoral  California  never  had  a  hangman  or  public 
executioner.  An  order  of  the  Mexican  government, 
in  1835,  to  organize  a  force  of  from  five  to  ten  men 
in  places  where  no  executioner  could  be  obtained,  was 


DEATH  PENALTIES,  689 

not  Carried  out  here,  and  the  few  executions  that 
occurred  were  done  by  the  regular  troops. 

Among  the  crimes  committed  in  California,  prior 
to  the  American  annexation,  which  were  expiated 
with  the  death  penalty,  were  the  following  : 

In  1840  a  German  named  Fink,  who  owned  a  shop 
in  Los  Angeles,  was  assassinated  and  his  goods  stolen. 
The  perpetrators  left  the  corpse  in  a  locked  room,  the 
key  of  which  they  threw  out  on  the  hill,  and  carried 
away  the  effects.  The  body  remained  four  days  in 
the  room,  until,  after  some  hesitation,  the  alcalde 
forced  the  street  door.  Inside  everything  betokened 
violence  and  death.  The  body  was  found  with  a  large 
cut  in  the  forehead,  already  in  a  state  of  putri faction. 

After  some  inquiry  it  was  discovered,  a  few  days 
after,  that  Eugenia  Valencia,  mistress  of  Santiago 
Linares,  had  carried  a  bundle  to  San  Gabriel,  and 
was  engaged  in  making  for  herself  petticoats  trimmed 
with  green  ribbons.  She  was  forthwith  arrested  and 
the  goods  were  secured.  Linares  was  also  arrested  at 

O 

the  same  time.  He  confessed  the  crime  and  gave  the 
names  of  his  two  accomplices.  All  three  were  secured, 
convicted,  sentenced  to  death,  and  shot  on  the  spot 
were  the  crimes  were  committed. 

Antonio  Valencia,  in  1842,  stabbed  Aguila  in  the 
back  and  killed  him.  The  cause  was  that  Aguila,  a 
large,  powerfully  built  man,  was  beating  Valencia's 
small  brother.  Valencia  was  tried  and  shot.  This 
seems  somewhat  severe. 

In  1842  Manuel  Gonzalez,  a  Peruvian  shoemaker, 
while  at  work  in  the  San  Isidro  rancho,  was  threat 
ened  with  violence  by  a  drunken  Englishman,  who 
had  a  hatchet  in  his  hand.  Manuel  had  no  means  of 
escape,  and  so  he  stabbed  the  Englishman  in  the 
heart  with  his  knife.  The  Englishman  fell  dead.  The 
slayer  was  tried  in  Monterey  for  murder,  and  Sen 
tenced  to  be  shot.  While  in  the  chapel  he  was 
shrived  by  Father  Antonio  Anzar,  who  was  noted  for 
his  ignorance.  The  prisoner  complained  of  the  in- 


590  CRIMES  AND  COURTS. 

justice  of  his  sentence,  claiming  that  he  had  killed 
the  man  in  self-defence.  Anzar  wanted  him  to  ac 
cept  his  fate  with  resignation,  and  as  Manuel  refused, 
the  priest  burst  out,  "Be  resigned,  be  resigned,  you 
beast,  for  whether  you  are  or  not  you  must  die." 
Manuel  still  persisted  in  denying  that  he  was  a 
criminal,  "pues  alld  te  las  compongas,"  said  Anzar. 
The  man  was  shot  on  the  27th  of  July  1842.  Public 
opinion  very  properly  disapproved  of  this  execution. 
Alvarado  was  accused  of  permitting  it  because  the 
slain  man  was  an  Englishman,  though  the  latter  had 
deliberately  and  from  a  spirit  of  jealousy  gone  to 
assail  the  Peruvian  at  his  house. 

One  Sunday  in  July  1845,  three  females,  mother, 
daughter,  and  granddaughter,  the  latter  a  girl  of 
about  eleven  years,  together  with  some  small  children 
were  bathing  near  the  beach  at  Monterey,  in  a  little 
stream  where  there  was  a  grove  of  willows.  An 
Indian  rushed  out  of  the  grove  armed  with  a  knife, 
and  a  club,  seized  the  girl  and  tried  to  violate  her  in 
the  presence  of  the  other  women,  who  endeavored  to 
protect  her.  He  struck  with  the  club  on  the  head 
the  elder  woman,  and  felled  her  to  the  ground  sense 
less.  He  then  began  to  beat  the  other  woman,  nearly 
killing  her;  the  children  ran  away  and  reported  what 
was  occurring.  A  friendly  Indian  named  Sebastian, 
and  other  men  rushed  to  the  spot — the  first  to  reach 
the  arroyo  was  Sebastian,  who  seized  the  malefactor, 
but  received  a  perpendicular  stab  from  the  shoulder. 
The  wretch  was  finally  overpowered,  disarmed,  and 
bound.  Colonel  Alvarado,  commanding  at  Monterey, 
had  the  criminal  forthwith  shot  without  the  formality 
of  a  trial. 

In  pastoral  days  in  California,  it  was  customary  to 
take  boys  to  see  executions  and  public  punishments, 
to  serve  as  a  warning.  Rafael  Pinto  relates  that  he 
was  present  at  the  execution  of  two  robbers  at  Mon 
terey.  The  minister  of  mission  San  Cdrlos  addressed 
the  parents  on  the  necessity  of  watching  their 


HOW  TO  FILL  AN  ORDER.  591 

children.  His  brother-in-law,  Bonifacio,  an  Italian 
with  whom  he  lived,  then  held  him  ti^ht  with  one 

O 

hand,  and  with  the  other  gave  him  a  severe  flogging. 
Pinto  pleaded  that  he  had  done  nothing  to  deserve 
punishment,  but  it  did  not  avail  him.  Bonifacio  an 
swered  that  it  was  true  that  he  had  done  no  wrong, 
that  he  was  a  good  boy;  but  the  flogging  was  in 
flicted  so  that  he  should  remember  that  day  through 
out  his  life — and  as  Pinto  said,  "No  se  me  ha  olvi- 
dado,  por  cierto." 

It  was  related  of  a  certain  person  who  had  occu 
pied  a  prominent  position  in  California,  and  was  the 
owner  of  a  rancho  in  the  district  of  Monterey,  that 
one  day  in  the  thirties  he  lacked  a  few  hides  to  com 
plete  a  contract,  and  employed  a  man  to  furnish  them 
on  that  same  day.  Now,  it  was  well  known  to  all 
that  the  man  was  a  sort  of  vagrant  vaquero,  not  over 
scrupulous  how  he  obtained  his  hides,  and  for  this 
reason,  and  because  he  must  have  them  quickly,  and 
at  no  advanced  price,  that  the  contractor  applied  to 
that  particular  man.  "I  cannot  bring  them  in  to-day," 
remonstrated  the  vaquero. 

"I  said  to-day,"  the  ranchero  replied. 

"  But  I  have  not  the  hides,  and  the  nearest  herd, 
except  your  own,  is  four  or  five  leagues  away." 

"  Before  12  o'clock  to-night,  bring  me  the  hides  I 
need.  Now  go." 

The  job  was  done.  The  vaquero  was  praised  and 
paid.  But  next  day  when  the  ranchero's  Indian  went 
for  his  master's  cows,  he  found  many  of  them  missing. 
A  chilling  suspicion  crept  upon  the  owner  of  the 
rancho.  He  mounted  a  horse,  rode  forth,  and  after 
due  search  found  the  carcasses  of  his  cows  in  the 
chaparral,  in  the  upper  end  of  a  canon.  He  rode 
slowly  back,  his  wrath  rising  meanwhile. 

"You  villain,  you  slew  rny  cows!"  exclaimed  the 
now  furious  owner  of  the  rancho. 

"Certainly,  sir,  it  was  my  only  chance  to  fill  your 
peremptory  order." 


692  CHIMES  AND  COURTS, 

The  tricked  ranchero  was  too  shrewd  not  to  know 
that  he  had  himself  laid  the  trap  in  which  he  was 
caught.  He  had  to  be  content  with  cursing  and 
kicking  the  wily  vaquero>  the  latter  being  only  too 
happy  to  escape  with  such  a  mild  punishment, 

Governor  Alvarado,  who  was  in  Angeles  in  1837, 
fell  in  with  a  girl,  and  took  a  house  for  her  use.  Cas 
tro,  on  observing  him  enter,  ordered  artillery  salvos 
during  his  visit.  Those  who  inquired  why  these 
salvos  were  fired,  were  answered:  "In  honor  of  the 
act  of  the  governor."  When  this  girl  bore  her  first 
child,  there  was  a  great  demonstration  Li  the  town; 
a  drinking  bout  of  fifteen  days  ensued,  and  a  sum  of 
money  was  taken  from  the  public  funds  and  scattered 
among  the  people.  "The  birth  of  this  bastard  cost 
$5,000,"  growls  the  alcalde, 

Thus  we  see  that  in  matters  of  morality,  private  or 
political,  it  was  among  the  pastoral  Californians  much 
as  it  is  with  us  to-day :  vice  in  the  high  circles  was 
winked  at,  while  the  poor  were  severely  punished,  too 
severely  in  many  instances. 

In  going  over  the  matter  of  the  murder  of  Padre 
Quintana,  there  is  something  to  be  learned  of  criminal 
procedure.  In  the  registry  of  deaths,  at  Santa  Cruz, 
October  14,  1812,  Padre  Marquinez  certifies  to  the 
burial  of  Padre  Andres  Quintana,  who  was  found 
dead  in  his  bed,  having  died  a  natural  death,  it  was 
said  by  Surgeon  Manuel  Quijano,  who  made  a  post 
mortem  examination.  There  is  a  marginal  note  to 
the  entry,  written  by  Padre  Marquinez  at  some  later 
jime,  stating  that  the  circumstances  attending  the 
death  were  again  investigated,  when  it  was  discovered 
that  he  was  murdered  by  Christian  Indians  of  this 
and  Santa  Clara  missions.  Inveigled  into  the  garden 
to  administer  the  sacrament  to  a  dying  man,  he  was 
thereupon  smothered. 

Writing  to  Padre  Marquinez  on  the  15th  of  Octo 
ber,  Don  Jose  Maria  Estudillo  says:  "It  is  absolutely 


THE   AFFAIR   OF   PADRE   QUINTANA.  593 

essential  that  Surgeon  Manuel  Quijano  make  a  post 
mortem  examination  of  the  body  of  Padre  Quintana, 
who,  according  to  common  report,  died  on  the  morn 
ing  of  the  12th — the  circumstances  of  his  death  be 
ing  very  suspicious.  Estudillo  has  been  ordered  by 
Governor  Arrillaga  to  make  this  inquiry,  and  be 
seeches  and  enjoins  the  padre  to  permit  the  exhuma 
tion  of  the  body,  which  after  examination  shall  be 
reinterred."  On  the  same  date  Padre  Marqumez 
gives  the  desired  permission. 

On  the  23d,  Lieutenant  Estudillo  reports  to  Gov-^ 
ernor  Arrillaga  "that  the  post-mortem  examination  of 
the  body,  and  the  investigations  in  relation  to  the 
death  of  Padre  Quintana,  were  commenced  on  the 
14th  and  terminated  on  the  22d.  No  evidence  of 
violence  was  found.  The  padre  was  a  valetudinarian, 
and  unable  even  to  dress  himself." 

Time  passes.  In  volume  xliv.  of  the  Provincial 
State  Papers,  we  find  recorded,  under  date  of  March 
10,  1816,  that  Governor  Sola  orders  the  murderers  of 
Father  Quintana,  the  Indians  Lino,  Antonirio,  Qufrico, 
Julian,  and  Fulgencio,  of  Santa  Cruz,  to  receive  each 
200  lashes,  azotes,  except  the  one  last  named.  The 
two  first  are  also  to  suffer  ten  years  of  presidio  im 
prisonment,  the  two  next  six,  the  last  seven.  On  the 
28th  it  was  determined  that  they  should  suffer  their 
sentence  at  Santa  Barbara. 

Referring  again  to  the  State  Papers,  we  find  that 
on  the  21st  of  March,  1820,  at  San  Francisco,  Ignacio 
Martinez,  juez  fiscal,  certifies,  "that  by  order  of  Co- 
mandante  Arguello  he  took  the  declaration  of  the  neo 
phyte  Alberto,  of  the  mission  of  Santa  Cruz,  accused  of 
being  concerned,  with  seven  other  neophytes,  in  the 
murder  of  Father  Quintana  in  1812.  Alberto,  being 
sworn,  said  that  Quirico  invited  him  to  join  in  the  mur 
der.  One  night  about  dark  Quirico  called  him  into 
the  garden,  he  supposed  to  steal  fruit,  but  was  told  by 
Quirico  that  they  were  going  to  kill  the  padre.  Alberto 
asked  why.  They  went  to  the  gardener's  house  and 

CAL.  PAST.    38 


594  CRIMES  AND  COURTS. 

found  the  others  outside  in  a  group.  Andres  then 
spoke  to  Alberto,  and  told  him  they  were  going  to 
kill  the  padre.  Alberto  said  he  would  have  nothing  to 
do  with  it;  he  left  them  at  once,  and  went  to  his  house 
and  to  bed.  On  the  following  day  he  heard  that  the 
padre  was  dead,  and  supposed  that  they  killed  him. 

Alberto  confessed  that  he  had  done  wrong  in  not 
giving  notice  to  the  guard  or  the  mayordorno.  He  did 
wrong  in  running  away  to  the  woods,  he  said,  but  did 
so  because  his  son  told  him  that  the  others  were  being 
taken.  He  knew  nothing  of  the  matter  until  Quirico 
spoke  to  him  as  related. 

After  a  long  interval,  we  find  again  a  relation  given 
by  Lorenzo  Asisara,  ex -can  tor  of  the  mission  of  Santa 
Cruz,  given  at  Watsonville,  July  10,  1877. 

"  The  story  I  am  about  to  tell,"  says  the  narrator, 
"was  told  to  me  in  1818  by  my  father,  who  was  a 
neophyte  of  Santa  Cruz,  one  of  its  founders,  and  one 
of  the  first  who  were  baptized.  His  name  was  Ve- 
nancio  Azar,  and  he  was  the  gardener  of  the  mission. 
He  witnessed  all  that  happened  at  the  time  of  the 
death  of  Father  Quintana. 

''The  Indians  came  together  at  the  house  of  Julian, 
also  a  gardener,  and  agreed  to  kill  the  padre.  Donato, 
who  worked  inside  the  mission,  had  by  the  padre's 
order  been  chastised  with  a  disciphna,  the  thongs  of 
which  had  wire  points,  each  blow  cutting  into  the 
flesh.  Donato  determined  to  revenge  himself,  and  he 
it  was  who  called  together  the  party  of  fourteen  men, 
among  them  the  padre's  cook,  Antonino,  and  his  ser 
vants,  Vicente  and  Miguel  Antonio. 

"The  fourteen  Indians  met  at  the  house  of  Julian, 
to  consider  in  what  way  they  might  avoid  the  cruel 
punishment  they  suffered  at  the  hand  of  Padre  Quin 
tana.  Lino,  the  brightest  of  all,  said  that  in  his  ser 
mons  the  padre  taught  that  God  did  not  do  that  way. 
He  asked  what  should  be  done  with  him,  since  he 
could  neither  be  driven  away  nor  accused  before  the 
judge,  Andres,  father  of  Lino,  said:  'Let  us  kill  the 


ASISARA'S  STORY.  595 

padre,  unknown  to  any  except  those  here  present.' 
Julian,  the  gardener,  then  said:  'How  can  we  manage 
it?'  This  man's  wife  then  suggested  that  he  should 
feign  illness,  and  that  then  the  padre  would  come  to 
him,  and  it  could  be  done.  This  Lino  approved; 
whereupon  all  assented  to  the  plan,  and  agreed  to 
carry  it  into  execution  the  next  Saturday  night. 

"  Father  Quintana  had  proposed  to  bring  the  people 
together  in  the  plaza  on  Sunday,  in  order  to  try  the 
new  cuarta  he  had  made,  the  points  of  the  lashes  being 
of  wire.  Accordingly,  about  6  o'clock  on  Saturday 
night  word  was  sent  to  the  padre  that  the  gardener  was 
dying.  The  Indians  were  already  in  ambush  behind 
two  trees  at  the  sides  of  the  path  by  which  the  padre 
must  pass.  The  padre  went  to  the  house  of  Julian, 
who  appeared  to  be  dying,  administered  the  sacrament, 
and  returned  to  the  mission  unharmed,  for  their  cour 
age  failed  those  in  ambush.  The  supposed  dying  man 
followed  close  upon  the  heels  of  the  priest. 

"Within  an  hour  the  wife  of  Julian  went  to  summon 
the  padre  to  her  dying  husband.  He  accompanied 
her  to  the  house  in  the  garden,  she  crying  and  wring 
ing  her  hands.  The  padre  examined  the  man's  pulse, 
but  found  he  had  apparently  nothing  the  matter  with 
him.  However,  he  anointed  him.  When  the  padre 
left  the  house,  Julian  rose,  and  washing  off  the  sacred 
oil,  followed  the  priest,  but  those  in  ambush  again 
allowed  him  to  pass.  While  the  padre  sat  at  supper, 
the  conspirators  came  together  again  at  Julian's  house, 
Julian  alleged  that  the  padre  had  poisoned  the  oil 
with  which  he  had  anointed  him,  'echado  yerba  en 
los  oleos/  and  that  their  faint-heartedness  would  prove 
the  cause  of  his  death.  The  woman  averred  that  if 
they  did  not  carry  out  their  agreement,  she  would  de 
nounce  them.  Thereupon,  they  all  said  that  this  time 
there  should  be  no  failure,  and  bade  her  fetch  the 
priest.  She  found  the  padre  at  supper,  and  he  at  once 
accompanied  her.  This  time  three  servants  with  lan 
terns  preceded,  and  Lino  came  behind  the  priest.  He 


596  CRIMES  AND  COURTS. 

found  Julian  apparently  very  far  gone,  and  speechless. 
He  recited  the  prayers  for  the  dying,  but  did  not  ap 
ply  the  sacrament,  and  said  to  the  woman:  'Thy  hus 
band  is  now  prepared  to  live  or  die;  do  not  summon 
me  again.'  The  priest  left  the  house,  Julian  follow 


ing  him. 


"As  the  padre  reached  the  two  trees  where  the 
conspirators  were  in  hiding,  Lino  threw  his  arms 
around  him,  and  said,  'Stop,  padre!  thou  must  con 
verse  a  while.'  The  lantern-bearers  turned  around, 
and  seeing  the  people  sallying  from  behind  the  trees, 
turned  and  fled.  The  padre  said  to  Lino,  'What  art 
thou  about  to  do  to  me,  my  son?'  Lino  replied, 
'Those  who  wish  to  kill  thee  will  answer.'  'What 
have  I  done  to  you,  my  children,  that  you  should 
murder  me?'  Andres  said,  'Why  hast  thou  had  a 
cuarta  of  iron  made?'  The  priest  said,  'My  sons,  un 
hand  me,  for  I  must  go  this  moment.'  Andres  then 
asked  him  why  he  had  made  the  cuarta,  and  the  priest 
said  it  was  for  those  who  were  bad.  Then  several 
exclaimed,  'Well,  thou  art  in  the  power  of  the  bad 
ones.  Remember  thy  God!' 

"Many  of  those  present  wept,  and  commiserated  the 
priest,  but  could  do  nothing  for  him,  as  they  were 
compromised.  The  padre  begged  for  his  life  for  some 
time,  promising  to  leave  the  mission.  One  said,  'Thou 
art  going  to  no  part  of  the  earth,  padre;  thou  art  go 
ing  to  heaven.'  This  was  the  end  of  the  colloquy. 
Those  who  had  not  been  able  to  seize  the  padre  found 
fault  with  the  others,  saying  that  the  conversation 
had  gone  far  enough ;  that  he  should  be  killed  at  once. 
They  then  muffled  the  priest's  head  with  his  gown, 
and  after  he  was  smothered,  in  order  that  no  signs  of 
violence  should  be  apparent,  they  squeezed  one  of  his 
testicles  until  he  had  apparently  expired.  Then  they 
took  him  into  his  house  and  put  him  to  bed.  One  of 
the  two  lantern-bearers  who  had  run  away  wanted  to 
inform  the  guard,  but  the  other  dissuaded  him,  say 
ing  that  it  would  be  the  cause  of  their  own  death. 


ASISARA'S  STORY.  597 

"When  the  priest  was  undressed  and  put  to  bed, 
all  the  evil-doers,  including  Julian's  wife,  were  present. 
Andres  asked  Lino  for  the  keys  of  the  warehouse, 
saying  that  they  wanted  money  and  beads.  In  the 
party  were  three  Indians  from  Santa  Clara,  who 
wanted  to  know  what  money  there  was.  Lino  opened 
the  strong-box  and  showed  them.  These  Indians 
took  a  considerable  sum ;  what  they  could  want  it  for, 
I  know  not.  All  the  others  took  some  of  the  money. 

"  They  then  demanded  the  keys  of  the  single  women's 
quarters,  monjerio,  which  Lino  gave  them,  together 
with  the  key  of  the  single  men's  quarters,  ayunte. 
Those  of  both  sexes  went,  without  making  any  noise, 
to  the  lower  part  of  the  garden,  and  passed  the  night 
there  together,  until  2  o'clock  in  the  morning.  Lino 
had  a  girf  in  the  sala  of  the  mission. 

"  During  the  night  Lino  went  into  the  padre's 
room,  and  found  him  coming  to  his  senses.  He  called 
his  accomplices,  and  they  destroyed  the  other  testicle. 
This  was  done  by  Donato,  and  had  the  desired  effect. 
Donato  told  Lino  to  close  the  chest  containing  the 
plata  colorada,  as  the  Indians  called  gold,  and  eight  of 
them,  taking  it  to  the  garden,  buried  it  there.  The 
others  knew  nothing  of  this.  After  the  men  and 
women  had  retired  to  their  quarters,  the  assassins 
assembled  in  order  to  receive  instructions  from  Lino 
and  Donato  as  to  their  future  conduct.  Some  wanted 
to  run  away,  but  were  dissuaded  by  the  rest,  who  held 
that  the  matter  would  never  come  to  light,  as  no  one 
knew  of  it  save  themselves.  As  Donato  proposed,  in 
order  to  be  sure  that  the  padre  was  dead  they  went 
into  his  room,  when  they  found  him  cold  and  stiff. 
Lino  showed  them  the  iron  cuarta  which  was  to  have 
been  tried  the  next  day,  and  assured  them  that  it 
wrould  not  now  be  used.  Lino  then  gave  them  some 
sugar  and  panocha,  and  sent  them  to  their  houses. 
Lino  arranged  the  padre's  room,  placed  his  book  at  his 
bedside,  all  as  the  priest  himself  was  wont  to  do.  He 
told  the  others  that  in  the  moi  ning  he  would  not  ring 


598  CRIMES  AND  COURTS. 

the  bell,  an  omission  which  would  bring  the  mayor- 
domo  arid  the  corporal  of  the  escort  to  see  what  was 
the  matter. 

"  It  was  Sunday  morning,  and  the  bell  was  always 
rung  at  8  o'clock,  because  at  that  hour  the  Branciforte 
people  began  to  come  in  to  be  present  at  mass.  The 
mayordomo,  noticing  this,  went  to  inquire  into  the 
matter.  Lino  was  in  the  sala,  and  when  asked  why 
he  had  not  rung  the  bell,  said  that  the  padre  was  still 
within,  sleeping  or  praying,  and  that  he,  Lino,  did  not 
like  to  disturb  him.  The  mayordomo  went  away,  and 
the  corporal  of  the  escolta  came  on  a  like  errand.  The 
mayordomo  returned,  and  they  resolved  to  wait  a  lit 
tle  while.  At  length  Lino  said  that  they  being  pres 
ent,  he  would  knock  at  the  door,  provided  that  should 
the  padre  be  angry  they  would  shield  him.  This  they 
agreed  to,  and  Lino  knocked  at  the  door  and  called  to 
the  priest.  There  was  no  sound  from  within,  and  the 
other  two  wanted  Lino  to  ring  the  bell,  which  he 
refused  to  do.  They  then  retired,  charging  Lino  to 
call  the  priest  again  presently,  as  it  was  very  late.  All 
the  servants  were  about  their  daily  tasks  as  usual,  so 
that  no  suspicion  was  created.  At  10  o'clock  the 
mayordomo  returned,  and  asked  Lino  to  call  out  to  the 
prjest  and  learn  what  ailed  him.  Lino  called  loudly 
but  ineffectually,  and  the  mayordomo,  Carlos  Castro, 
told  him  to  open  the  door.  Lino  excused  himself  from 
entering.  At  this  juncture  the  corporal,  Nazario 
Galindo,  arrived,  and  they  ordered  Lino  to  open  the 
door.  Although  he  had  the  key  in  his  pocket,  Lino 
went  out  to  look  for  a  key;  brought  in  a  large  bunch, 
none  of  which  would  open  the  door;  pretended  that 
the  key  he  had  belonged  to  the  kitchen,  and  with  it 
opened  the  door  of  the  priest's  room,  which  opened 
into  the  plaza.  He  opened  the  door  into  the  sala  and 
came  out  sobbing,  saying  that  the  priest  w^as  dead,  and 
that  he  would  go  and  toll  the  bell.  Only  the  corporal 
and  the  mayordomo  entered  the  room  to  satisfy  them 
selves  that  the  padre  was  dead.  The  other  missions 


ASISARA'S  STORY.  599 

were  written  to,  and  Father  Marquinez,  who  was  at 
Monterey,  was  summoned.  Some  of  the  old  neophytes, 
and  others,  who  suspected  nothing,  wept  bitterly; 
Lino,  within  the  house,  bellowed  above  them  all. 

"  The  priests  came  from  Santa  Clara  and  other 
missions  to  bury  Father  Quintana.  All  believed  that 
he  had  died  a  natural  death,  but  not  until  the  body 
had  been  opened  and  the  stomach  examined  with 
regard  to  poison.  Finally,  by  chance  some  one  noticed 
that  the  testicles  had  been  destroyed,  but  though  con 
vinced  that  their  condition  had  something  to  do  with 
the  cause  of  his  death,  they  kept  silence. 

"Several  years  after  Father  Quintana's  death, 
Emiliana,  wife  of  Lino,  and  Maria  Tata,  wife  of  An- 
tonino,  had  a  quarrel.  These  women  were  seamstresses 
of  the  mission,  and  were  at  work  behind  a  wall.  The 
mayordomo,  Carlos  Castro,  passing  by  overheard 
them,  he  understanding  the  Indian  tongue.  Each 
accused  the  husband  of  the  other  of  being  concerned 
in  the  murder  of  the  priest.  Castro  told  Father 
Olbes,  and  he  informed  Father  Marquinez,  who  sent 
his  servants  to  tell  Julian  and  his  accomplices  to  run 
away,  if  not  they  would  be  taken.  Father  Olbes  sent 
for  the  two  women,  separately,  and  pretending  that 
he  wanted  them  to  cut  and  make  some  clothing,  shut 
them  up  in  separate  rooms.  The  mayordomo,  Castro, 
was  acting  in  unison  with  the  priest.  After  dinner 
the  priest  examined  each  of  the  women  separately, 
and  apparently  without  much  questioning  each  ac 
cused  the  husband  of  the  other.  The  priest  dismissed 
them  with  a  present;  and  then  ordered  Corporal 
Galindo  to  arrest  the  assassins,  but  without  telling 
them  why.  The  gardeners  and  the  cook  were  taken, 
Antonino  first.  He,  when  asked,  denounced  one  of  his 
comrades,  who  in  turn  denounced  another,  and  so  on. 
Finally,  all  were  taken  except  Lino. 

"Lino,  supposed  to  be  very  valiant  as  he  was  very 
powerful,  was  taken  by  stratagem,  by  Cdrlos  Castro, 
his  compadre.  Castro  gave  Lino  a  knife,  and  told 


600  CRIMES  AND  COURTS. 

him  to  cut  some  hair  from  white  mares  and  black 
mares,  in  order  to  make  a  gay  head-stall  for  the 
padre's  beast.  Lino  suspected  something,  and  there 
were  indeed  two  soldiers  hidden  behind  the  corral. 
Lino  said:  'Compadre,  why  are  you  deceiving  me? 
I  know  you  are  going  to  take  me  prisoner.  Take 
your  knife,  compadre.  What  1  thought  would  be  is 
already  done ;  I'll  pay  you  for  it.  Had  I  so  wished 
on  the  night  I  killed  the  priest,  I  could  have  made  an 
end  of  mayordomo,  soldiers,  and  all.'  All  the  accused 
and  their  accomplices  were  taken  to  San  Francisco, 
my  father  being  one.  The  actual  assassins  were  sen 
tenced  to  receive  each  a  novenario  of  50  azotes,  that 
is,  50  lashes  a  day  for  nine  days  in  succession,  and  to 
labor  on  the  public  works  at  San  Diego.  The  others, 
including  my  father,  were  set  at  liberty,  for  they 
served  as  witnesses,  and  were  not  shown  to  have 
taken  part  in  the  assassination." 

But  however  lax  may  have  been  Echeandia,  or 
howsoever  to  the  other  extreme  may  have  gone  Victoria 
and  Alvarado,  there  was  always  present  that  gross 
favoritism  which  usually  attends  the  administration 
of  justice  at  the  hands  of  the  Latin  race.  The  poor 
stood  little  chance  against  the  rich.  It  will  be  no- 

O 

ticed  that  the  severe  and  public  examples  were  made 
for  the  most  part  of  the  friendless  and  ignorant, 
Indians,  soldiers,  and  low  trash  of  various  shades 
of  color.  Within  certain  bounds,  and  with  due  regard 
to  certain  conventionalisms,  the  rich  and  influential  of 
all  times  and  nations  may  commit  all  the  crimes  of 
the  decalogue  with  impunity.  As  a  rule,  it  was  in 
California  as  in  Mexico,  there  was  little  real  principle, 
little  inherent  honesty  and  integrity  in  high  places. 

And  however  primitive  may  have  been  the  condi 
tion  of  Pastoral  California  down  to  the  third  decade 
of  the  present  century,  from  that  time  for  a  brief 
period  matters  were  worse.  The  natives  were  in  a 
state  of  insubordination ;  robberies  and  other  crimes 
were  prevalent,  and  little  or  nothing  was  done  to 


CLASS  HATRED.  601 

check  them,  there  was  ill-feeling  between  the  people 
of  the  north  and  south,  and  both  hated  those  from 
Mexico.  The  worst  cancer  was  the  plundering  and 
wasting  of  the  public  funds,  until  the  bottom  of  the 
treasury  chest  may  be  said  to  have  dropped  oft*. 

Eusebio  Galindo,  a  pure  white  man  born  in  California, 
in  1802,  and  descended  from  the  first  founders  of  the 
country, be wailing,in  18 77, the  sad  condition  hiscountry 
had  been  brought  to  by  disunion  and  misgovernment 
on  the  part  of  the  men  who  ruled  its  destinies  under 
the  Mexican  flag,  said,  "  This  California  during  the 
time  she  was  ruled  by  the  Spaniards  was  a  perfect 
paradise,  where  all  lived  in  peace,  and  had  the  where 
withal  for  his  or  her  support.  He  concluded  with 
the  following  quotation : 

"  Lindo  pais,  California, 
Principio  fue  de  mi  vida, 
Hermoso  paraiso  ameno, 
Jardin  de  gloria  escondida." 

The  animosity  of  the  Hispano-Californians  toward 
their  Mexican  fellow-citizens  reached  a  climax  in  1844 
when  the  former  resorted  to  lampoons  couched  in 
scurrilous  language,  and  with  obscene  pictures,  anony 
mously  insulting  the  officers  of  the  Mexican  battalion, 
stationed  at  Monterey,  especially  those  who  had 
wives.  Their  authors  thus  manifested  the  spirit  of 
provincialism  prevailing  among  their  countrymen. 
The  abused  officers,  not  knowing  their  opponents, 
vented  their  wrath  upon  all  Californians  in  vulgar 
and  quixotic  expressions,  showing  themselves  to  be 
low-bred  braggarts.  This  mutual  abuse  continued 
until  even  the  most  respectable  families  of  the 
place  were  not  spared.  The  hostility  became  so  in 
tensified  that  it  showed  itself  at  public  and  private 
gatherings,  and  even  at  church.  It  must  be  said  that 
the  conduct  pursued  by  both  sides  was  equally  repre 
hensible.  At  last  the  Californians  abandoned  these 
vile  practices,  and  resorted  to  the  more  manly  course 
of  open  rebellion  against  their  ruler,  who  too  often 
richly  deserved  it. 


602  CRIMES  AND  COURTS. 

One  Limon,  in  1839,  was  accused  of  rape  on  a  girl 
at  San  Fernando  mission.  The  case  was  sent  to  the 
alcalde  of  Angeles,  January  12th.  A  lengthy  trial 
ensued,  owing  to  the  circumstantial  evidence.  At  one 
time  it  was  proposed  to  send  the  case  to  the  governor 
for  military  trial,  but  it  was  concluded  in  Angeles 
after  all.  A  promoter  fiscal  was  appointed  ad  hoc, 
and  a  defensor.  The  latter  delayed  the  case  greatly 
to  bring  in  fresh  evidence.  It  was  passed  or  repassed 
from  fiscal  to  defensor  for  argument  and  answer,  and 
finally  the  alcalde  pronounced  sentence  of  two  years  in 
the  presidio  on  circumstantial  evidence,  the  want  of 
proper  medical  care  of  the  fatally  injured  girl  being 
taken  into  account.  On  May  2d  the  sentence  was 
read  to  the  culprit  in  presence  of  the  judge,  fiscal,  de 
fensor,  and  two  chief  witnesses  for  want  of  a  notary. 
All  signed  it,  including  the  prisoner. 

Mode  of  proceedings  in  the  adultery  case  of  Casta- 
fiares  and  Herrera,  Monterey,  June  and  July  1836: 
The  written  arguments  of  each  was  presented  to  the 
alcalde  of  Monterey,  in  which  place  the  parties  resided. 
The  alcalde  ordered  the  argument  of  the  one  party  to 
be  presented  to  the  other  party  for  answer  within  a 
certain  number  of  days.  This  order  was  signed  by 
him  and  two  others,  one  a  secretary,  and  the  other  a 
regidor.  The  same  order  was  submitted  to  the  party 
who  prepared  the  argument,  and  he  signed  his  ap 
proval,  the  above  trio  signing  as  witnesses.  This 
order,  with  the  argument,  was  submitted  to  the 
party  who  had  to  answer;  he  signed  his  name  in 
acknowledgment,  and  this  was  countersigned  by  the 
trio.  The  party  who  prepared  the  argument  was 
notified  of  the  acknowledgment,  and  signatures  again 
affixed.  The  same  formula  was  used  in  regard  to  the 
answer. 

Diego  Leyba  was  accused  of  having  killed  a  cow 
belonging  to  Rafaela  Serrano  at  San  Dieguito.  The 
suit  was  begun  July  11,  1839,  at  San  Dieguito  by 
Osuna,  alcalde  of  San  Diego.  The  head  of  the  cow 


THE  CASE  OF  SURGEON  BALE.  603 

which  had  been  buried  by  Leyba  was  dug  up  and 
found  to  bear  the  mark  of  Serrano.  The  examination 
of  witnesses  concluded  July  15th.  The  results  were 
sent  July  16th  to  the  prefect,  Tapia,  at  Los  Angeles. 
July  2Gth,  the  prefect  sent  back  the  papers,  and  in 
formed  Osuna  that,  according  to  article  181  of  the 
law  of  March  20,  1837,  he  must  forward  the  accused 
with  sufficient  guard,  'per  cordillera,'  from  mission  to 
mission  to  the  first  alcalde  of  Los  Angeles,  and  also 
the  papers.  August  1st,  Osuna  obeyed  this  order. 
August  5th,  Antonio  Machado,  senior  regidor,  in  the 
absence  of  the  alcalde,  sent  back  the  papers  for  some 
corrections  in  form,  and  ordered  several  witnesses  to 
appear  at  Los  Angeles.  Two  of  the  witnesses  were 
found  to  have  gone  to  Los  Angeles,  and  another,  an 
Indian  alcalde,  was  sent  up.  August  9th,  Osufia  sent 
back  the  papers.  Kafaela  made  a  deposition  August 
7th  that  Leyba  had  a  right  to  kill  the  cow.  He  was 
fined  $5  for  hiding  the  cow's  ' remains,'  the  fine 
to  go  to  the  municipal  fund.  The  papers  were  re 
turned  to  the  alcalde  at  San  Diego.  Two  additional 
official  communications  between  the  prefect  and  the 
alcalde  are  given,  dated  November  2d  and  14th.  The 
whole  record  occupies  about  thirty  pages  of  the- records 
of  San  Diego.  This  almost  parallels  some  cases  occur 
ring  in  English  and  American  courts. 

In  the  case  of  Surgeon  Bale,  accused  in  1840  of  dis 
respect  of  civil  authorities,  the  judge  arrested  Bale, 
but  released  him,  as  he  enjoyed  the  'fuero  militar. ' 
The  judge  then  laid  the  matter  before  the  coman- 
dante  de  armas,  who  ordered  the  ayudante  de  la 
plaza  to  take  cognizance  as  juez  fiscal  of  the  matter, 
which  he  proceeded  to  do,  appointing  a  secretary  for 
that  purpose.  When  sworn,  Bale  placed  his  right 
hand  on  the  pommel  of  his  sword,  and  being  asked  if 
"bajo  su  palabra  de  honor  prometia  d  la  nacion  decir 
verdad, "  answered,  "Si  juro. "  The  judge  and  secre 
tary  then  went  to  Mrs  Larkin's  house  to  take  her  tes- 


604  CRIMES  AND  COURTS. 

timony.  They  also  went  to  Bale's  house,  he  being 
there  under  arrest,  in  order  to  take  his.  Stokes, 
another  witness,  was  summoned  to  appear  through  the 
civil  authority.  The  sworn  statement  of  the  accused 
was  taken.  The  judge  then  sent  the  papers  to  the 
comandante,  who  sent  them  to  the  cornandante -gen 
eral,  who  gave  a  decision  to  the  effect  that,  although  it 
was  impossible  to  prove  that  the  civil  authorities  were 
entitled  to  respect,  yet  they  must  be  respected.  This 
decision  was  sent  back  to  the  comandante  for  execu 
tion.  The  papers  were  then  to  be  returned  to  the 
comandante-general,  in  order  to  be  placed  in  the 
archives. 

The  wisdom  of  the  Roman  law-givers  attracted  the 
attention  of  the  world,  but  it  pales  beside  that  of  the 
California  alcaldes.  A  man  named  Juan  lodged  a 
complaint  that  he  had  loaned  Pedro  a  sum  of  money 
which  the  latter  refused  to  pay,  although  he  was  rich 
in  horses  and  cattle. 

Pedro  was  summoned  before  the  alcalde,  when 
Juan  stated  the  case,  and  appealed  to  Pedro  for  the 
truth  of  what  he  said,  which  was  readily  acknowl 
edged. 

"Then,"  said  the  alcalde,  "since  you  owe  this  debt, 
why  do  you  not  pay  it?" 

"Because,  senor,"  replied  Pedro,  "I  have  no 
money. " 

"But, "  interrupted  Juan,  "  thou  hast  a  flock,  horses, 
oxen,  and  everything." 

"Well  said,  Juan,"  exclaimed  the  alcalde;  "and  he 
shall  sell  them  and  pay  the  debt,  or  I  will  teach  him 
what  law  is,  and  what  is  justice." 

"Your  worship  is  an  honest  and  a  wise  man,"  said 
Juan  with  a  bow. 

Pedro  looked  puzzled,  and  after  a  moment  remarked, 
"  But,  sir,  a  word  by  your  leave;"  then  turning  to  Juan, 
continued,  "Well,  Juan,  didst  thou  lend  the  mone}^  to 
me,  or  didst  thou  lend  it  to  my  oxen,  or  to  my  horses, 
or  to  rny  flock  ? " 


PHENOMENAL  WISDOM.  605 

"I  lent  it  to  you,  Pedro." 

"  Thou  sayest  well ;  if  thou  didst  lend  the  money  to 
me.  then  of  course  I  am  responsible,  and  I  must  pay ; 
but  if  thou  didst  lend  it  to  my  oxen,  or  to  my  horses, 
or  to  my  flock,  it  is  clear  they  are  responsible,  and 
they  must  pay."  And  he  looked  triumphantly  at  the 
alcalde. 

The  magistrate  had  listened  attentively,  then  after 
a  pause  drew  himself  up  and  said  with  much  gravity, 
"  Pedro,  thou  art  right,  and  thy  property  cannot  be 
sold. " 

"  And  what  then  am  I  to  do?"  asked  Juan. 

"Wait,"  said  Pedro,  "till  I  get  money  to  pay  you." 

"That  is  all  that  can  be  done  according  to  law  in 
the  case,"  said  the  alcalde,  and  dismissed  the  parties. 

The  jurisdiction  in  civil  suits  of  the  comandarites 
militares,  also  in  criminal  cases  not  purely  infractions 
of  military  discipline  or  violations  of  the  military  fuero, 
had  by  virtue  of  law  ceased  prior  to  1832,  although 
during  Victoria's  time  these  officers  continued  arbi 
trarily  to  exercise  such  powers. 

This  is  what  Hastings  told  the  immigrants  of  1843-6 
in  regard  to  proceedings  in  alcalde's  courts,  in  Cali 
fornia,  One  wishing  to  recover  a  demand  applied  to 
the  alcalde,  who  instead  of  issuing  a  written  summons, 
despatched  a  servant  to  the  residence  of  the  defendant, 
informing  him  that  his  attendance  at  the  alcalde's 
office  would  be  required  on  a  certain  day,  to  answer 
the  complaint  of  the  plaintiff;  and  that  if  he  did  not 
appear  at  the  time  and  place  designated,  the  alcalde 
would  determine  the  case  ex  parte. 

When  the  parties  appeared,  the  alcalde  interrogated 
the  defendant,  whereupon  the  latter  proceeded  to  offer 
such  excuses  as  might  occur  to  him  ;  or  he  would  curse 
his  opponent  vociferously,  declaring  that  he  would  not 
pay.  The  plaintiff  would  then  take  the  floor,  and  reply 
to  the  defendant,  or  hurled  back  his  abuse,  answering 
his  insults  by  stronger  and  more  numerous  insults,  and 


606  CRIMES  AND  COURTS. 

more  vehement  and  profane  cursing.  If  proceedings 
took  the  latter  course,  his  honor  had  nothing  to  do 
but  to  weigh  the  insult  and  profanity,  and  give  his 
judgment  according  to  the  preponderance;  if  the  for 
mer  course  was  adopted,  the  strength  and  validity  of 
the  excuses  were  weighed  against  the  justness  of  the 
demand.  Money,  however,  had  more  effect  than 
pleading  or  oaths,  and  was  usually  resorted  to  by  one 
party,  or  by  both. 

These  reports  of  foreigners,  however,  who  knew 
little  or  nothing  of  what  they  were  saying,  were  to  a 
great  extent  exaggerated  and  false.  Justice  then  was 
plain  and  crude,  but  it  differed  not  so  much  after  all 
from  justice  now,  which  neither  in  America  nor  Eu 
rope,  nor  yet  in  Asia,  is  often  found  wholly  unadul 
terated. 

The  old  form  of  oath  by  officers  on  rendering  ac 
counts  of  public  funds  was  still  observed  in  1836: 
"I  certify  and  swear  by  God,  our  Lord,  and  the  sign 
of  the  cross,  that  the  amount  of  the  foregoing  account  is 
faithfully  and  lawfully  expended  for  the  articles  therein 
expressed."  The  oath  of  protestants  was  made  'por 
Dios  y  la  biblia.'  Catholics  were  sworn  on  a  cross, 
and  when  none  was  at  hand,  the  officer  administering 
the  same  held  up  the  right  hand  with  thumb  and 
forefinger  crossed.  In  a  certain  matrimonial  license, 
an  officer  testified  by  his  word  of  honor,  with  his  hand  on 
his  sword,  and  would  be  sworn  in  no  other  way.  The 
padre  says  that  therefore  he  was  fain  to  accept  the 
same. 

The  method  of  stamping  the  government  seal  on  pub 
lic  documents  at  one  time  was  by  greasing  the  seal  and 
holding  it  in  the  blaze  of  a  candle  until  the  soot  served 
as  ink,  and  then  the  impression  was  made  by  hand. 

In  justices'  courts,  the  plaintiff  was  called  the  parte 
actora,  and  the  defendant  the  parte  demandada.  Ac 
cording  to  the  ordenanza,  where  several  soldiers  were 
tried  jointly  for  the  same  crime  of  robbery,  each  was 
obliged  to  name  a  separate  defensor. 


ESCRIBANOS.  607 

It  was  the  practice  that  persons  called  to  act  in 
judicial  investigations  as  escribanos,  or  as  testigos  de 
asistencia,  were  sworn  by  the  fiscal  or  juez  comisiona- 
do,  to  a  faithful  discharge  of  their  duties,  one  of  which 
was  to  keep  secret  everything  connected  with  the 
case. 

No  officer  in  any  way  concerned  as  a  party  in  a  case 
could  act  as  fiscal  or  judge  to  investigate  the  same. 
In  whatever  stage  the  proceedings  might  be,  so  soon 
as  he  was  named  in  any  document  or  deposition  as  a 
witness  or  party  interested,  his  functions  as  such  fiscal 
had  to  cease. 

In  suits  before  jueces  de  paz,  for  less  amount  than 
$100,  the  judgment — el  juicio — was  verbal,  without 
the  necessity  of  hombres  buenos,  although  sometimes 
these  were  brought  in,  for  the  recovery  of  $100  or 
upwards;  or  in  grave  cases  of  injury  plaintiff  and  de 
fendant  each  appeared  with  their  hombres  buenos.  If 
the  parties  agreed,  the  case  went  no  farther;  in  case  of 
non-agreement,  then  testimony  was  taken,  and  a  written 
judgment  entered  before  a  juez  de  primera  instancia. 

When  creditors  brought  claims  of  less  than  ten 
dollars  before  Judge  Castanares,  he  would  turn  to 
Abrego,  his  clerk,  and  say,  "Pay  the  claimants,  so  that 
I  may  not  have  to  listen  to  their  talk." 

Abel  Stearns  was  addressing  the  old  burly,  rough, 
but  good-natured  Alcalde  Antonio  Machado,  with  one 
foot  on  the  round  of  a  chair.  The  alcalde  endured  it 
for  a  while,  and  then  exclaimed,  "  Seiior,  be  kind  enough 
to  abandon  the  chair;  this  court  objects  to  being  ad 
dressed  by  counsel  standing  on  one  foot,  like  a  crane. " 

The  old  Spanish  proceeding  of  making  prisoners 
kneel  to  hear  their  sentence  when  notified  by  the 
judge  and  escribano  was  practised  in  California,  to 
judge  from  the  proceeding  of  fiscal  Alferez  Sanchez 
with  the  Indian  Luis.  In  this  case,  it  seems  that  the 
prisoner  had  to  kneel  when  notified  of  his  acquittal— a 
more  pertinent  practice  than  the  other. 

Papel    sellado,  or  stamped  paper,  was  in  Spanish 


608  CRIMES  AND  COURTS. 

countries  the  source  of  considerable  revenue.  Deeds 
of  sales  of  land,  mortgages,  notes — all  documents  re 
lating  to  money  value  above  a  certain  amount,  powers 
of  attorney,  copies  of  marriage  and  baptism,  nearly  all 
kinds  of  contracts — had  to  be  written  on  such  paper. 
In  a  lawsuit,  the  costs  ran  up  enormously  by  reason  of 
the  great  number  of  '  pliegos'  of  stamped  paper  which 
the  lawyer  charged  for. 

Stamped  paper  was  issued  in  periods  of  two  years. 
That  of  the  third  class  was  worth  two  reales,  and  was 
sufficient  for  a  power  of  attorney  to  collect  soldiers'  pay. 

The  stamped  paper  used  in  1827 — in  one  instance 
at  least — bore  the  stamp  of  Carlos  IV.  for  1810  and 
1811;  that  of  Fernando  VII.  for  1814  and  1815;  and 
the  Mexican  stamp  for  1827  and  1828 

The  sentences  in  criminal  cases  were  almost  always 
to  labor  on  public  works.  Most  of  the  offenders  were 
Indians,  and  the  highest  sentence  in  San  Diego  in 
1835-6  was  a  year's  labor  for  stealing  a  barrel  of 
aguardiente. 

When  not  employed  on  public  works,  prison  labor 
was  farmed  out  to  private  individuals.  As  there  were 
no  good  jails,  it  was  customary  to  flog  some  and  fine 
others.  Occasionally,  culprits  were  imprisoned  and 
worked  in  a  chain-gang. 

A  case  is  cited  of  one  Ramon  Soto  at  San  Jose, 
charged  by  Juan  Meresia  of  having  pawned  a  serape 
with  him  and  then  stealing  it.  The  case  was  tried  be 
fore  John  Burton,  alcalde,  who  adjudged  the  defendant 
guilty,  and  ordered  him  to  pay  a  fine  of  $5,  besides  $6 
for  the  serape,  and  costs  of  court  $1.75,  or  labor  on  the 
public  works.  On  another  occasion,  Thomas  Jones 
complained  that  Pedro  Mesa  had  stolen  his  horse — the 
defendant  was  fined  $5,  "and  $9  for  saddling  the  horse ; 
and  costs  of  court,  taxed  at  $4.75 ;  $2  for  the  guard." 

Pico,  in  1845,  ordered  it  published  by  bando  that  it 
was  common  to  see  delinquents  set  at  liberty,  which 
was  a  scandalous  outrage  on  private  interests,  and  the 
right  of  the  public  to  have  crime  punished — vindicta 


WORKSHOPS  RECOMMENDED.  609 

publica — and  was  probably  owing  to  the  want  of  energy 
on  the  part  of  the  local  authorities.  The  government 
proposed  to  put  an  end  to  it,  and  ordered  the  alcalde 
to  see  that  crimes  were  punished  in  accordance  with 
the  laws. 

In  1836  Governor  Gutierrez  informed  the  alcalde 
of  Angeles  that  persons  imprisoned  for  petty  offences 
might  go  out  and  seek  their  food,  others  must  be  main 
tained  at  municipal  expense.  To  prevent  immorality 
and  misery  in  prisons,  the  governor  recommended 
workshops  to  be  established  in  the  chief  California 
prisons  by  means  of  private  contract  which  should 
yield  something  to  the  prisoners. 

Juan  Malarin  complained  to  the  judge  of  first 
instance  that  an  Indian  was  sentenced  to  the  chain- 
gang  for  having  been  drunk.  The  tribunal  reproved 
the  judge,  expressing  surprise  at  his  conduct,  the  crime 
being  one  not  subject  to  so  severe  a  punishment. 

To  the  president  of  the  tribunal  of  justice,  a  com 
mission  appointed  to  visit  the  prisons  of  California 
reported  in  1842  :  That  the  Monterey  prison  contained 
five  persons,  two  de  razon  and  three  neophytes.  The 
commission  put  the  usual  questions  to  the  two,  and  they 
answered  that  from  the  time  of  their  imprisonment 
they  had  been  given  no  food;  the  authorities  did  not 
know  how  they  were  to  subsist.  One  of  them  during 
the  first  days  begged  of  certain  persons,  until  the 
others  at  length  gave  him  some  food  that  was  brought 
from  their  house.  Often  they  asked  for  water,  and  were 
told  there  was  no  one  to  fetch  it.  From  the  situation 
of  the  prison  the  sun  could  not  enter  it;  and  there 
were  other  matters  which  the  commission  wished  to 
mention,  but  there  was  no  space  for  them  in  the  report. 

Similar  questions  to  the  neophytes  elicited  replies 
that  they  were  sentenced  to  quarry  stones  for  the  jetty ; 
they  were  taken  out  to  work  at  8  A.  M.  and  stopped 
at  5  P.  M;  the  only  food  they  got  in  the  twenty-four 
hours  was  a  piece  of  raw  meat  at  9  A.  M.,  arid  so  small 
as  to  leave  nothing  for  supper. 


CAL.  PAST. 


610  CRIMES   AND  COURTS. 

The  commission  then  inspected  the  calabozo,  and 
were  surprised  at  the  picture  it  presented.  It  was 
without  any  floor  but  the  bare  earth,  and  so  wet  that 
a  stick  would  sink  some  distance  into  it.  The  walls 
were  black,  and  so  dark  that  an  object  could  not  be 
seen  more  than  a  yard  off.  There  was  neither  light 
nor  ventilation,  except  through  two  small  skylights; 
it  was  very  unhealthy,  and  the  more  so  when  many 
people  had  to  sleep  therein.  They  had  to  use  a  barrel 
as  a  privy,  and  the  whole  place  was  a  sink-hole  of  filth. 
The  commission  severely  denounced  the  condition  of 
the  prisons,  and  added  that  although  criminals  should 
be  punished,  they  should  still  be  afforded  the  accom 
modations  and  comforts  that  reason  and  humanity 
dictate.  Signed  by  Jose  Antonio  Estudillo,  Antonio 
Maria  Osio,  and  Jo:;e  Maria  Castafiares. 

In  reply,  Jose  Fernandez,  judge  of  first  instance, 
concerning  the  state  of  the  prisons,  explains  that  the 
causes  complained  of  arise  from  lack  of  funds  to  meet 
expenses.  The  prisoners  can  only  be  given  meat  suffi 
cient  for  their  subsistence.  They  are  not,  however,  as 
has  been  represented,  dying  of  hunger,  or  so  wasted 
away  as  to  be  unable  to  work.  The  prison  has  no 
jailer,  nor  any  patio  for  the  prisoners  to  sun  themselves 
in ;  and  it  has  not  been  deemed  prudent  to  take  them 
from  the  prison  and  place  them  in  the  plaza  under 
care  of  the  troops,  from  which  they  could  escape  and 
no  one  be  responsible.  The  meat  is  supplied  to  them 
raw,  because  there  are  nob  a  sufficient  number  to  pay 
for  the  cooking,  neither  is  there  a  military  escort  to 
take  them  to  a  place  of  labor. 


CHAPTER  XX. 

A  VERY   HEALTHY   COUNTRY. 

Lasst,  Vater,  genug  seyn  das  grausame  Spiel! — ScMlter. 

SAID  Charon  to  Mercury,  to  whom  was  due  from  the 
Styx  River  ferry-man  certain  money  for  boat-tackle, 
following  Lucian:  "I  cannot  give  it  you  now,  but  if 
war  or  pestilence  should  send  souls  hither  in  paying 
numbers,  you  can  make  the  amount  and  more  by 
cheating  each  one  a  little  in  the  passage-money." 
Considering  that  California  never  had  a  war,  nor  any 
pestilence  to  speak  of,  there  seems  to  have  been  con 
siderable  sickness  for  such  a  very  healthy  country ;  and 
it  is  quite  certain  that  Charon  found  business  better 
after  the  introduction  of  civilization  than  before. 

In  physical  appearance,  the  Californians  were  vastly 
superior  to  the  people  of  the  other  Mexican  states. 
Tall,  muscular,  and  well  favored,  their  complexion  was 
neither  sallow  like  that  of  some,  nor  swarthy  as  is  the 
case  of  others.  And  they  were  probably  as  healthy 
and  athletic  as  any  people  in  the  world. 

These  characteristics  were  theirs  by  inheritance; 
for  in  the  instructions  of  the  viceroy  to  Captain  Rivera, 
it  was  ordered  that  the  head  of  each  family  desiring 
to  emigrate  to  California  should  be  a  hale  country 
laborer,  without  blemish,  physical  or  moral.  Recruits 
for  the  presidios,  selected  with  even  greater  care, 
were  to  be  of  not  less  than  eighteen  nor  more  than 
thirty  years  of  age,  at  least  two  varas  in  height,  and 
of  healthy  color  and  good  presence,  without  marks  of 
any  kind  on  body  or  face. 

(611) 


612  A  VERY  HEALTHY  COUNTRY. 

Like  Kentucky,  Missouri,  and  all  virgin  lands 
where  there  are  present  no  counteracting  causes, 
California  bred  a  fine  race,  notwithstanding  the  many 
race  intermixtures.  Says  Bayard  Taylor  in  1846: 
"The  Californians,  as  a  race,  are  vastly  superior  to  the 
Mexicans.  They  have  larger  frames,  stronger  muscle, 
and  a  fresh,  ruddy  complexion,  entirely  different  from 
the  sallow  skins  of  the  tierra  caliente,  or  the  swarthy 
features  of  those  Bedouins  of  the  west,  the  Sonorians. 
The  families  of  pure  Castilian  blood  resemble  in 
features  and  build  the  descendants  of  the  Valencians 
in  Chile  and  Mexico,  whose  original  physical  superior 
ity  over  the  natives  of  the  other  provinces  of  Spain 
has  not  been  obliterated  by  two  hundred  years  of 
transplanting." 

The  first  settlers  were  generally — with  the  excep 
tion  of  the  governor,  the  missionaries,  and  a  few  of  the 
officers,  who  were  Spaniards — from  Sonora,  Sinaloa, 
and  Nueva  Yizcaya,  and  consequently  of  mixed  race, 
those  of  pure  Spanish  blood  being  comparatively  few. 

The  child  of  Spanish  blood  born  in  America  is  a 
criollo;  the  offspring  of  Spaniard  and  Indian,  a  mestizo; 
that  of  Spaniard  and  negro,  a  mulato;  that  of  free 
negroes,  a  moreno,  and  of  free  mulatos,  apardo;  that 
of  negro  and  Indian,  a  zambahigo,  zambo,  or  cambujo; 
that  of  Spaniard  and  mestizo,  a  cuarieron;  that  of  Span 
iard  and  mulato,  a  lobo.  Coyote  is  a  generic  term  ap 
plied,  when  human  beings  are  referred  to,  to  an  Indian 
born  in  New  Spain. 

Even  the  non-commissioned  officers  were,  to  a  con 
siderable  extent,  of  mixed  lineage,  and  the  wives  of  the 
soldiers  were  in  many  cases  Indians.  Single  men  on 
arriving  in  the  country  took  to  themselves  wives  from 
among  the  neophytes,  in  the  absence  of  women  of 
their  own  race,  and  their  descendants  continuing  to 
intermarry,  most  of  the  genie  de  razon,  or  sentient 
beings — by  which  high-sounding  designation  these 
people  of  mixed  lineage  loved  to  distinguish  them 
selves  from  their  kinsmen  among  the  neophytes  and 


SMALL  WOMEN.  613 

the  unconverted  savages,  even  in  the  third  generation- 
consisted  of  individuals  of  every  conceivable  gradation 
of  mingled  Spanish  and  Indian  blood,  at  the  same  time 
taking  great  pride  and  comfort  in  considering  them 
selves  of  pure  Spanish  descent. 

Later,  the  class  of  immigrants  from  Mexico  was,  to  a 
great  extent,  composed  of  men  and  women  of  mixed 
race.  About  1830  there  began  to  arrive  Americans 
and  Europeans,  chiefly  from  Great  Britain,  who 
married  women  of  the  country;  the  mixture  of  races 
becoming  in  this  way  still  more  complicated,  although 
the  traces  of  Indian  lineage  gradually  became  less, 
until  at  the  time  of  the  American  conquest  they  were 
scarcely  perceptible. 

The  women  of  California  were  rather  small;  they 
were  brunettes  with  fine  black  hair,  good  teeth,  and 
generally  well  favored.  They  were  remarkably  fecund, 
and  marrying  as  they  did  at  an  early  age,  at  thirty  a 
woman  was  generally  the  mother  of  five  or  six  chil 
dren,  while  families  of  twelve,  or  even  twenty,  were 
not  uncommon,  and  in  several  instances  this  latter 
number  was  exceeded.  In  1828  the  births  were  to 
the  deaths  as  three  to  one. 

Why  should  it  not  be  so  ?  All  else  was  fecund,  while 
still  the  missionaries  sang  "and  only  man  is  vile." 
The  mothers  could  usually  count  their  children ;  with 
the  fathers  the  task  was  more  difficult.  Some  essayed 
to  distinguish  them  all ;  others  a  part.  Ignacio  Vallejo 
counted  12  children;  Joaquin  Carrillo,  12;  Jose  de 
la  Guerra,  10;  Jose  Argiiello,  13;  J.  M.  Pico,  9;  Fran 
cisco  Sepulveda,  11;  J.  M.  Ortega,  11 ;  J.  Bandini,  10; 
N.  Berreyesa,  11;  M.  G.  Vallejo,  12;  Josefa  Yallejo, 
11 ;  Fel.  Soberanes,  10;  J.  A,  Castro,  26.  Juana  Cota 
died  leaving  500  descendants. 

"A  native  was  pointed  out  to  me  one  day,"  says 
Taylor,  "as  the  father  of  thirty-six  children,  twenty 
of  whom  were  the  product  of  his  first  marriage,  and 
sixteen  of  his  last.  Another,  who  had  been  married 
twelve  years,  already  counted  as  many  heirs. "  Secun- 


614  A  VERY  HEALTHY  COUNTRY. 

dino  Robles  got  by  one  wife  twenty-nine  children. 
Jose  Maria  Martin  Ortega  was  the  oldest  of  twenty- 
one  children,  and  himself  the  father  of  twenty-one. 
One  of  his  sisters  had  twenty-two.  The  wife  of  J.  A. 
Castro  had  twenty-six  children;  Mrs  Hartnell  had 
twenty-five.  Lieutenant  Wise  met  at  Monterey  a 
woman  thirty-seven  years  old,  the  mother  of  nineteen 
children,  and  apparently  able  to  have  as  many  more. 
In  the  vicinity  of  Santa  Barbara  were  a  couple  of 
gente  del  pais  who  in  1850  had  seen  before  their 
eightieth  year  105  children,  grandchildren,  and  great 
grandchildren.  During  the  journey  of  the  Hijar  colo 
nists  to  San  Juan  Bautista,  one  of  the  carts  contain 
ing  women  and  children  was  at  a  certain  point  upset; 
when  righted,  it  was  found  that  two  more  colonists 
had  been  added  to  the  number,  apparently  as  well  as 
any  of  them.  Since  the  conquest,  the  fecundity  of 
women  not  native  to  the  soil  has  been  the  subject  of 
frequent  remark.  In  1848  there  were  born  in  Sono 
ma,  then  a  hamlet  consisting  of  some  forty  families, 
no  less  than  nine  pairs  of  twins  and  one  set  of  triplets. 

This  prolificness  was  by  every  one  attributed  to  the 
climate,  or  to  the  virtues  of  some  particular  spring. 
Women  who  for  some  years  had  borne  no  children 
on  coming  to  California  regained  their  fecundity,  and 
those  hitherto  childless  became  fruitful. 

When  Mrs  Benjamin  Hayes,  who  was  an  invalid, 
came  to  Los  Angeles  in  1850,  the  native  women  ex 
pressed  surprise  that  she  had  no  children.  "Bub 
never  mind, "  they  said  in  their  kind-hearted  efforts  to 
comfort  her,  "  California  es  muy  fertil. "  And  so  the 
good  woman  soon  found  it  to  be. 

But  while  the  mixed  race  thus  multiplied,  the  abo 
riginal  lords  of  the  land  declined.  Here  as  elsewhere 
those  twin  gifts  of  civilization  to  the  red  man,  disease 
and  distilled  liquor,  wrought  their  wonted  ills ;  .more 
over,  the  Indian  women,  naturally  not  very  fecund, 
sought  to  prevent  childbirth  by  the  use  of  the  thorn- 
apple,  this  custom,  perhaps,  being  also  of  comparatively 
recent  introduction. 


LONG-LIVED  PEOPLE.  615 

The  Californians  were  moreover  a  long-lived  people ; 
well-authenticated  cases  of  great  longevity  were  not 
at  all  infrequent  among  the  Indians  as  well  as  among 
those  of  mixed  race.  Many  individuals  reached  the 
age  of  eighty  or  ninety,  while  the  years  of  not  a 
few  have  exceeded  one  hundred.  Indeed,  Father 
Martinez  of  San  Miguel  wrote  that  there  were  at  that 
mission  several  Indian  women  of  more  than  one  hun 
dred  years  of  age.  At  Angeles  Antonio  Valdes  died 
in  1859  at  the  age  of  ninety-two,  and  in  1858  Guada- 
lupe  Romero  aged  one  hundred  and  fifteen.  Marfa 
Ignacia,  an  Indian  woman,  reached  the  age  of  ninety - 
six ;  Fernando  and  Placido,  Indians,  were  at  the  time 
of  their  death,  respectively,  one  hundred  and  two  and 
one  hundred  and  thirty-seven  years  old.  A  short  time 
before  his  decease,  the  latter  had  danced  at  a  fandango. 
Cris6stomo  Galindo  was  living  in  1875  at  the  age  of 
one  hundred  and  three.  Maria  Marcelina  Dominguez, 
on  whose  land  the  famous  grape-vine  of  Santa  Bar 
bara  grew,  died  in  1865  aged  one  hundred  and  seven. 
U  rsula  Madariaga,  who  was  twelve  years  old  when  in 
1767  the  Jesuits  were  expelled  from  Mexico,  died  at 
Monterey  in  1856.  Justiniano  Roxas,  an  Indian  who 
died  at  Santa  Cruz  in  1875,  was  baptized  at  that 
mission  in  1792;  and  in  the  entry  of  his  baptism,  it  is 
noted  by  the  officiating  priest  that  he  was  then  at  least 
forty  years  of  age.  Eulal  a  Perez,  who  died  in  1878, 
at  the  time  of  dictating  her  recollections  in  December 
1877,  laid  claim  to  one  hundred  and  thirty-nine  years, 
but  did  not  present  any  proofs.  I  saw  her  in  1874, 
and  she  certainly  did  not  appear  so  aged.  From  my 
own  observation,  as  well  as  from  a  careful  consideration 
of  the  evidence,  I  am  inclined  to  think  that  she  was 
born  not  before  1760. 

On  the  other  hand,  diseases  of  many  kinds  pre 
vented  a  corresponding  increase  of  population  among 
the  gente  de  razon,  and  ran  riot  among  the  neophytes. 
Of  all  these  diseases,  syphilis,  in  its  many  varied  mani 
festations,  was  the  most  widely  disseminated  among 


616  A  VERY  HEALTHY  COUNTRY. 

all  classes  and  both  races.  It  is  impossible  to  deter 
mine  whether  or  not  in  17G9  the  evil  already  existed 
here ;  for  it  might  well  have  been  brought  hither  by 
the  sailors  of  Cabrillo  and  Vizcaino;  its  existence,  at 
some  of  the  missions  at  least,  dates  from  the  arrival 
of  Anza's  expedition  in  1776.  The  disease  spread 
with  frightful  rapidity,  and  as  early  as  1805,  syphilis, 
together  with  its  legitimate  offspring,  scrofula  and 
consumption,  yearly  caused  the  death  of  hundreds  at 
the  several  missions,  while  the  subsequent  annual  re 
ports  of  the  friars  almost  invariably  give  these  diseases 
as  the  chief  causes  of  death.  "It  is  almost  universal, 
both  among  Spaniards  and  Indians,"  says  Langsdorflf, 
"and  occasions  so  much  the  greater  devastation  among 
them  as  they  themselves  resolutely  reject  all  medical 
assistance  for  it."  Rarely  did  a  neophyte  reach  the 
age  of  sixteen  without  showing  signs  of  the  disease, 
while  frequently  the  symptoms  were  present  at  birth, 
in  such  children  as  mothers  did  not,  owing  to  their 
own  diseased  condition,  abort.  Many  of  the  friars 
themselves,  notably  those  of  the  college  of  Guadalupe. 
were  contaminated,  and  many  men  of  respectable  posi 
tion  died  of  the  effects  of  a  disease  by  some  considered 
incurable. 

Other  diseases,  never  entirely  absent  from  the  set 
tlements  and  the  missions,  and  frequently  very  fatal 
at  the  latter,  were  dysentery,  catarrhal  fevers,  and 
pleurisy.  These  diseases,  which  seem  to  have  been 
more  prevalent  at  the  beginning  of  the  rainy  season 
and  just  after  the  rains  ceased,  were  aggravated  by 
the  want  of  cleanliness  among  the  neophytes,  as  well 
as  by  their  gluttony,  added  to  a  lack  of %  care  on  the 
part  of  their  ignorant  associates,  and  the  dangerously 
slight  knowledge  of  medicine  in  almost  all  instances 
possessed  by  the  friars,  their  only  physicians. 

Epidemic  diseases,  however,  were  not  infrequent; 
and  of  these  the  most  dreaded,  although  by  no  means 
the  most  fatal,  was  the  small-pox,  which  on  several 
occasions  visited  the  country.  In  1781  this  disease  is 


ON  THE  ALERT.  617 

said  to  have  made  its  appearance  among  the  children 
of  the  immigrants  who  came  with  Captain  Rivera  from 
Loreto.  The  party  encamped  about  a  league  distant 
from  the  mission  of  San  Gabriel,  arid  remained  there, 
presumably,  until  the  disappearance  of  the  symptoms, 
which,  as  they  were  confined  to  children,  may  have 
been  like  those  of  chicken-pox.  Certainly  the  disease 
could  not  have  been  of  an  alarming  type. 

But  early  in  1798  the  authorities  were  on  the  alert, 
and  on  the  9th  of  May  the  ship  dmception,  with 
several  cases  of  small-pox  on  board,  arrived  at  Santa 
Barbara.  The  governor  immediately  ordered  the  ves 
sel  to  be  disinfected,  and  the  passengers  placed  in 
quarantine  for  forty  days.  As  the  five  sick  persons 
recovered,  and  the  infection  did  not  spread,  the  com 
mandant  of  the  town,  some  three  weeks  after  the  ves 
sel's  arrival,  in  disregard  of  the  governor's  orders, 
released  the  passengers  from  quarantine.  The  gov 
ernor  was  furious,  and  swore  that  should  the  disease 
gain  footing  in  the  country  the  commandant  should 
hang  for  it,  and  that  the  representation  which,  signed 
by  the  friars  and  others  who  had  landed  from  the  ship 
as  well  as  by  the  officers  of  the  garrison,  had  been  for 
warded  to  the  capital,  would  not  suffice  to  shield  him. 
Happily  for  all,  the  infection  did  not  spread. 

Early  in  May  1838,  the  small-pox,  the  appearance 
of  which  had  been  for  months  anticipated  with  dread, 
was  brought  from  Ross  to  Sonoma  by  one  Miramontes, 
a  negro  corporal  of  cavalry,  and  spread  with  frightful 
rapidity  among  the  wild  Indians,  thousands  of  whom 
died.  It  is  estimated  that  fully  three  fifths  of  the 
savage  population  of  the  Sacramento  Valley  were 
swept  away.  The  infection  does  not  seem  to  have 
spread  south  of  Monterey,  but  everywhere  it  was  very 
fatal  among  the  Indians,  while  sparing  the  gente  de 
razon. 

Again,  in  May  1844,  the  same  scourge  made  its 
appearance,  brought  from  San  Bias  by  the  kanaka 
crew  of  the  California.  One  man  was  put  ashore  at 


618  A  VERY  HEALTHY  COUNTRY. 

Cape  San  Lucas  and  died  there;  another  died  while 
the  vessel  lay  at  San  Pedro,  and  a  third  died  at  sea 
before  reaching  Monterey.  The  other  kanakas  were 
nearly  well  when  the  schooner  arrived  at  the  latter 
place,  and  no  one  of  her  many  passengers  caught  the 
infection.  But  the  disease  spread  among  the  Indians 
at  Monterey,  it  is  said,  from  the  clothing  which  Lar- 
kin,  one  of  the  passengers,  gave  to  his  servant  to  be 
washed.  About  one  hundred  Indians  died,  but  only 
one  person  de  razon.  Considerable  alarm  was  felt 
throughout  the  southern  country,  particularly  at  San 
Gabriel,  owing  to  a  venereal  eruption,  and  at  other 
places  because  of  a  kind  of  itch;  but  the  disease  was 
confined  to  Monterey. 

A  curious  disease  was  that  which  afflicted  many  of 
the  early  missionaries.  It  was  characterized  by  mel 
ancholy,  nervous  prostration,  and  finally  perturbation 
of  the  intellect.  In  1799  two  insane  friars  were 
allowed  to  retire  to  their  college;  and  within  a  few 
years  previous  to  that  time  there  had  been  several 
similar  cases.  Absence  from  the  country  invariably 
worked  a  cure. 

As  late  as  1830  the  Californians  regard'  d  consump 
tion  as  contagious.  When  a  person  died  of  IJiat  dis 
ease,  his  clothing  and  effects  were  burned,  and  the 
walls  of  the  room  scraped  and  whitewashed.  On  one 
occasion,  while  governor  Pablo  Vicente  de  Sola  ruled 
the  Californians,  a  wealthy  Spaniard  died,  leaving  the 
whole  of  his  property  to  the  fondo  piadoso  de  las  Cali- 
fornias;  but  as  he  had  been  a  consumptive,  his  furni 
ture  and  clothing  were  consigned  to  the  flames,  and  in 
the  excitement  the  jewelry  and  money  which  he  had 
willed  to  the  fondo  piadoso  were  lost  or  stolen.  When 
the  case  was  reported  to  Mexico,  the  president  of  the 
college  of  San  Fernando,  who  had  been  made  adminis 
trator  of  the  property,  began  suit  against  the  authori 
ties  of  the  then  province  of  the  Californias,  from  whom 
he  claimed  the  full  value  of  the  property  destroyed 
and  stolen.  The  lawsuit  lasted  nearly  twenty  years, 


THE  DISEASE  LATIDO.  619 

and  was  finally  decided  against  the  priesthood  in  1843 
by  Governor  Micheltorena,  who  improved  the  oppor 
tunity  for  the  purpose  of  giving  to  Bishop  Garcia 
Diego,  the  first  ecclesiastic  who  held  that  high  office 
in  this  country,  a  lesson  as  to  the  loose  manner  in 
which  the  ministers  of  the  altar  attended  to  their 
duties. 

In  1802,  about  the  close  of  the  rainy  season,  there 
appeared,  notably  at  Monterey,  La  Soledad,  and  San 
Luis  Obispo,  an  epidemic,  of  which  the  symptoms  were 
a  cough,  pains  in  various  parts  of  the  body,  and  later 
fever,  accompanied  in  the  majority  of  cases  by  a  stric 
ture  of  the  throat.  This  disease,  very  fatal  at  La 
Soledad  but  less  so  at  other  places,  was  attributed  to 
a  change  of  temperature,  and  in  the  opinion  of  eccle 
siastics  and  laymen  alike,  yielded  to  prayer  rather 
than  to  human  remedies.  It  is  a  pity  that  all  dis 
eases  will  not  yield  to  prayer,  and  death  also,  and  all 
other  infelicities;  but  how  then  would  heaven  be 
peopled  ? 

Langsdorff  heard  of  a  disease  at  San  Jose  called  the 
latido,  which  was  confined  to  adults.  It  began  by  a 
pulsation  in  the  lower  belly,  which  constantly  in 
creased*  pains  were  felt  in  that  region,  and  in  the 
neck,  as  though  a  string  were  drawn  tightly  over  those 
parts;  loss  of  appetite  was  attended  by  sickness  and 
an  indurated  condition  of  the  belly ;  cramps  were  fre 
quent,  and  even  in  male  patients  hysterical  affections. 
The  sufferer  might  linger,  but  gradually  wasted  away 
and  died.  No  satisfactory  cause  was  assigned  to  this 
disease. 

In  1819,  no  supplies  having  arrived  from  Mexico 
during  a  period  of  several  months,  a  plague  of  lice 
came  upon  the  troops  at  San  Francisco,  who  were  put 
to  great  shift  for  want  of  clothing,  and  were  in  conse 
quence  unable  to  keep  themselves  clean.  Any  one 
passing  the  door  of  the  guard-house  was  immediately 
covered  by  these  insects,  for  the  wind  carried  them 
hither  and  thither.  Bathing  in  the  sea  and  boiling 


A  VERY   HEALTHY   COUNTRY. 


their  garments  gave  some  relief,  or  rather  a  respite; 
but  the  annoyance  continued  until  in  1820  trade  with 
the  Russians  opened. 

Toward  the  close  of  November  1832,  an  epidemic,  the 
nature  of  which  is  not  specified,  appeared  at  Angeles, 
and  although  not  fatal,  was  so  prevalent  that  it  was 
necessary  to  postpone  for  some  three  weeks  a  primary 
election  ordered  to  be  held  on  the  first  Sunday  in 
December;  for  meanwhile  not  only  were  the  four 
judges  of  election  unable  to  serve,  but  scarcely  a  voter 
could  leave  his  house.  A  person  signing  himself 
Trapper  says  that  he  was  in  the  Sacramento  and  San 
Joaquin  valleys  in  1832,  when  they  were  crowded 
with  Indians,  and  again  in  the  following  year,  when  a 
fearful  visitation  of  remittent  fever,  more  violent  than 
any  recorded  in  their  traditions,  had  caused  the  almost 
utter  annihilation  of  these  people. 

At  the  missions,  and  sometimes  among  the  gente  de 
razon,  the  greatest  devastation  was  caused  by  the 
measles.  In  1806  this  disease,  hitherto  unknown  in 
the  country,  raged  for  many  months,  and  carried  off 
the  neophytes  by  scores.  Almost  all  the  pregnant 
women  affected  by  it  miscarried,  and  nearly  all  the 
children  at  the  more  northern  missions  died.  The 
gente  de  razon  who  fell  ill  on  this  occasion  almost 
invariably  recovered,  while  the  disease  did  not  spread 
among  the  gentiles.  In  1827-8,  however,  the  havoc 
wrought  by  this  disease  was  more  wide-spread,  though 
not  as  great.  On  this  occasion  many  children  de 
razon  also  were  victims. 

A.t  the  missions,  a  variety  of  causes  contributed  to 
a  mortality  among  the  Indians  about  this  time,  per 
haps  unequalled  in  any  country.  The  following  table 
of  the  death-rate  among  the  neophytes,  from  the 
first  occupation  of  the  country  until  the  secularization 
of  the  missions,  has  been  carefully  made  up  from 
the  statistical  tables  printed  in  another  part  of  this 
series : 


THE  DEATH  RATE. 


621 


YearlAd'lts 

Child. 

Both 

Year 

Ad'lts 

Child. 

Both 

Year 

Ad'lts 

Child. 

Both 

1769 

5.55 

20*00 

8.69 

1791 

7 

/o 

5.84 

10.°00 

7.39 

1813 

5.32 

14.°8<5 

7.08 

1770 

6.12 

14.28 

7.21 

1792 

6.42 

10.61 

7.85 

1814 

5.43 

13.15 

6.82 

1771 

8.14 

13.13 

9.68 

1793 

3.99 

12.77 

6.77 

1815 

7.02 

15.77 

8.54 

1772 

8.00 

12.95 

9.48 

1794 

4.20 

14.44 

6.56 

1816 

6.10 

16.00 

8.28 

1773 

6.14 

10.62 

7.53 

1795 

5.18 

19.44 

8.44 

1817 

6.37 

14.98 

8.03 

1774 

7.00 

8.87 

7.64 

1796 

6.27 

19.74 

9.16 

1818 

6.28 

15.40 

8.06 

1775 

6.97 

10.57 

8.09 

1797 

4.97 

14.15 

7.05 

1819 

5.37 

14.16 

7.13 

1770 

4.72 

6.13 

5.17 

1798 

5.46 

15.77 

7.80 

1820 

5.56 

12.67 

6.98 

1777 

6.65 

14.25 

8.66 

1799 

5.15 

26.  8i 

9.65 

1821 

5.31 

14.23 

7.06 

1778 

6.22 

10.38 

7.52 

1800 

7.12 

10.82 

9.13 

1822 

6.17 

17.46 

8.39 

1779 

6.15 

10.19 

7.45 

1801 

7.02 

14.63 

8.87 

T823 

5.01 

15.00 

6.95 

1780 

5.23 

9.12 

6.60 

1802 

8.97 

15.66 

10.45 

1824 

5.81 

11.18 

6.87 

1781 

5.84 

11.71 

7.79 

1803 

5.71 

15.46 

7.84 

1825 

6.83 

12.85 

7.97 

1782 

4.44 

10.04 

6.31 

1804 

6.28 

20.66 

9.01 

1826 

5.70 

9.55 

0.57 

1783 

4.46 

9.67 

6.16 

1805 

5.53 

16.09 

7.61 

1827 

6.05 

15.50 

7.95 

1784 

4.24 

7.12 

5.10 

1806 

13.50 

32.34 

17.02 

1828 

7.17 

21.37 

9.87 

1785 

3.39 

6.74 

4.46 

1807 

5.91 

14.01 

7.54 

1829 

5.37 

9.68 

6.23 

1780 

5.20 

9.20 

6.55 

1808 

5.65 

14.53 

7.31 

1830 

4.18 

7.54 

4.79 

1787 

3.85 

8.14 

5.31 

1809 

4.96 

14.74 

6.76 

1831 

5.38 

7.48 

5.79 

1788 

5.03 

9.41 

6.67 

1810 

5.36 

12.41 

6.65 

1832 

7.10 

7.76 

7.23 

1789 

6.02 

8.93 

7.65 

1811 

5.92 

15.57 

7.64 

1833 

6.01 

10.93 

7.07 

1790 

8.18 

7.97 

8.09 

1812 

6.06 

14.59 

7.68 

1834 

5.02 

9.37 

5.98 

For  66  years,  average,  adults  5.93%,  children  13.29%,  both  7.60%. 

Men  and  women,  even  of  a  people  so  abject  as  were 
the  Indians  of  California,  born  to  a  freedom  for  count 
less  generations  enjoyed  by  their  kindred,  cannot  ea 
sily  be  reduced,  without  suffering  by  it,  to  a  condition 
of  quasi  slavery,  such  as  was  in  effect  the  lot  of  the 
mission  neophytes,  whose  very  children  were  some 
thing  less  than  their  kinsmen  of  the  woods.  En 
feebled  also  by  unaccustomed  labor  and  unwonted  diet, 
at  times  insufficient,  but  not  infrequently,  because  of 
their  unbridled  gluttony,  excessive,  as  well  as  by  in 
adequately  ventilated  and  unclean  sleeping  apartments, 
they  fell  an  easy  prey  to  diseases  more  fatal  than  any 
hitherto  known  among  them,  and  to  which  their  nat 
urally  filthy  personal  habits  and  mode  of  living  ren 
dered  them  highly  susceptible.  Ignorance  on  the 
part  of  mothers,  added  to  a  want  of  proper  care,  at 
times  becoming  criminal  inhumanity,  tended  to  in 
crease  the  mortality  among  children.  Moreover, 
there  was,  throughout  the  entire  country,  a  lamen 
table  want  of  medical  aid,  especially  at  the  missions, 
where  there  was  available  only  the  empiric  skill  of  the 


622 


A  VERY  HEALTHY  COUNTRY. 


friars,  or  the  equally  dangerous  practice  of  the  native 
medicine-men.  Among  the  neophytes  there  seems  to 
have  been  a  marked  failure  of  female  offspring,  due  to 
some  natural  law,  or  possibly,  in  great  part,  to  the  de 
liberate  intention  of  infanticidal  mothers.  At  all  the 
missions,  the  number  of  males  was  excessive,  and  raids 
similar  to  that  recorded  in  Roman  history  were  en 
couraged  by  the  ministers  themselves  for  the  purpose 
of  supplying  the  needed  wives.  From  the  earliest 
times,  the  frightful  mortality  at  the  missions,  espe 
cially  those  of  the  north,  and  notably  San  Francisco 
and  Santa  Clara,  attracted  the  attention  of  the  author 
ities,  civil  and  ecclesiastic.  The  excess  of  deaths  over 
births  was  always  great,  and,  as  I  have  said,  the  defi 
cit  was  made  good  by  conversions,  sometimes  by  forci 
ble  abduction,  among  the  neighboring  free  Indians. 

It  is  true  that  a  surgeon  accompanied  an  early 
expedition  to  Monterey;  but  he  became  demented  on 
arriving,  and  was  unable  even  to  put  proper  labels  on 
the  packages  of  medicines  which  had  been  brought 
for  distribution  to  the  different  missions.  Later  there 
was  a -surgeon  almost  constantly  under  pay,  as  well 
as  a  phlebotomist,  but  they  were  attached  to  the 
Monterey  presidial  company,  and  rarely  absented 
themselves  from  the  capital,  at  times  absolutely  re 
fusing  to  do  so.  Herewith  I  give  a  list  of  surgeons: 


Name. 

Rank. 

Term  of 
Service. 

Pay. 

Remarks. 

Pedro  Prat  

Surgeon  

1769-1771 

Demented  in  1770;  died  in  Mex. 

Pedro  Castan.  .  .  .  — 

Surgeon  

1773-1774 

Ad  interim. 

Jos6  Davila  

Surgeon  

1774-1783 

Discharged. 

Manuel  Moreno  

Surgeon  

1785 

Ordered  to  Cal.  ;  did  not  come. 

Pedro  Carbajal  
Pablo  Soler  

Surgeon  
Surgeon  

1785-1787 
17^1-1800 

$840 

Acting  at  various  times. 
Resigned. 

Jos6  Castillo  

Phlebotomist. 

17^2-1818 

$360 

Juan  de  Dios  Morelos. 

Surgeon  

1800-1802 

Relieved. 

Manuel  Torres    

Surgeon  

1802-1803 

$650 

Resigned. 

Jos6  Maria  Benites.  .  . 

Surgeon  

1803-1807 

*  $550 

Exchanged  with  Quijano. 

Manuel  Quijauo  ... 

Surgeon  

1807-1824 

$1,000 

J.  Evan.  Perez  de  Leon 

Surgeon  

1829 

$1,500 

A.  Gonz.  del  Castillo.. 

Surgeon  

1830 

Ordered  to  Cal.  ;  did  not  come. 

Manuel  de  Alva  

Surgeon.  .   . 

1831-1840 

$1,500 

Retired  on  sick  certificate. 

Manuel  Crespo  
Edward  tale  

Phlebotomist 
Surgeon  

1832 
1840-1843 

$360 
$840 

Resigned. 

Faustino  Moro  

1844 

$1,413 

*  In  1804  was  increased  to  $1,000  per  annum.    From  1771  until  1773,  and  again  from 
1783  to  1785  there  was  no  surgeon  in  the  service. 


NEED  OF  PHYSICIANS.  623 

In  1804  the  viceroy,  in  view  of  the  alarming  mor 
tality  at  the  missions,  increased  the  pay  of  the  sur 
geon,  with  the  understanding  that  he  should  each 
year  make  a  tour  of  the  country  for  the  purpose  of 
sending  to  Mexico  a  report  concerning  the  diseases  of 
the  gente  de  razon,  as  well  as  those  of  the  neophytes, 
their  causes  and  treatment.  These  orders  were  re 
peated  in  the  following  year,  the  bishop  of  Sonora 
also  interesting  himself  in  the  matter,  and  Surgeon 
Benitez  made  a  tour  of  inspection  to  the  northward  of 
Monterey,  and  to  the  southward  as  far  as  San  Luis 
Obispo.  The  results  of  his  observations  he  embodied 
in  a  long  and  able  report.  No  other  extended  tour 
seems  to  have  been  made,  either  by  him  or  by  his 
successors;  after  two  or  three  years,  the  custom  ap 
pears  to  have  fallen  into  abeyance,  and  was  never 
revived  by  the  Mexican  government,  except  on  one 
occasion.  Indeed,  with  the  single  exception  of  Benitez, 
the  surgeons  appear  to  have  possessed  but  little  pro 
fessional  skill,  while  some  of  them  lacked  proper 
professional  titles.  No  man  of  parts  seemed  to  be 
willing  to  come  to  California,  notwithstanding  the 
government's  offer  of  additional  pay,  while  not  even 
an  increase  of  pay,  amounting  to  more  than  fifty  per 
cent,  proved  an  inducement  sufficient  to  retain  compe 
tent  men.  These  men,  moreover,  constantly  complained 
of  the  denial  of  perquisites  and  privileges  which  they 
deemed  their  due. 

Later,  the  country  was  still  without  medical  men, 
and  in  1829,  Echeandia  reported  that  there  were  none 
in  the  territory,  unless  two  or  three'quacks  might  be 
so  considered.  Afterward,  and  previous  to  1846,  a 
limited  number  of  quasi  physicians,  chiefly  foreigners, 
practised  at  various  places,  and  the  surgeons  of  for 
eign  war  vessels  were  frequently  called  upon.  Fran 
cisco  Torres,  a  Mexican,  was  in  practice  at  Monterey 
in  1835  ;  John  Marsh  obtained  a  license  to  practise 
medicine  at  Angeles,  February  25,  1836;  Nicholas  Den 
was  practising  at  Santa  Barbara;  Edward  Bale,  an 
Englishman,  came  before  1837;  Robert  Money,  a 


624  A  VERY  HEALTHY  COUNTRY. 

Scotchman,  with  no  diploma  or  medical  knowledge, 
practised  medicine  at  Angeles  in  1844.  Hartnell,  in 
a  letter  to  Wyllie,  1844,  says  that  a  young  Irish  sur 
geon  had  just  settled  at  Angeles,  and  that  a  surgeon 
for  the  troops  was  about  to  arrive  from  Mexico,  but 
that  there  were  no  physicians  or  even  apothecaries  in 
the  country.  At  Monterey,  in  March  1846,  John 
Townsend  and  Andres  Castillero,  the  latter  not  a  med 
ical  man,  signed  a  certificate  of  ill  health  as  'profesores 
de  medicina.'  In  June  1846,  Francisco  de  la  Guerra 
writes  from  Santa  Barbara  to  the  governor,  that  for 
want  of  good  medical  men  in  the  country  he  has  been 
obliged  to  employ  the  surgeon  of  a  British  war  vessel. 

The  results  of  the  practice  of  the  friars  at  their  mis 
sions  gave  greater  force  to  the  time-honored  cus 
tom  of  the  Indians,  who  almost  invariably  preferred 
their  own  medicine-men;  so  that  not  infrequently  the 
missionaries,  with  politic  shrewdness,  comprehending 
their  own  weakness,  wisely  abandoned  their  field  to 
their  more  successful  fellow-practitioners  whenever 
the  treatment  consisted  in  the  employment  of  simples, 
as  was  usually  the  case,  severely  punishing  neverthe 
less  all  cases  of  sorcery  that  came  within  their 
knowledge. 

As  late  as  1828  the  corporal  of  the  guard  at  Santa 
Ines  reported  to  his  commanding  officer  at  Santa 
Barbara  that  three  of  the  neophytes  of  that  mission 
made  a  practice  of  dancing  in  one  of  the  houses  of  the 
rancheria,  and  of  bringing  thither  those  of  their  com 
rades  who  were  dangerously  sick;  the  latter  being  in 
formed  that  each  one  who  had  danced  should  contribute 
beads  or  some  other  offering  in  order  that  the  dance 

O " 

might  find  favor  in  the  eyes  of  the  devil,  and  they  in 
consequence  be  healed.  The  culprits  were  imprisoned 
on  a  charge  of  sorcery,  and  admitting  the  charge, 
were  sentenced  by  their  minister  to  be  whipped  and 
remanded  to  prison.  The  commandant  ordering  an 
investigation,  it  appeared  that  the  dancing  took  place 
on  two  several  occasions,  and  that  the  sorcery  consisted 
in  touching  the  sick  with  feathers  as  our  priests  touch 


SIMPLE  REMEDIES.  625 

persons  with  holy  water,  the  medicine-men  meanwhile 
dancing.  On  the  second  occasion,  some  of  the  by 
standers  ridiculed  the  proceedings,  and  one  of  the 
prisoners  threatened  to  bring  about  the  death  of  the 
skeptics  by  means  of  a  composition  of  herbs.  The 
prisoners  were  kept  closely  confined  for  some  fourteen 
months,  when  it  was  ordered  by  the  commandant- 
general,  to  whom  the  matter  had  been  referred,  that 
in  consideration  of  this  fact,  one  of  them  should  be 
released,  while  the  others  should,  in  the  presence  of 
the  assembled  neophytes,  receive  twenty-five  blows 
each. 

In  certain  cases,  especially  for  the  treatment  of 
arrow-wounds,  the  gente  de  razon  depended  almost 
entirely  upon  the  skill  of  their  Indian  dependents. 
These  men,  conscious  of  their  power,  at  times  giving 
their  services  only  after  much  entreaty,  cured  or 
killed  as  it  happened.  Even  as  late  as  1844  these 
Indian  practitioners  were  in  great  demand,  and  were, 
no  doubt,  for  the  most  part  as  good  as  any. 

Drugs  of  various  kinds  for  distribution  among  the 
missions  were  brought  by  the  surgeon  who  accom 
panied  the  first  expedition,  and  afterward  a  fresh 
supply  was  from  time  to  time  sent  from  Mexico ;  some 
times  the  stock  on  hand  was  excessive,  but  much  more 
frequently  there  were  scant  supplies  or  none  at  all, 
while  generally  their  quality  was  none  of  the  best. 

The  remedies  most  in  vogue  were  the  simples  which 
grew  in  every  garden  in  the  land.  Upon  these  they 
depended  rather  than  upon  the  drugs  of  which  the  use 
was  not  well  understood.  A  decoction  of  borage 
leaves  was  very  efficacious  in  catarrh,  influenza,  and 
the  like.  In  1814  a  tree  resembling  the  cinchona  was 
found  in  abundance  at  Quiniado,  near  San  Antonio; 
the  bark  was  used  as  a  febrifuge,  but  being  sent  to 
Spain  for  examination,  was  found  not  to  contain  qui 
nine  sufficient  to  make  it  valuable.  For  the  itch,  baths 
were  given.  The  thermal  waters  of  San  Diego,  Santa 
Barbara,  and  San  Juan  Capistrano  were  frequently 

CAL.  PAST.    40 


626  A  VERY  HEALTHY  COUNTRY. 

resorted  to.  Until  they  saw  the  Spaniards  use  these 
baths  the  Indians  would  not  do  so;  for  having  seen  in 
them  dead  birds  and  the  like,  they  feared  their  effect. 
The  virtues  attributed  to  the  water  of  the  spring 
called  Poliri  have  already  been  alluded  to,  and  are  also 
spoken  of  by  Sanchez.  In  various  diseases,  mint  was 
a  favorite  remedy.  Plenty  of  vegetable  food  was 
recommended  by  Surgeon  Benites.  In  1802,  after  an 
epidemic  had  raged  unchecked  for  three  months  at 
Monterey,  prayer  proved  an  effective  remedy.  In 
1860  a  clove  of  garlic,  applied  by  Mrs  Estudillo  to 
the  third  finger  of  the  left  hand  of  Judge  Hayes, 
while  causing  pain  and  raising  a  blister,  cured  the 
toothache.  In  1817  Father  Sufier  had  satisfied  him 
self  that  the  chief  cause  of  death  among  the  neophytes 
was  the  weaving  of  woollen  garments,  for  the  sweat  of 
these  people,  being  very  viscid,  was  with  difficulty 
washed  from  them,  and  that  the  remedy  lay  in  the 
cultivation  of  hemp  and  flax.  In  1823  Father  Gil 
opined,  with  considerable  reason,  if  the  reports  touch 
ing  his  own  condition  were  true,  that  for  gdlico  there 
was  no  other  remedy  than  the  providence  of  God. 
This  opinion  Father  Abella  supplemented  by  saying 
that  the  Indians  did  not  care  for  their  health,  but  like 
every  son  of  Adam,  pined  for  freedom  and  women. 
Bleeding  was  resorted  to  in  cases  of  pleurisy. 

The  most  extraordinary  remedies  are  those  men 
tioned  in  a  little  book  called  Botica  General  de  los 
Remedios  Experimentados,  reprinted  from  the  Ciidiz 
edition,  and  published,  in  all  seriousness,  by  M.  G. 
Vallejo  at  Sonoma  in  1838.  Each  remedy  had  been 
carefully  tested  by  experience,  many  of  them  bringing 
to  mind  those  of  the  Chinese  pharmacopoeia,  while 
some  appear  to  have  been  in  vogue  among  birds.  The 
date  of  the  publication  is  a  sufficient  comment  on  the 
condition  of  medical  science  in  California  at  that  time. 
The  last  remedy  of  the  list  is  not  the  least  curious.  It 
reads  thus:  For  impaired  eye-sight,  do  as  the  swallow 
does — bruise  the  leaves  of  swallow -wort  and  anoint  the 


RED  WINE  AND  ROSEMARY.  627 

eyes  with  the  juice.  For  earache,  fill  the  ears  with 
'orines  propios  calientes. '  For  constipation,  imitate 
the  ibis,  and  use  a  clyster  of  salt  water.  An  agreeable 
remedy  was  a  decoction  of  red  wine  and  rosemary, 
which  was  prescribed  for  weakness,  and  was  said  to  be 
very  comforting,  while  as  a  wash,  it  preserved  beauty 
and  banished  wrinkles.  A  glassful  of  sugar  water, 
with  the  unimportant  addition  of  a  like  quantity  of 
aguardiente,  whenever  one  felt  inclined,  gladdened  the 
heart,  purified  the  blood,  was  exceedingly  good  for 
the  head  and  stomach,  cleansed  the  spleen,  and  opened 
the  appetite.  The  toothache  was  cured  by  carrying 
in  the  mouth  the  eye-tooth  of  a  man,  or  that  of  a 
black  dog.  Cancer  yielded  to  a  wash  distilled  from 
wine  in  which  rosemary  leaves  and  flowers  had  been 
boiled.  Pleurisy  was  cured  by  'excremerito  del  ca- 
ballo  reciente,' dissolved  in  wine,  and  well  strained; 
and  the  same  liquor  taken  internally  aided  difficult 
parturition.  A  remedy  that  should  be  recorded  in 
letters  of  gold  was  the  following :  Take  a  radish  cut 
in  four  pieces,  and  two  drams  of  powdered  broom 
seed ;  put  them  in  half  a  pint  of  white  wine  to  which 
a  few  drops  of  lime-juice  had  been  added,  and  leave 
them  there  for  twenty-four  hours.  This  draught 
would  dissolve  a  stone  in  the  bladder,  though  it  were 
as  big  as  a  lemon.  Chicken  stewed  in  wine  cured 
catarrh,  and  eggs  boiled  in  vinegar  the  dysentery. 
That  the  colic  may  never  return,  drink  for  several 
successive  davs  a  decoction  of  mint,  and  be  bled  at 
the  wane  of  the  moon  in  May,  or  drink  daily  some 
aguardiente  with  a  fresh  egg  in  it.  For  the  bloody 
flux,  use  a  clyster  of  the  blood  of  a  sucking  pig.  For 
kidney  complaints,  eat  four  ounces  of  fresh  butter,  and 
immediately  afterward  drink  half  a  pint  of  white  wine. 
Scorbutic  tumors  were  dissolved  by  the  application  of 
cloths  moistened  in  a  liquor  distilled  from  vipers.  For 
erysipelas,  sprinkle  the  face  with  the  fresh  blood  of  a 
black  hen,  and  tie  to  the  neck  a  twig  of  broom.  For 
jaundice,  eat  radishes  and  sugar,  and  place  over  the 


628  A  VERY  HEALTHY  COUNTRY. 

heart  a  poultice  of  the  same  in  a  cloth  dyed  with  cochi 
neal  ;  this  13  also  a  cure  for  melancholy.  For  excessive 
vomiting  apply  to  the  pit  of  the  stomach  a  cataplasm 
of  roast  pork  and  veal.  Wash  the  swellings  produced 
by  chilblains  with  water  in  which  sardines  have  been 
cooked.  Powdered  soot,  sage,  and  salt,  mixed  with 
the  white  of  an  egg,  and  bound  around  the  wrists,  will 
prevent  a  continuance  of  fever  and  ague.  Powdered 
mustard  seed,  well  sifted  and  used  as  snuff — in  mod 
eration  though,  for  the  habit  grows  upon  one — will 
enable  one  to  comprehend  more  in  an  hour  than  others 
who  do  not  know  the  remedy  can  in  a  day. 

As  may  readily  be  supposed,  no  judicious  system 
of  treatment  was  possible  among  a  rude  people  abhor 
ring  national  cures,  and  whose  diseases,  when  not 
inevitable,  seemed  almost  to  be  sought.  And  as  to 
the  practitioners  of  medicine  themselves,  there  seemed 
to  be  exercised  but  little  supervision.  In  early  times, 
military  surgeons  were  by  royal  edict  compelled  to 
give  immediate  notice  to  the  civil  authorities  of  any 
case  wherein  their  services  were  required.  The  first 
omission  to  do  so  was  punished  by  a  fine  of  twenty- 
five  dollars;  a  second  offence  by  a  fine  of  double  that 
amount,  arid  banishment  for  two  years  to  a  distance 
of  twenty  leagues;  a  third  transgression  by  a  fine  of 
one  hundred  dollars,  and  four  years  in  the  chain-gang. 
But  this  regulation  fell  into  disuse.  In  fact,  it  seemed 
to  be  the  general  opinion  that  the  use  of  medicines 
was  injurious  rather  than  useful,  their  abuse  tending 
even  to  retard  the  desired  increase  of  population.  The 
alcalde  of  Santa  Barbara,  in  a  report  made  to  the  gov 
ernor,  in  July  1834,  thought  that  the  empirical  prac 
tice  of  such  physicians  as  were  then  in  the  country 
had  shown  that  they  were  not  only  unnecessary,  but 
prejudicial  to  the  propagation  of  the  human  race. 

As  is  to  this  day  generally  the  case  in  Spanish  Amer 
ica,  to  be  of  Anglo-Saxon  race  was  tantamount  to  being 
a  physician,  and  much  evil  was  wrought  in  Califronia 
by  American  arid  British  pretenders. 


A  CRYING  EVIL.  629 

So  crying  an  evil  had  the  quackery  of  these  men 
become,  that  in  1844  the  governor  decreed  that  any 
one  pretending  to  practice  medicine  or  surgery  should, 
previous  to  receiving  a  license  from  an  ayuntamierito 
or  judge,  produce  documentary  proof  that  he  was  what 
he  claimed  to  be.  The  decree  also  regulated  the  price 
of  the  medicines  furnished,  and  the  amount  of  the  fee 
which  might  be  demanded.  Disobedience  was  pun 
ished  by  fine,  and  continued  transgression  by  expul 
sion  from  the  place  where  the  culprit  resided. 

From  the  earliest  times  the  neophytes,  seeing  that 
the  gente  de  razon  possessed  no  knowledge  even  of 
the  diseases  introduced  by  themselves,  manifested 
great  repugnance  to  the  treatment  prescribed  at  the 
missions,  and  in  these  cases,  refusing  to  submit  thereto, 
held  to  their  own  traditional  remedies  in  all  complaints 
of  which  they  had  a  knowledge.  Their  chief  remedy 
for  all  ills  was  the  temescal,  to  the  use  of  which 
the  most  strenuous  objection  was  made  by  the  civil 
authorities,  as  well  as  the  missionaries,  who  often 
ordered  the  temescales  to  be  destroyed;  but  the  In 
dians  as  frequently  reconstructed  them  in  out-of-the- 
way  places,  so  that  finally  a  compromise  was  effected, 
by  which  the  neophytes  were  allowed  to  use  the  te 
mescal  in  the  presence  of  a  watchman,  who  prevented 
the  subsequent  bathing  in  cold  water.  The  friars  also 
generally  adopted  the  use  of  the  simples  employed  by 
the  Indians,  from  motives  of  policy,  or  because  expe 
rience  showed  them  that  such  remedies  were  really 
serviceable.  In  cases  of  arrow-wounds,  the  gente  de 
razon  gladly  submitted  to  the  Indian  treatment. 

Jose  Maria  Amador,  a  noted  Indian-fighter,  had  dur 
ing  a  certain  expedition  received  four  arrow -wounds, 
which  were  both  dangerous  and  painful,  and  received 
treatment  at  the  hands  of  an  Indian,  who  brought 
from  the  woods  a  root,  red  in  color  and  some  eight 
inches  long,  called  yerba  de  jarazo;  another  of  about 
the  same  size,  and  although  of  a  yellowish  color,  be 
lieved  to  be  of  the  same  familv ;  and  a  third  root  which 


630  A  VERY  HEALTHY  COUNTRY. 

was  long,  delicate,  and  fragile.  After  chewing  the 
red  root,  the  Indian  applied  it  to  the  wounds,  at  the 
same  time  giving  to  Amador  the  third  root,  with  orders 
to  chew  it  and  swallow  the  juice.  He  did  so,  and  the 
blood  flowed  very  freely  from  the  wounds,  which 
had  been  opened  and  enlarged  by  the  application  re 
ferred  to.  The  Indian,  with  wooden  pinchers,  then 
removed  the  arrow-heads,  which  had  remained  in  the 
flesh,  an  extremely  painful  operation,  causing  the 
wounded  man  to  swoon.  The  yellow  root  was  then 
applied  as  the  yerba  de  jarazo  had  been.  Amador 
was  then  carried  to  his  home,  and  receiving  no  further 
treatment,  was  within  a  month  well  of  his  wounds, 
and  entirely  sound.  Perhaps  if  left  alone,  he  might 
have  been  well  in  a  fortnight.  Palomares,  in  like 
circumstances,  experienced  similar  treatment  at  the 
hands  of  an  Indian,  who  moreover,  in  order  to  aid  in 
cleansing  the  wounds,  sucked  from  them  the  coagu 
lated  blood. 

Sanitary  precautions  were  from  time  to  time  ordered 
by  the  home  government,  and  later  by  the  local 
authorities.  In  1785  the  viceregal  government  trans 
mitted  to  Monterey  twenty  copies  of  a  treatise  on 
small-pox,  which  had  been  sent  from  Spain,  and  or 
dered  their  distribution  among  the  people  of  Cali 
fornia,  and  in  1797  the  viceroy  ordered  that  precau 
tions  against  that  disease,  then  prevailing  in  Oajaca, 
should  be  enforced. 

These  instructions  were  of  the  following  tenor :  Each 
settlement  should  have  a  pest-house  at  a  sufficient  dis 
tance  from  all  dwellings,  and  taking  into  consideration 
the  prevailing  winds,  to  leeward.  Immediate  notice 
of  any  case  of  disease  to  be  given  to  the  nearest  magis 
trate.  Magistrates  were  to  divide  the  settlements  into 
districts,  a  strict  quarantine  to  be  maintained  as  to  those 
infected.  In  the  event  of  a  pest-house  being  occupied, 
the  atmosphere  in  its  neighborhood  was  to  be  purified 
by  means  of  bonfires.  Letters  from  such  a  district  were 


SMALL-POX.  631 

to  be  disinfected  with  fumes  of  sulphur,  and  the  mail- 
carrier  was  to  wear  linen  clothing,  which  he  should  re 
move  before  entering  a  place  not  infected.  When  it 
had  been  found  impossible  to  prevent  infection  by  other 
means,  then  vaccination  was  to  be  resorted  to.  If  the 
disease  became  general,  charitable  societies  were  to 
be  formed.  Those  who  died  of  small-pox  were  to  be 
buried  in  retired  places,  and  under  no  circumstances  in 
the  usual  cemeteries.  Prayers,  the  most  efficacious  of 
all  remedies,  were  to  be  addressed  to  God,  to  his  most 
holy  mother,  and  to  his  saints,  if  haply  all  of  them 
together  might  successfully  cope  with  Satan  in  this 
matter.  In  case  of  any  emergency,  justices  might  for 
necessary  expenses  have  recourse  to  the  public  funds. 
Finally,  clergymen,  magistrates,  and  others  in  author 
ity  were  to  adopt  such  further  sanitary  measures  as 
under  the  circumstances  should  seem  proper. 

When  in  the  year  following  the  Conception  brought 
the  srnall-pox  to  California,  these  precautions  were, 
to  the  extent  that  was  necessary,  adopted.  Again,  in 
1840,  the  government  sent  instructions  for  the  treat 
ment  of  sniall-pox,  which  were  put  in  practice  four 
years  later. 

In  June  1844,  a  committee  of  citizens  requested 
the  ayuntamiento  of  Los  Angeles  to  issue  a  decree  on 
the  subject,  and  early  in  the  following  month  the 
asked  for  action  was  taken.  The  number  of  watch 
men  was  increased.  These  men  were  to  see  that 
water  for  drinking  was  clean;  that  only  healthy  cat 
tle  were  slaughtered  for  food;  that  all  offal  was  re 
moved  from  the  precincts  of  the  town,  and  that  meat 
was  kept  in  well- ventilated  places;  that  no  tavern- 
keeper  should  permit  the  assemblage  of  drunkards 
and  vagabonds,  under  penalty  of  five  dollars  for  the 
first  offence,  and  double  that  amount  for  the  second, 
while  for  the  third  his  place  should  be  closed  by  the 
alcalde;  that  unripe  fruit  was  not  sold;  that  vessels 
arriving  at  San  Pedro  from  infected  places  should  be 
quarantined;  that  no  infected  person  should  come 


632  A  VERY  HEALTHY  COUNTRY. 

within  four  leagues  of  the  town,  and  that  other  per 
sons  coming  from  infected  places  should  be  detained 
at  a  like  distance  for  three  days,  and  compelled  to  wash 
their  clothing ;  that  citizens  should  be  recommended  to 
bathe  frequently  and  keep  their  houses  clean,  to  ab 
stain  from  the  use  of  chile  and  other  stimulating  food, 
and  to  thoroughly  wash  corned  beef  before  cooking 
it;  that  all  dwellings  should  be  daily  fumigated  with 
sulphur  or  sprinkled  with  vinegar.  This  decree 
should  be  read  at  every  dwelling  in  the  place. 

Early  in  1805  the  president  of  the  missions  re 
ceived  from  the  bishop  of  Sonora  an  intimation  to  the 
effect  that  the  king  had  sent  to  New  Spain  an  expedi 
tion  under  his  physician,  Balmis,  for  the  purpose  of 
introducing  vaccination,  and  the  friars  were  instructed 
to  allay  any  unfounded  prejudice  against  its  use,  but 
no  vaccine  matter  was  sent  to  California.  In  1806 
cow-pox  appeared  in  the  cattle,  and  inoculation  was 
at  first  practised  with  considerable  success,  but  exemp 
tion  from  danger  soon  produced  carelessness.  Vaccina 
tion  proper  does  not  seem  to  have  been  introduced  until 
1817,  when  some  lymph  was  brought  by  a  Spaniard 
named  Jose  Yerdia,  and  a  little  later  by  the  surgeon 
of  a  Russian  war  vessel.  Again,  in  1821,  the  surgeon 
of  a  Russian  war  vessel,  the  Kutusoff,  presented  the 
governor  with  some  vaccine  matter  which  he  had 
brought  from  Lima;  but  it  had  lost  its  virtue.  In 
1823  orders  were  sent  from  Mexico  that  vaccine 
lymph  should  be  properly  preserved  in  vials,  or  that 
a  constant  succession  of  matter  should  at  public  ex 
pense  be  maintained  in  healthy  children.  This  decree, 
however,  seems  to  have  been  inoperative,  and  a  few 
years  later  the  governor  ordered  the  commandants  of 
the  presidios  to  use  every  endeavor  for  the  procure 
ment  of  good  matter,  and  wrote  to  the  authorities  of 
Tepic  requesting  that  some  might  be  sent  to  him.  In 
1829  the  Russians,  for  the  third  time,  acted  a  neigh 
borly  part,  and  left  at  San  Diego  and  Monterey  some 
vials  of  lymph,  which  proved  a  timely  gift.  In  later 


SANITARY  MEASURES.  633 

years  there  were  periodical  flutters  of  apprehension, 
as  in  1840  and  in  1844,  regarding  the  small-pox,  but 
there  seems  to  have  been  no  lack  of  vaccine  matter. 
Sanitary  measures  were  taken  also  in  1833,  when 
considerable  alarm  was  felt  lest  cholera- morbus,  which 
had  appeared  at  Chiapas,  should  visit  the  territory. 
In  December  of  that  year  the  governor  published  a 
circular  issued  by  the  secretary  of  state,  which  advo 
cated  the  wearing  of  a  small  plate  or  medal  of  copper 
next  the  skin  as  a  guard  against  infection,  and  ordered 
that  the  precautions  indicated  by  Surgeon  Alva  should 
be  observed.  Certain  additional  precautions  were  de 
creed  by  the  governor  himself.  Cleanliness  of  houses, 
streets,  and  public  buildings  was  made  obligatory. 
Cemeteries  were  to  be  established  when  necessary.  At 
the  missions  the  friars  were  to  see  that  the  order  was 
obeyed.  No  one  was  to  be  out  of  doors  after  eight 
o'clock  at  night,  save  in  case  of  necessity;  and  those 
found  at  balls,  or  frequenting  taverns  and  like  resorts, 
should  be  condemned  to  four  days'  labor  on  the  public 
works.  Under  a  penalty  of  six  dollars  for  disobedi 
ence,  liquor  could  be  sold  only  between  the  hours 
of  eleven  in  the  morning  and  three  in  the  afternoon. 
Houses  were  to  be  fumigated,  and  bonfires  lighted. 
Corpses  were  to  be  buried  within  twenty-four  hours 
after  death,  but  at  the  same  time  precautions  against 
premature  burial  were  to  be  observed.  Graves  were 
to  be  at  least  two  varas  and  a  half  in  depth.  On  the 
decease  of  a  person,  no  tolling  of  bells  was  to  be 
allowed,  nor  any  other  noisy  demonstrations.  The 
use  of  fat  meats  and  watery  vegetables  was  prohib 
ited.  In  Monterey  patients  who  had  no  facilities  for 
being  treated  at  home  were  to  be  removed  to  the  hos 
pital.  At  Los  Angeles  the  ayuntarniento  was  directed 
to  take  the  necessary  steps.  The  following  precau 
tions  were  adopted  at  the  presidios:  Cleanliness  was 
ordered;  floors  when  swept  were  to  be  but  slightly 
sprinkled;  the  men  were  to  be  well  protected  by 
clothing;  the  sale  of  liquor  and  fruit  at  or  near  the 


634  A  VERY  HEALTHY  COUNTRY. 

barracks  was  prohibited;  food  was  to  be  served  in 
vessels  of  clay;  the  rations  were  to  be  of  rice,  beans, 
vermicelli,  mutton,  and  veal;  lime  or  charcoal  to  be 
thrown  into  the  sinks;  every  night  the  quarters  to  be 
fumigated  by  burning  a  mixture  of  salt  and  vinegar; 
the  men  were  warned  against  liquor  and  women. 

In  1844,  when  similar  alarm  was  felt,  the  command 
ant  of  Monterey  caused  some  guns  to  be  fired,  thereby 
meriting  a  reproof  from  the  governor,  who  thought 
that,  as  the  cholera  did  not  actually  exist  in  the  coun 
try,  the  precaution  was  needless.  In  1847  the  ayun- 
tamiento  of  Angeles  ordered,  as  a  sanitary  measure, 
that  all  offal  should  be  burned. 

Extraordinary  sanitary  precautions  were  practised 
at  Monterey  after  the  death  of  Commandant  Sal  in 
1800.  He  died  of  phthisis,  believed  to  be  very  infec 
tious;  and  by  direction  of  Surgeon  Morelos,  steps 
were  taken  to  guard  against  any  spreading  of  the  dis 
ease.  The  roof,  doors,  and  windows  of  the  house  in 
which  he  died  were  burned;  the  bricks  of  the  floor 
were  removed,  and  the  surface  of  the  walls  was  cut 
away.  Four  months  after  Sal's  death  the  building 
was  still  in  this  condition.  The  greater  part  of  the 
furniture  and  all  clothing  used  by  him  were  also 
burned. 

This  does  not  seem,  however,  to  have  been  at  all 
an  exceptional  case,  for  a  few  months  later,  two 
women  having  died  of  phthisis  at  Santa  Barbara,  the 
governor  directed  that  their  clothing  should  be  burned, 
the  walls  picked,  the  lock  and  key  of  the  door  cleansed 
by  fire,  and  the  places  where  they  had  slept  fumigated. 

From  time  to  time  quarantines  were  established  for 
certain  specific  purposes.  In  1781  Rivera's  expedition 
from  Loreto  was  compelled  to  remain  for  some  time 
encamped  at  the  distance  of  a  league  from  the  mission 
of  San  Gabriel,  as  it  was  feared  that  it  might  have 
brought  small-pox  from  Lower  California.  In  this 
case,  there  seems  to  have  been  no  cause  for  alarm. 
In  May  1797,  thirty- four  persons  suffering  from  scurvy 


HOSPITALS   ESTABLISHED.  635 

landed  from  the  Princesa  at  Santa  Bdrbara,  and 
although  this  disease  is  neither  contagious  nor  infec 
tious,  they  were  lodged  in  a  building  apart  from 
others,  and  no  intercourse  with  the  inhabitants  per 
mitted.  In  the  autumn  of  that  year,  orders  were  sent 
from  Mexico  requiring  a  quarantine  to  be  established 
as  to  vessels  infected  with  small-pox,  and  early  in  the 
following  year  the  Conception,  which  with  small-pox 
on  board  arrived  at  Santa  Bdrbara,  was  quarantined. 

At  the  missions  hospitals  for  the  use  of  the  neo 
phytes  were  early  established,  but  do  not  appear  to 
have  answered  the  purpose  for  which  they  were  in 
tended.  Until  1833  there  seem  to  have  been  no  pub 
lic  hospitals  in  the  country;  but  toward  the  close  of 
that  year,  when  it  was  feared  that  cholera  morbus 
might  become  epidemic,  the  governor,  in  accordance 
with  orders  from  Mexico,  decreed  that  a  provisional 
hospital  should  be  established  at  Monterey  at  the  ex 
pense  of  the  general  government.  In  1837  the  mili 
tary  hospital  at  Monterey  was  reorganized  by  a  decree 
of  the  president.  This  hospital  was  rated  as  of  the 
second  class.  Its  director  was  to  be  the  surgeon  ap 
pointed  in  accordance  with  the  law  of  1828,  who  was 
to  have  two  assistant  practitioners;  the  number  of 
nurses  was  to  be  proportionate  to  that  of  the  beds 
occupied. 

In  May  1844,  the  small-pox  was  brought  to  Mon 
terey.  On  the  28th  the  ayuntamiento  determined  to 
establish  a  hospital  for  poor  patients.  A  board  of 
health  composed  of  prominent  citizens  met  and  drew 
up  rules  for  its  government,  which  the  next  day  were 
submitted  to  a  meeting,  called  by  the  governor,  and 
composed  of  the  ayuntamiento,  the  officers  of  the  gar 
rison,  and  the  heads  of  families  residing  at  the  capital, 
by  which  they  were  approved.  This  board  of  health 
consisted  of  Larkin,  Spence,  Watson,  and  Osio,  pre 
sided  over  by  Serrano.  A  house  in  the  outskirts  was 
taken  at  a  monthly  rental  of  eight  dollars.  Any  poor 
person  was  to  be  admitted,  and  food  and  medicine  to 


636  A  VERY  HEALTHY  COUNTRY. 

be  distributed  to  those  for  whom  there  was  no  room. 
The  care  of  sailors  who  might  be  admitted  was  to  be 
paid  for  by  the  master  of  the  vessel  or  the  respective 
consul.  Two  nurses  were  appointed,  and  a  corporal 
and  four  men  were  to  give  burial  to  such  patients  as 
should  die.  There  being  no  physician,  a  committee 
was  empowered  to  establish  a  rational  mode  of  treat 
ment.  On  motion  of  the  governor,  another  committee 
was  appointed  to  solicit  pecuniary  aid.  The  ayunta- 
miento  resolved  to  pay  for  the  lighting  of  the  build 
ing,  and  to  give  boards  and  hides,  no  better  material 
being  available,  for  beds.  A  committee  appointed  at 
the  meeting  referred  to  collected  funds.  The  govern 
ment  agreed  to  give  $125  monthly  during  the  contin 
uance  of  the  epidemic;  Micheltorena  individually  gave 
twenty-five;  the  bishop,  twenty -five;  Larkin,  five; 
and  twenty-eight  others  from  one  to  four  dollars  each 
—all  on  the  same  condition.  The  total  monthly 
amount  promised  was  $249.  The  residents  of  Mon 
terey  gave  what  bedding  they  were  able  to  spare. 
This  hospital  was  visited  at  least  twice  a  day  by  a 
member  of  the  board  of  health,  and  visits  were  also 
made  by  the  governor  and  his  wife.  About  this  same 
time  a  hospital  had  been  established  at  Angeles,  but 
was  soon  found  to  be  unnecessary. 

In  1845  the  general  government  decreed  that  two 
per  cent  of  the  net  yield  of  fines  imposed  upon  smug 
glers,  and  of  the  amounts  accruing  from  the  sale  of 
smuggled  goods  that  were  confiscated,  should  be  set 
aside  for  hospitals  of  charity. 

After  the  death  of  an  individual,  whatever  might 
have  been  his  position,  for  a  .shroud  the  corpse  was 
clothed  in  a  Franciscan  habit — of  greater  merit  were 
it  an  old  one  of  one  of  the  padre  missionaries.  While 
the  patient  was  dying,  this  was  spread  over  him  as  a 
coverlet,  for  it  was  believed  that  thus  the  matter  of 
indulgences  would  be  facilitated.  The  relatives  and 
friends  of  the  dying  man  were,  in  great  numbers, 
assembled  in  or  near  the  house,  and  prayers  were  con 
tinuous. 


DISPOSITION  OF  THE  CORPSE.  637 

Shortly  after  death  the  corpse  was  clothed  in  the 
Franciscan  habit,  and  laid  on  the  floor  with  a  stone 
under  the  head,  and  with  four  candles  about  it.  Then 
all  the  town,  with  few  exceptions,  were  obliged  to  pay 
a  visit  to  the  corpse  and  take  part  in  the  prayers, 
which  were  continued  at  short  intervals  until  the 
burial  took  place,  being  also  accompanied  with  sundry 
mournful  alabados  shouted  in  chorus,  which  were 
alone  sufficient  to  inspire  melancholy. 

The  corpse  was  at  the  proper  time  placed  on  a 
table  covered  with  a  black  cloth,  which  was  borne  by 
four  persons,  who  were  from  time  to  time  relieved. 
The  priest  and  his  acolytes  preceded  the  corpse,  and 
at  certain  distances  paused  in  order  to  chant  the  proper 
portions  of  the  ritual. 

On  reaching  the  church,  the  proper  mass  was  said 
or  sung,  according  to  the  sum  which  the  family  chose 
to  spend.  This  ceremony  concluded,  the  cortege  pro 
ceeded,  in  the  same  order,  to  the  cemetery,  where  the 
body  was  encoffined,  the  coffin  having  hitherto  been 
carried  on  in  the  rear.  The  padre  recited  the  final 
prayers  for  the  dead,  and  the  coffin  was  placed  in  the 
sepulchre.  As  the  family  of  the  deceased,  as  well  as 
every  one  else,  including  women  and  children,  accom 
panied  the  deceased  to  his  grave,  the  weeping  and 
lamenting  was  great. 

When  the  head  of  a  family  died,  its  members,  even 
those  living  at  a  distance,  were  obliged  to  take  part 
in  the  obsequies.  Occasionally,  in  order  to  await  their 
arrival,  the  corpse  was  kept  unburied  for  two  or  three 
days.  The  death  of  a  small  child  was  an  occasion  for 
rejoicing  rather  than  one  of  mourning,  and  there  was 
a  ball,  accompanied  by  eating  and  drinking,  rockets, 
and  the  firing  of  muskets ;  for  it  was  thought  that  the 
souls  of  young  children  went  directly  to  heaven.  The 
little  corpse  was  dressed  to  represent  an  angel,  usually 
the  patron  saint  of  the  child. 

Jose  de  Jesus  Yallejo,  dictating  to  Cerruti,  says: 
"  With  reference  to  the  appointment  of  Doctor  Bale, 


638  A  VERY  HEALTHY  COUNTRY. 

chief  physician  of  the  Californian  army,  I  will  say 
that  those  who  criticised  it  showed  bad  taste,  because 
the  northern  part  of  New  California  was  continually 
exposed  to  the  attacks  of  the  Indians,  and  we  had  no 
other  physician  than  the  Indian  Petronio,  who  cured 
his  friends  and  killed  his  enemies.  The  scarcity  of 
doctors  among  us  was  so  great  that,  as  far  back  as 
1844,  when  near  my  estate,  a  soldier  named  Francisco 
Soto  accidentally  shot  himself,  I  sent  two  Indians  to 
Sonoma  to  escort  Doctor  Petronio  to  San  Jose;  but 
the  proud  infidel  refused  to  accede  to  my  request,  and 
sent  me  word  that  he  would  not  move  one  inch  unless 
Castro  should  come  in  person  to  solicit  his  assistance. 
My  emissaries  returned  to  San  Jose,  reported  to  Castro 
what  Petronio  had  said,  and  that  officer  without  de 
lay  mounted  his  horse  and  rode  to  Sonoma  to  beg  the 
Indian  to  come  and  cure  his  wounded  soldier  and 
relative.  Petronio  at  first  refused,  but  after  a  while 
he  acceded  to  his  petition,  and  returned  with  him  to 
San  Jose,  where  he  restored  his  health  to  the  wounded 
man  by  means  of  herbs  whose  virtue  to  him  only  was 
known." 

Hijar  states  that  when  an  adult  died  the  body  was 
placed  on  a  table  or  on  the  ground,  with  four  lights. 
There  were  fires  outside — at  which  the  watchers  were 
eating  and  drinking  brandy.  Some  remained  with  the 
dead  telling  their  beads,  who  were  relieved  by  others, 
so  that  the  praying  was  kept  up  the  whole  night. 
In  due  time  the  body  was  placed  in  a  coffin,  and  borne 
on  the  shoulders  of  men  to  the  church.  On  placing 
the  corpse  in  the  grave,  the  priest  took  a  handful  of 
earth  and  threw  it  upon  the  coffin,  an  act  which  the 
nearest  relatives,  and  then  the  friends,  followed.  The 
sexton  thereupon  filled  up  the  grave. 

If  the  family  had  means,  an  old  robe  was  bought  of 
the  padres,  at  more  than  twice  the  price  of  a  new  one, 
and  in  this  the  body  was  enveloped.  Under  other 
circumstances,  a  robe  of  blue  stuff  was  made.  If 
poverty  was  extreme,  the  body  was  interred  without 


A  CEMETERY  PRESENTED.  639 

shroud  or  coffin.  The  responses  of  the  padre  over  the 
body  had  to  be  paid  for,  hence  the  poor  received  no 
prayers. 

The  city  of  Los  Angeles  had  constructed  a  cemetery 
at  its  own  expense,  and  presented  it  to  the  church  on 
the  2d  of  November,  1844,  on  condition  that  there 
should  be  no  charge  for  burial  from  Angeles  people. 
The  bishop  objected  to  a  hampering  clause,  and 
claimed  that  the  property  fell  to  the  church  by  the  act 
of  consecration.  This  was  referred  to  the  committee 
on  police,  which  said  that  it  considered  it  wrong  to 
deprive  an  owner  of  his  property  merely  because  a 
religious  rite  is  performed  over  it.  The  bishop's  per 
mission  to  erect  the  cemetery  was  not  called  for;  it 
was  a  needed  public  measure.  The  ground  and  build 
ings  having  been  erected  by  the  Angeleans,  they  could 
fix  a  condition  of  exemption  from  tax.  What  had  the 
church  contributed? 

The  ayuntamiento  of  Monterey  in  1835  appointed 
a  commission  to  select  a  burial  ground  for  foreigners 

O  O 

separate  from  that  for  resident  catholics.  The  alcalde 
Soberanes  of  Monterey  one  day  received  notice  that 
there  was  a  man  lying  dead  in  the  house  of  Joaquin 
Gomez.  The  corpse  was  that  of  Hilario  Ortiz,  and 
the  alcalde  sent  notice  to  Padre  Real  to  bury  it. 
The  good  father,  learning  that  Ortiz  died  of  excess  of 
drink,  ordered  his  carcass  to  be  buried  in  the  woods. 

On  31st  of  July,  1839,  the  cemetery  at  Monterey 
was  consecrated,  having  been  in  use  since  1770.  It  was 
60  varas  square;  the  wall  was  built  by  the  convicts, 
under  the  auspices  of  Alvarado,  and  the  more  im 
mediate  direction  of  Spence,  who  obtained  permission 
to  select  a  spot  for  his  family,  and  improve  it,  and  it 
should  always  be  known  as  belonging  to  him. 

The  unventilated  sleeping  halls  at  the  missions  was 
one  of  the  causes  of  the  enormous  death  rate,  and 
there  were  no  remedies.  One  third  of  the  population 
died  in  infancy,  one  third  before  puberty,  the  last 
third  was  left  in  bad  health. 


640  A  VERY  HEALTHY  COUNTRY. 

I  saw  a  letter  from  J.  Carrillo  to  Jose  de  la  Guerra, 
informing  him  when  his  wife's  funeral  was  to  take 
place.  On  the  margin  of  the  letter  was  a  narrow 
piece  of  black  ribbon,  fastened  with  a  wafer,  signify 
ing  that  the  writer  was  in  mourning.  Red  and  black 
are  the  colors  of  the  Devil  and  Death;  yet  Death 
himself  is  white,  and  the  Devil  is  not  always  so  fiery 
red  as  he  is  painted. 


CHAPTER  XXI. 

BANDITTI. 

Three  merry  boys,  and  three  merry  boys, 

And  three  merry  boys  are  we, 
As  ever  did  sing  in  a  hempen  string 

Under  the  gallows-tree. 

— Fletcher. 

THERE  seems  to  be  a  prejudice  in  some  quarters 
against  the  profession  of  highwayman.  It  is  not 
enough  that  the  knight  of  the  road  be  well-bred, 
polite  in  Jiis  dealings  with  men,  chivalrous  to  the  fair 
sex,  faithful  to  his  associates  in  business,  true  to  all 
his  compacts  with  his  customers,  benevolent  to  the 
poor,  pious  and  penitent  on  all  stated  church  occasions, 
an  affectionate  husband,  kind  father,  and  useful 
member  of  society.  It  has  become  the  custom  of  our 
refined  and  discriminating  civilization,  when  such  a 

O 

person  is  caught  to  kill  him ;  for  which  reason  many 
good  men  have  been  kept  out  of  the  profession,  and 
have  in  consequence  fallen  into  evil  ways. 

This  is  all  the  more  singular  when  there  are 
throughout  the  land  so  many  meaner  kinds  of  thievery 
which  people  seem  to  think  little  of.  It  is  meaner 
thievery  to  betray  a  trust  in  friendship  or  business ;  to 
cheat  in  one's  dealings;  to  buy  goods  and  not  pay  for 
them;  to  adulterate  food,  drink,  or  medicines;  to 
filch  a  neighbor's  good  name ;  to  blackmail  for  pur 
poses  of  gain  or  to  increase  the  circulation  of  a  news 
paper.  It  is  meaner  thievery  to  give  or  accept  a 
bribe;  to  get  control  of  the  food  supply  and  make 
the  poor  pay  an  exorbitant  price  for  bread ;  to  build 
a  railroad  with  the  people's  money,  and  then  run  it 

CAL.  PAST.    41  (£41) 


642  BANDITTI. 

to  further  bleed  the  people,  unjustly  discriminating, 
buying  off  healthy  competition,  and  closing  all  other 
avenues  of  approach.  It  is  meaner  thievery  for 
manipulators  of  stocks  to  extract  money  from  people's 
pockets  through  false  representations  and  chicanery; 
or  for  lawyers  to  sell  their  services  to  defeat  the  ends 
of  justice;  or  for  administrators  to  defraud  widows 
and  orphans  by  means  of  the  machinery  of  the 
probate  court;  or  for  a  judge  to  be  influenced  by  a 
desire  for  popularity  or  reelection.  Commerce,  poli 
tics,  and  conventional  society  have  their  banditti, 
scourging  all  who  fall  within  their  reach;  and  while 
these  go  unhanged  the  punishment  of  the  lesser  vil 
lain  should  be  light.  There  are  a  thousand  worse 
kinds  of  wickedness  than  the  highwayman's,  which 
the  law  never  thinks  of  touching  or  society  of  con 
demning.  On  the  contrary,  he  who  legally  cheats, 
swindles,  steals,  or  betrays  a  friend,  and  does  it  suc 
cessfully,  making  sufficient  money  or  fame  thereby,  is 
a  good  and  great  man,  whom  men  praise  and  women 
adore.  Beside  many  of  our  so-called  respectable 
members  of  society  the  highway  robber  is  a  noble 
man,  as  illustrated  by  the  very  pleasant  fiction  of 
Robin  Hood,  in  his  forest  of  Sherwood,  who  stole 
only  from  fat  priests,  peculating  officials,  and  those 
avaricious  money -grinds  who  preyed  upon  the  weak 
under  cover  of  the  law,  being  too  cowardly  to  take 
the  risk  of  breaking  it.  And  were  it  possible  to-day 
to  send  out  upon  the  king's  highway,  there  to  meet 
their  victims  and  openly  prosecute  their  callings,  all 
those  who  thus  legitimately  cheat  their  neighbors  by 
superior  cunning  and  perverting  the  righteous  action 
of  the  law,  or  who  resort  to  the  thousand  grand  and 
petty  infamies  common  in  the  great  and  universal 
struggle  for  riches,  there  would  not  be  enough  of  us 
left  in  town  to  fill  a  third  rate  church  on  Sunday. 

But  neither  Joaquin  Murieta  nor  Tiburcio  Vazquez 
were  Robin  Hoods,  though  with  six  or  eight  centuries 
of  historic  truth-stretching  and  romancing  they  may 


THE  IDEAL  HIGHWAYMAN.  643 

become  such,  and,  indeed,  to  many  a  Pastoral  Cali- 
fornian  were  such  in  their  day.  The  deeds  of  high 
waymen,  as  herein  depicted,  extend  some  time  past 
the  pastoral  days  proper;  but  they  were  largely  com 
posed  of  Hispano-Californians,  and  their  adventures 
were  to  a  great  extent  in  southern  California,  though 
extending  to  the  mines,  which  afforded  them  a  rich 
field  after  the  discovery  of  gold,  and  where,  for 
the  completion  of  the  narrative,  we  are  obliged  to 
follow  them.  Nor  with  the  advent  of  gold  and 
American  domination  did  the  character  and  condition 
of  southern  California  change  from  the  old  regime  as 
rapidly  as  was  the  case  in  the  northern  regions. 

Brigandage,  when  directed  against  that  encroach 
ing  and  heretical  neighbor,  the  insolent  gringo,  was  a 
chivalric  ideal  of  the  Mexican,  and  no  less  so  of  his 
Hispano-Californian  fellow-citizen.  It  partook  of  the 
natures  at  once  of  political  privateering,  religious  cru 
sading,  and  race  revenge.  Pecuniarily  it  was  the 
sharp  practice  of  the  stock  operator,  and  the  crushing 
injustice  of  the  railway  monopolist,  combined. 

The  Californios,  as  the  Hispano-Californians  loved 
to  call  themselves,  like  the  citizens  of  the  other  North- 
Mexican  States,  were  peculiarly  fitted  for  this  voca 
tion.  In  the  first  place,  they  felt  certain  of  the  needed 
sympathy  of  a  considerable  portion  of  those  belonging 
to  their  race,  which  gave  them  assurance.  They  also 
entertained  the  idea,  however  erroneous,  that  by  con 
tributing  a  share  of  their  ill-gotten  gains  to  the 
church,  their  malefactions  would  be  dealt  with  by  its 
ministers  as  mere  irregularities,  or  as  venial  sins 
easily  washed  away.  The  soul  was  not,  therefore,  in 
serious  jeopardy.  Bright  eyes  were  not  lacking  to  en 
courage  deeds  of  valor  and  smile  upon  success,  or 
shed  tears  of  sorrow  if  reverses  befell  the  objects  of 
their  admiration  and  love.  A  passionate  fondness  for 
display  proved  an  important  factor ;  pride  lent  a  reck 
less  daring  ;  and  superstition  raised  every  fear  of  con 
sequences  into  heroic  stoicism.  Unbridled  passions 


644  BANDITTI. 

fed  "merciless  severity,  and  no  trammeled  conscience 
tinged  the  mad  enjoyment  of  illicit  chase.  Add  to 
these,  perfect  horsemanship,  the  skilful  use  of  arms, 
and  an  easy  retreat,  and  we  have  players  in  this  game 
of  life  and  death  unmatched  by  any  place  or  people. 
Some  few  of  Anglo-Saxon  lineage  attempted  the 
profession  of  highwayman  in  California,  but  their 
efforts  proved  failures.  It  is  not  their  proper  voca 
tion.  They  lack  the  requisite  qualifications ;  and  then 
the  burden  of  opprobrium  presses  too  heavily  upon 
them.  In  one  sense  they  are  not  clever  enough  for 
classic  villainy ;  in  another  sense  they  are  too  clever 
for  it.  Rather  let  their  deeper  cunning  keep  their 
indirections  within  the  limits  of  law,  and  out  of  the 
duplicities  of  business  bring  wealth  and  honor.  They 
with  their  wits  are  stronger ;  for  with  their  wits  they 
pipe  for  the  law  to  dance,  and  play  conventionalism 
against  honorable  ethics  to  the  swelling  of  their  purse. 
Before  entering  their  career  they  weigh  probabilities, 
never  afterward  stopping  to  time  their  speed  toward 
the  death  goal.  For  their  month  or  year  of  inglorious 
fame,  and  riches  many  or  few,  they  give  that  which 
thousands  give  for  twelve  or  twenty  dollars  a  month 
without  the  glory,  without  even  the  ignominious  fame 
of  the  robber,  namely  their  life.  In  the  case  of  the 
highway  robber,  in  his  infernal  canonization,  with  the 
advocatus  diaboli  appearing  on  one  side,  and  the  ad- 
vocatus  dei  on  the  other,  we  find  the  evil  and  the  good 
in  them  not  so  unequally  balanced  as  popular  opinion 
inclines  to  pronounce.  Highway  robbery  is  bad, 
people  say.  It  is  better  not  to  steal  at  all ;  but  men 
will  steal ;  all  men  will  steal  a  little,  and  women,  too, 
and  children.  At  least  there  is  something  courageous 
in  stopping  a  stage,  two  men  against  ten  sometimes, 
as  Falstaff  would  say;  but  in  legalized  stealing  there 
is  nothing  manly,  nothing  but  cowardice  and  meanness. 

Let  me  introduce  some  of  our  most  famous  gentle 
men  of  the  road,  surely  as  much  entitled  to  a  place 


JOAQUIN  MUKIETA.  645 

on  the  pages  of  history,  as  those  who  become  famous 
robbing  within  the  bounds  of  conventionality.  First 
of  all,  as  king  of  California  cut-throats,  stands  the 
boy,  Joaquin  Murieta,  the  Fra  Diavolo  of  El  Dorado, 
a  native  of  Sonora,  Mexico,  who  came  to  California 
in  1849.  He  was  but  a  few  months  more  than 
twenty-one  years  of  age  when  he  died,  and  his 
brilliant  career  of  crime  occupied  less  than  three 
years.  What  railway  magnate  can  say  as  much  ?  The 
terms  brave,  daring,  able,  faintly  express  his  qualities. 
In  the  canons  of  California  he  was  what  Napoleon 
was  in  the  cities  of  Europe ;  and  it  is  but  fair  to  say 
that  he  as  visibly  displayed  a  high  order  of  genius. 
Joaquin  would  have  been  no  more  out  of  place  com 
manding  at  Toulon,  than  Bonaparte  would  have  been 
scouring  the  Salinas  plains. 

Of  medium  height,  and  somewhat  slender  in  figure, 
he  was  extremely  active  and  athletic,  and  no  less 
graceful  in  movement  than  handsome  in  person.  A 
high  forehead  gave  his  features,  which  were  not  im 
proved  by  prominent  cheek-bones,  an  intellectual 
caste ;  large  black  eyes  blazing  with  vindictive  pur 
pose,  kindled  with  enthusiasm,  or  melting  in  tender 
affection,  displayed  the  earnestness  of  his  nature, 
while  a  well  shaped  mouth  showed  at  once  firmness 
and  sensuality.  Long  flowing  hair  of  glossy  black 
fell  on  his  shoulders,  and  on  his  upper  lip  was  a  thin 
silky  moustache,  as  belonging  to  one  who  had  never 
shaved.  His  manner  was  frank  and  cordial;  his 
voice  silvery  and  of  generous  utterance ;  and  though 
so  youthful  in  appearance  there  was  that  about  him 
which  made  him  both  loved  and  feared,  and  which 
impressed  friend  and  stranger  alike  with  profound 
respect.  It  has  been  said  that  he  lived  in  Los 
Angeles,  and  had  a  fair  reputation  up  to  1852,  when 
his  brother-in-law  was  arraigned  with  some  others  for 
the  murder  of  General  Bean,  and  in  his  confession 
stated  that  the  year  before  Murieta  had  joined  him 
and  others  in  a  horse-stealing  exploit,  the  horses 


046  BANDITTI, 

being  retaken  by  a  Tejon  chief.  Murieta  on  hearing 
this  fled  and  became  an  outlaw  and  a  terror. 

Murieta  had  higher  aims  than  mere  revenge  arid 
pillage.  His  continuous  conflicts  with  military  and 
civil  authorities,  and  armed  populace,  would  in  any 
other  country  in  America  have  been  dignified  with 
the  term  revolution.  He  had  been  educated  in  the 
school  of  revolution  in  Mexico,  where  the  line  be 
tween  rebel,  robber,  pillager,  and  patriot  had  been  to 
a  great  extent  obliterated.  It  is  easy  to  see  that  he 
regarded  himself  rather  as  a  champion  of  his  country 
than  as  an  outlaw. 

Joaquin,  when  in  his  seventeenth  year,  became 
enamoured  of  the  beautiful  dark-eyed  Rosita  Felix, 
who  was  of  Castilian  descent,  and  sweet  sixteen ;  she 
returned  his  passion  with  all  the  ardor  of  her  nature. 
Her  hard-drained  old  father  on  discovering  this  amour 

O  O 

flew  into  a  rage,  and  would  have  vented  it  upon  the 
boy  had  he  not  taken  to  flight.  Rosita  followed  her 
lover  to  the  northern  wilderness,  assisted  him  in  his 
efforts  at  honest  living,  attended  him  through  all  the 
perils  of  his  unlawful  achievements,  and  finally,  when 
death  so  early  severed  them,  returned  to  the  land  of 
her  childhood,  and  under  the  roof  of  his  parents 
mourned  her  well-beloved  through  long  dreary  }rears. 
Besides  Rosita  there  were  many  other  female  mem 
bers  of  this  unholy  fraternity  who  waited  on  their 
lords  with  loving  hearts.  Carmelita,  a  voluptuous 
beauty,  the  fascinating  Reyes  Felix  won  from  a  packer, 
and,  bringing  her  on  his  horse  behind  him  into 
camp  one  evening,  dropped  her  in  the  midst  of  his 
associates  with  the  laconic  introduction  "  there  is  my 
wife."  And  when  later  Briseis  goes,  Achilles  weeps, 
but  not  for  Briseis;  rage  wrings  from  him  tears. 

Rosita  had  left  a  little  brother  at  her  home  in 
Sonora,  Reyes  Felix,  who,  when  the  fame  of  the  dash 
ing  brigand  reached  his  ear,  burned  with  romantic 
passion  to  join  him.  Not  long  afterward  his  father 
died,  arid  the  liberated  boy,  then  fifteen  years  of  age, 


GARCIA,   CLAUDIO,   AND  GONZALEZ.  647 

immediately  sought  the  robber  chief,  and  became  one 
of  his  most  devoted  followers.  But  alas!  the  vigi- 
lants  of  Los  Angeles  finally  rewarded  his  merits  by 
hanging  him. 

One  monster  there  was  in  Joaquin's  band,  Manuel 
Garcia  by  name,  though  commonly  known  as  Three- 
fingered  Jack,  from  having  had  one  finger  shot  off 
during  Mexico's  war  with  the  United  States.  Proba 
bly  he  was  the  most  sanguinary  of  them  all ;  his  repu 
tation  was  no  less  conspicuous  for  cruelty  than  for 
bravery ;  cruel  men  are  not  usually  the  most  courage 
ous.  He  was  as  rugged  in  features  as  he  was  large 
and  powerful  in  frame,  and  was  so  ferocious  in  his 
appearance  that  few  of  his  associates  enjoyed  his 
society.  His  disposition  was  as  different  from  the 
frank  generosity  of  Joaquin,  as  was  his  repulsive 
form  from  the  lithe  grace  of  his  master.  To  gratify 
his  love  of  human  butchery  he  chose  the  most  prolific 
source,  and  adopted  as  a  specialty  of  the  profession 
what  was  known  as  sticking  Chinamen.  How  he  de 
lighted  in  seeing  them  scatter,  as  with  a  whoop  he, 
always  well  attended,  dashed  among  them!  What 
fun  it  was  to  catch  them  and  cut  their  throats !  Some 
times  he  shot  the  contents  of  his  pistol  into  them,  but 
that  was  too  tame ;  Jack  loved  to  see  the  flowing 
crimson,  and  a  knife  was  the  only  weapon  for  that. 
So  expert  by  practice  he  became — catching  them  by 
the  tail  and  with  a  peculiar  twist  of  his  own  inven 
tion  throwing  up  the  chin  so  as  to  preseat  an  unob 
structed  mark — that  out  of  every  ten,  he  used  to 
boast,  not  more  than  five  escaped.  If  there  were 
more  than  ten,  of  course  the  proportion  was  against 
him. 

Yet  in  all  this,  Garcia  added  little  to  the  reputa 
tion  achieved  while  Joaquin  was  yet  at  school  in 
Sonora.  As  far  back  as  1846  we  find  him  at  the  head 
of  a  band  between  Sonora  and  Bodega  with  the  two 
Americans,  Cowie  and  Fowler,  stripped  and  bound  to 
a  tree,  while  Garcia  and  his  associates  were  torturing 


648  BANDITTI. 

them  by  throwing  knives  at  their  bodies  as  at  a 
target.  It  is  even  said  that  as  this  pastime  became 
tiresome  he  resorted  to  other  outrages  too  horrid  and 
indecent  for  recital. 

The  daring  Claudio  was  at  one  time  the  associate 
of  Joaquin,  and  at  another  captain  of  his  own  com 
pany,  scattering  terror  along  the  foothills.'  The  year 
1852  rang  with  his  renown.  Of  all  those  who  de 
lighted  in  daring,  and  who  remorselessly  washed  away 
obstructions  with  blood,  none  were  more  forward  than 
Captain  Claudio.  He  was  the  lean  and  restless  Cas- 
sius  of  the  band.  Thirty-five  years  of  age,  slight 
but  vigorous  in  physical  construction,  with  a  lively 
play  of  passion  behind  his  dusky  features,  was  the 
cautious  Claudio.  That  he  was  brave  wras  undisputa- 
ble,  but  yet  more  prominent  were  his  faculties  for 
scheming.  With  consummate  cunning  he  could  both 
plan  and  execute.  Never  did  scoundrel  more  fittingly 
wear  the  garb  of  honest  man  than  Captain  Claudio, 
when  there  was  a  consideration.  Beneath  the  ver 
satile  exterior,  however,  the  deeper  current  of  his 
nature  flowed  without  a  ripple,  and  its  burden  was 
hate,  revenge.  So  much  had  Captain  Claudio  to  be 
forgiven ;  and  yet  he  never  forgot  or  forgave  ! 

Pedro  Gonzalez  was  prominent  in  Joaquin's  associa 
tion  as  an  expert  horse-thief;  and  where  a  constant 
supply  of  fresh  and  fast  horses  was  of  such  vital  im 
portance,  he  proved  an  invaluable  adjunct.  He  did 
not  delight  in  human  blood  like  Garcia,  nor  was  he  a 
good  counsellor  such  as  Valenzuela,  nor  yet  so  dashing 
and  daring  as  Claudio ;  but  besides  his  talents  in  the 
acquisition  of  fine  horses,  he  was  a  skilful  spy;  and 
so  we  may  write  him  down,  sine  invidia,  a  most 
worshipful  robber. 

Almost  a  counterpart  of  the  chieftain,  though  much 
older  than  his  leader,  was  a  prominent  member  of  his 
band,  called  also,  sometimes,  Joaquin,  but  never,  unless 
by  mistake,  Murieta.  He  was  known  also  as  Carrillo, 
Botiller,  and  other  aliases.  His  true  name  was  Joa- 


HARRY   LOVE,   THIEF-CATCHER.  649 

quin  Valenzuela.  It  was  this  similarity  in  name  and 
person,  as  much  as  any  other  circumstance,  which 
gave  to  Murieta  a  reputation  well-nigh  supernatural, 
in  the  minds  of  some,  for  ubiquity. 

It  was  unaccountable  how  one  person  appeared  so 
often  in  different  places  at  the  same  time ;  and  when 
Murieta's  death  was  announced,  there  were  those  who 
with  great  pertinacity  insisted  that  he  was  yet  alive. 
Valenzuela  had  served  an  apprenticeship  at  brigan 
dage  in  Mexico,  under  Jarcinta,  a  famous  guerrilla 
chief,  who  had  in  former  years  been  a  friar,  and  a 
Carlist  in  Spain.  His  experience,  added  to  his  re 
markable  ability,  gave  him  a  prominent  place  in  the 
government  of  the  organization,  and  important  ex 
peditions  were  often  entrusted  to  his  leadership. 

Glance  now  at  a  robber-hunter.  Harry  Love  was 
a  law-abiding  desperado.  Here  is  a  sugar-plum  for 
him.  Harry  delighted  to  kill  wild  men  and  wild 
beasts.  He  was  a  killer  of  the  Coeur  de  Lion  order; 
a  tall,  straight,  Black  Knight  figure,  with  bright  burn 
ing  eyes,  and  long  glassy  ringlets  falling  over  his 
shoulders.  He  used  to  wear  a  sword  given  him  by  a 
Spanish  count  whom  he  had  rescued  from  the  savages, 
so  it  was  said;  and  the  way  and  walk  of  him  were 
knightly  as  of  ancient  cavalier.  Savages  he  had 
butchered  until  the  business  afforded  him  no  further 
pleasure.  He  thought  now  he  would  like  to  kill 
Joaquin  Murieta.  Harry  greatly  enjoyed  slaying 
human  beings,  but  he  did  not  like  so  well  to  be 
hanged  for  it;  so  he  asked  the  legislature  at  Sacra 
mento  if  he  might  go  out  and  kill  Joaquin.  The  law 
makers  gave  him  permission;  and,  as  doughty  as 
Theseus  on  his  first  journey  to  Athens,  he  set  out. 

Tomas  Maria  Carrillo,  a  soldier  of  the  lately  dis 
banded  Californian  army,  headed  a  ruffian  gang,  and 
Andres  Armijo,  another.  The  country  between 
Soledad  and  San  Miguel  in  1849  was  infested  by 


650  BANDITTI. 

roving  bands  of  Sonorans  and  Californians,  who 
sacked  ranches,  and  waylaid  travellers.  The  power 
of  the  alcaldes — the  Mexican  system  still  existing — 
backed  by  the  provisional  government  under  General 
Riley,  was  utterly  inadequate  to  meet  the  present 
emergency. 

Salomon  Pico, — whose  near  companions,  Cecileo 
Mesa  and  William  Otis  held  prominent  positions,— 
was  captain  of  a  well-organized  and  formidable  band 
of  malefactors  roaming  round  Monterey  during  the 
spring  of  1851.  Little  fear  had  Captain  Pico  of 
capture,  in  a  region  where  the  friends  of  his  youth, 
and  of  his  numerous  relatives  dwelt,  and  where, 
indeed,  the  very  adobes  of  the  ancient  capitol  trem 
bled  at  the  mention  of  his  name.  Amon^  the  ranch- 
eros,  there  were,  however,  foes,  as  well  as  friends. 
From  the  latter  he  received  voluntary  aid ;  from  the 
former  he  took  what  he  pleased  of  their  goods. 
Nevertheless,  but  for  treachery,  the  inept  town's  people 
never  would  have  dared  to  assail  him.  The  Escobar 
rancho,  situated  six  miles  from  Monterey,  was  then 
in  charge  of  an  American  named  Josiah  Swain,  whose 
death  Salomon  Pico  and  his  company  had  decided 
upon.  But  one  of  the  band  who  would  take  no  part 
in  the  proposed  murder,  fled  to  Monterey,  exposed 
his  confederates,  and  directed  the  citizens  to  their 
capture.  This  was  about  the  middle  of  April  1851. 
Of  the  five  brought  into  town,  three,  Pico,  Mesa,  and 
Otis,  were  tried  by  the  people  and  sentenced  to  be 
hanged,  but  were  rescued  by  the  authorities.  The 
fate  of  Otis  is  given  elsewhere.  Mesa  was  discharged. 
Pico  was  bailed  out,  and  he  escaped  from  the  country. 
He  finally  went  to  live  in  Lower  California,  near  our 
frontier,  and  some  years  after  for  his  share  in  some 
political  squabble,  was  shot  by  order  of  local  authority. 

Doctor  Thomas  J.  Bell,  from  Alabama,  by  profes 
sion  physician,  miner,  gambler,  and  robber-captain, 
was  by  far  the  most  intelligent,  accomplished,  and 
kind-hearted  American  gentleman  who  ever  took  the 


TOM  BELL  AND  VAZQUEZ.  651 

road  in  California.  He  flourished  in  the  region  of 
the  San  Joaquin,  and  north  of  it,  during  the  summer 
of  1856.  As  compared  with  Joaquin  he  was  older, 
more  intellectual,  more  humane,  and  fitted  better  to 
thieve  within  the  limits  of  the  law ;  the  Sonoran  chief 
was  of  keener  instincts,  quicker  movements,  and  pos 
sessed  of  far  greater  administrative  ability. 

Second  only  in  name  and  achievements  to  Joaquin 
Murieta,  in  the  history  of  California  highwaymen, 
stands  Tiburcio  Vazquez ;  but  except  in  skill  of  horse 
manship,  and  dexterity  in  catching  and  killing  men, 
one  was  the  opposite  of  the  other.  Joaquin  was  of 
gentle  blood,  and  as  handsome,  and  gay,  and  chival 
rous  as  any  youthful  knight-errant;  Vazquez  was  a 
hybrid,  half  Indian,  coarse,  treacherous,  brutish. 
His  boyhood  was  spent  in  taming  wild  mustangs, 
cutting  flesh  with  bowie-knives,  and  shooting,  dancing 
the  bolero  and  fandango,  and  betraying  young 
damsels.  Indeed,  he  was  a  bedeviled  Don  Juan  at 
love.  Repulsive  monster  though  he  was,  the  dear 
creatures  could  not  help  following  him. 

Tiburcio  with  difficulty  finds  an  excuse  for  taking 
up  the  hatchet.  "  The  Americans  came  in  and  elbowed 
me  at  the  dance,"  he  complains.  "They  drew  after 
them  the  prettiest  girls,  so  I  killed  them."  Obtain 
ing  his  mother's  blessing,  and  commending  himself  to 
the  protection  of  the  saints,  he  set  out  upon  his  pious 
purpose. 

There  were  twenty  years  and  more  between  the 
reigns  of  Joaquin  and  Tiburcio,  though  there  were 
twenty  years  intervening  between  Tiburcio's  first 
murder  and  his  last.  To  realize  how  the  boyish  heart 
of  Vazquez  burned  within  him  as  he  heard  ringing 
the  praises  of  the  matchless  Joaquin,  we  have  only  to 
note  the  circumstance  that  almost  within  the  year 
after  Joaquin's  exit,  Tiburcio  slew  his  first  man.  It 
was  a  brave  beginning ;  Tiburcio  was  then  at  the  ten 
der  age  of  fifteen.  Could  he  but  see  Joaquin  after 
that,  as  his  eyes  had  previously  been  permitted  to 


652  BANDITTI. 

feast  themselves  on  the  shining  face,  the  graceful 
form,  arid  the  glittering  adornments  of  the  great 
leader,  perhaps  Joaquin  might  deign  to  take  him 
by  the  hand,  and  smile  on  him  encouragement. 

Tiburcio's  most  devoted  follower  was  his  cousin, 
Leiva,  and  most  devotedly  he  stole  Leiva's  wife.  Yet 
Leiva  remained  true  to  him.  What  was  a  wife  beside 
glory  and  friendship  ?  Poltes,  king  of  Thrace,  thought 
it  hard  for  Menelaus  to  lose  a  wife ;  yet  probably  Paris 
wanted  one,  he  said,  when  applied  to  for  assistance  to 
recover  the  fair  Helen.  This  king  was  more  accom 
modating,  if  possible,  than  Leiva,  for  to  preserve  peace 
and  good-fellowship  he  proposed  to  give  his  own  wives, 
of  whom  he  had  two,  one  to  Menelaus  arid  one  to 
Paris,  and  so  all  should  be  content.  Rosalia  was  the 
name  of  Leiva's  stolen  wife.  She  loved  Leiva  well 
enough,  but  who  could  resist  Captain  Vazquez,  the 
adored  of  all,  he  who  never  sighed  to  senorita  or 
senora  in  vain,  the  fleet  of  foot,  the  untiring  dancer, 
the  fearless  rider,  the  bold  brigand.  Who  so  pleasing 
to  her  woman's  eye,  so  gratifying  to  her  woman's 
pride?  All  articles  standing  on  shop  shelf,  or  glitter 
ing  as  personal  adornment  among  the  multitude,  are 
his,  and  hers,  whenever  he  chooses  to  take  them. 
Since  the  time  when  Camilla,  attracted  by  the  bril 
liant  accoutrement  of  the  priest,  Chlorus,  chased  him 
round  the  battle-field  until  a  Tuscan  spear  laid  her 
lifeless,  full  many  a  woman  has  sacrified  herself  to  or 
nament. 

Captain  Juan  Soto,  mustang  stealer,  and  tutor  to 
the  apt  scholar  Tiburcio,  and  who  subsequently  served 
under  his  pupil,  was  a  dashing  horseman,  who  could 
hide  behind  his  horse  at  full  speed.  Soto  was  a  fa 
vorite  with  the  ladies.  Brave  deeds  make  dark  eyes 
sparkle.  Then  the  horses  he  stole  I  The  brass  steed 
of  Cambuscan,  which  in  one  day  would  carry  its  rider 
to  any  spot  of  earth  by  simply  whispering  the  name 
of  the  place  in  its  ear  and  turning  a  pin,  was  scarcely 
more  fleet  of  foot. 


SANATE,  MORENO,  CHAVEZ.  653 

Captain  Sanate,  with  Moreno  acting  as  lieutenant, 
roamed  round  Los  Angeles.  Sanate  with  his  entire 
company  attended  unbidden  a  ball  once  given  in  Los 
Angeles.  Dashing  up  to  the  house,  some  stood  guard 
while  others  entered,  robbed  the  men,  danced  with 
the  women  whether  they  would  or  no,  ate  the  supper, 
drank  the  wine,  and  with  a  polite  adieu  vanished. 
Lucifer  was  alive  in  them ;  after  attending  this  pleas 
ure-party,  they  plundered  some  houses  and  captured 
a  bevy  of  seiioritas,  which  raised  the  town.  The 
marshal  pursuing,  Sanate  shot  him  dead. 

Moreno  was  a  traitor.  The  -night  of  the  stolen 
dance  he  had  secured,  among  other  plunder,  a  valuable 
watch.  A  reward  of  $1,500  having  been  offered  for 
Sanate's  head,  Moreno  shot  him,  killed  Bulvia,  who 
had  detected  him,  and  carting  both  bodies  to  the  jailer 
at  Los  Angeles,  told  a  story  of  heroic  daring,  how  he 
had  been  taken  captive,  and  how  he  had  killed  his 
captors  and  carted  them  thither.  Moreno  was  the 
idol  of  the  hour;  the  brigands  were  such  a  bouher. 
Unfortunately,  he  showed  the  stolen  watch  to  a  jew 
eller,  who  recognized  it,  and  Moreno  was  sent  to  San 
Quentin  for  fourteen  years.  The  authorities  deemed 
the  $1,500  sufficient  payment  for  the  murder,  without 
the  further  expense  of  a  hanging. 

Clodomiro  Chavez  was  the  tool  of  Vazquez.  Before 
he  knew  the  bandit  chief,  he  lived  an  honest  life  in 
the  vicinity  of  San  Juan,  where  his  younger  days 
were  spent.  Shortly  before  the  Tres  Pinos  tragedy, 
he  was  in  the  service  of  Estanislao  Hernandez.  Se 
duced  by  Vazquez,  it  soon  was  his  ambition  to  be  a 
robber  chief.  But  he  lacked  the  qualities  of  his  mas 
ter.  Physically  he  was  a  splendid  specimen  of  a  man, 
being  over  six  feet  in  height,  weighing  250  pounds,  and 
yet  as  lithe  and  strong  as  a  tiger.  His  qualifications, 
for  the  career  of  a  leader  of  banditti  stopped  here. 

Vazquez  was  cunning  and  reckless,  and  had  always 
ready,  conviviality  for  his  comrades,  money  for  those 
in  want,  and  a  smile  for  everybody.  His  personal 


654  BANDITTI. 

magnetism  and  influence  over  others  was  something 
wonderful.  Chavez,  on  the 'other  hand,  was  intellect 
ually  dull,  with  a  cold-blooded,  lymphatic  tempera 
ment,  repelling  rather  than  inviting  friendship.  Fol 
lowers  joined  Vazquez  because  they  could  not  stay 
away  from  him.  Chavez'  band  was  composed  of 
those  who  became  robbers  from  necessity,  and  not  be 
cause  they  loved  their  leader.  Chavez  was  killed 
near  Texas  Hill,  in  Arizona,  in  November  1875, 
$2,000  having  been  offered  for  his  head. 

In  the  manuscripts  of  J.  J.  Vallejo  and  others,  I 
find  mentioned  a  Mexican  Fra  Diavolo,  Vicente 
Gomez,  who  toward  the  close  of  the  Mexican  war 
for  independence,  commanded  a,  band  of  guerrilleros 
in  the  service  of  the  republic.  And  of  such  were 
hundreds.  This  man  was  noted  for  the  savagery  of 
his  instincts.  The  Spaniard  who  fell  into  his  clutches 
was  castrated;  this  practice  gaining  for  Gomez  the 
title  of  El  Capador,  which  was  invariably  appended 
to  his  name.  The  victim  was  then  usually  sewn  up 
in  a  fresh  ox  hide  placed  in  the  sun,  and  left  to  perish, 
attended  by  the  most  horrible  sufferings,  caused  by 
the  contraction  of  the  hide  as  it  dried  up.  Spanish 
women  met  a  still  more  horrible  fate.  The  inhumani 
ties  of  the  monster  shocked  even  his  ruffian  followers, 
who,  incited  thereto  by  their  queridas,  remonstrated 
against  such  sanguinary  measures. 

" Sanguinary !"  exclaimed  Gomez.  "You  surely  do 
not  call  me  sanguinary.  Show  me  the  man  who,  with 
as  artistic  torturings  as  mine,  puts  out  life  with  less 
bloodshed."  Gomez,  for  having  taken  part  in  a  re 
bellion,  was  sent  by  the  Mexican  government  as  an  exile 
to  the  Californias,  and  was  shot  dead  by  a  lieutenant 
named  Ramirez,  who,  pleading  that  the  deed  had  been 
accidental,  was  acquitted  at  his  trial.  Gomez  con 
ducted  himself  quietly  while  in  California. 

The  unsettled  condition  of  society  in  California, 
the  abundance  of  money,  the  amount  of  travel,  mostly 


THE  HIGHWAYMAN'S  HEAVEN.  655 

by  treasure-laden  miners,  on  the  lonely  roads  of  the 
mountains  and  plains,  the  herds  of  fine  horses  graz 
ing  everywhere  within  easy  reach  of  the  robber,  and 
finally,  the  soft  and  genial  climate  of  the  country, 
rendered  possible,  developed,  and  conduced  to  the 
prosperity  of  the  guild  of  highwaymen,  who  had  for 
their  field  of  operations  a  territory  quite  as  extensive, 
and  as  rich  in  booty  and  stirring  hazard  as  was  the 
Spanish  Main  to  the  dreaded  buccaneers,  self- 
styled  the  Brotherhood  of  the  Coast. 

Having  briefly  alluded  to  the  chief  men  who  won 
for  themselves  a  name  in  the  career  of  crime,  I  will 
now  proceed  to  relate  some  of  the  exploits  of  him 
who  deservedly  stood  head  and  shoulders  over  all 
other  knights  of  the  road  in  California,  if  not,  indeed, 
superior  to  the  most  famous  leaders  of  highwaymen 
recorded  in  the  annals  of  other  countries. 

Joaquin  Murieta,  the  terror  of  the  Stanislaus,  has 
a  history,  which  though  crimson  with  murder,  abounds 
in  dramatic  interest.  He  was  a  Mexican  of  good 
blood,  as  I  have  said,  born  in  the  department  of 
Sonora,  and  received  an  ordinary  education  in  the 
schools  of  his  native  country.  In  his  youth  he  is 
said  to  have  been  mild,  affectionate,  and  genial  in  dis 
position,  the  pet  of  the  maestro,  and  a  favorite  among 
his  fellows  of  the  play-ground.  Yet,  while  acknowl 
edging  the  pulpy  sweetness  of  his  boyhood,  it  is  safe 
to  presume  that  there  was  a  dash  of  bandit  blood  in 
the  veins  of  Joaquin,  which  was  eventually  to  fire  his 
heart  with  the  madness  for  an  outlaw  life.  As  Joa 
quin  and  his  Rosita  reached  the  new  El  Dorado,  the 
first  flash  of  the  great  gold  fever  was  then  spreading 
over  its  wild  ranges.  In  the  memorable  spring  of 
1850  we  find  him  engaged  as  an  honest  miner  among 
the  Stanislaus  placers,  where  he  had  a  rich  claim,  and 
was  fast  amassing  a  competency,  when,  one  evening, 
a  party  of  some  half  dozen  American  desperadoes 
swaggered  into  his  little  cabin  where  with  Rosita  he 
was  resting  after  a  hard  day's  work. 


656  BANDITT 

"  You  don't  know,  I  suppose,  that  greasers  are  not 
allowed  to  take  gold  from  American  ground,"  began 
the  leader  insolently. 

"  If  you  mean  that  I  have  no  right  to  my  claim,  in 
obtaining  which  I  have  conformed  to  all  the  laws  of 

O 

the  district,  I  certainly  did  not  know  it,"  answered 
Joaquin  with  quiet  dignity. 

"  Well,  you  may  know  it  now.  And  you  have  got 
to  go;  so  vamouse,  git,  and  that  instanter,  and  take 
that  trumpery  with  you,"  jerking  his  thumb  toward 
Rosita.  "The  women  if  anything  are  worse  than  the 


men." 


Joaquin  stepped  forward  with  clinched  hand,  while 
the  hot  blood  mantled  his  face :  "I  will  leave  these 
parts  if  such  be  your  wish,  but  speak  one  word 
against  that  woman,  and  though  you  were  ten  times 
an  American,  you  shall  rue  it." 

Scarcely  were  these  words  uttered  when  another 
of  the  party  reached  over  and  struck  Joaquin  a  severe 
blow  in  the  face.  The  latter  sprang  for  his  bowie- 
knife,  which  he  had  thrown  upon  the  bed  on  return 
ing  from  his  work,  when  Rosita,  instinct  with  the 
danger  such  rashness  threatened,  threw  herself  before 
him,  and  seizing  him  in  her  arms,  frantically  held 
him.  For  the  intruders  to  thrust  aside  the  woman 
and  strike  the  unarmed  man  senseless  was  the  work 
of  a  moment.  When  Joaquin  awoke  to  consciousness, 
it  was  to  find  Rosita  prostrate,  her  face  buried  in  her 
clothes,  sobbing  hysterically.  Then  he  knew  the 
worst. 

Fleeing  from  his  outraged  home  on  the  Stanislaus, 
Joaquin  and  his  devoted  companion  sought  refuge  on 
a  modest  little  rancho,  hid  away  in  the  rugged  seclu 
sion  of  the  Calaveras  mountains.  His  dream  of  peace 
was  soon  broken,  however,  by  the  sudden  apparition 
of  two  bearded  missionaries,  whose  monosyllabic 
warning,  "Git!"  threw  down  his  hopes  and  household 
gods  once  more  into  the  dust.  The  hapless  twain 
were  driven  out  from  the  shadows  of  Calaveras,  and 


EVOLUTION  OF  A  DEMON.  657 

once  more  became  fugitives  in  the  land.  We  next 
find  Joaquin  working  as  a  miner  at  Murphy  Dig 
gings;  but  luck  was  against  him  in  the  placers,  and 
he  finally  assumed  the  gay  and  remunerative  occupa 
tion  of  monte-dealer,  a  department  of  industry  at  the 
time  deemed  respectable,  even  for  Americans,  not  a 
few  of  them  being  thorough  adepts  in  the  art  of  "  lay 
outs,"  and  both  swift  and  relentless  in  catching  their 
customers  "in  the  door." 

The  new  vocation  was  well-suited  to  the  suave 
young  Sonorense,  and  fortune  for  awhile  seemed  to 
befriend  him,  the  uncoined  gold  of  the  miners  rolling 
into  his  ever  thickening  purse.  But  his  pathway  was 
destined  to  blush  with  redder  Lues  than  rosy  fortune 
wears.  While  riding  into  town  a  horse  that  he  had 
borrowed  from  a  half-brother  of  his  who  lived  on 
a  rancho  near  by,  he  was  accosted  by  an  American 
claiming  the  animal  to  have  been  stolen  from  him. 
Murieta  pleaded  that  it  was  not  his,  but  borrowed. 
This,  however,  availed  him  not.  Indeed,  it  seems 
that  the  claim  was  a  well-founded  one,  and  Murieta 
was  charged  with  the  theft,  the  penalty  whereof  was 
death.  A  half-drunken  crowd  soon  gathered  around, 
and  Murieta's  protestations  of  innocence,  and  offers  of 
money  for  a  respite  until  witnesses  could  be  forth 
coming  to  prove  the  truth  of  his  statement,  were  dis 
regarded.  He  was  pulled  down  from  the  saddle,  and 
amid  cries  of  "  kill  the  thief!  hang  the  greaser  !  "  they 
hurriedly  carried  him  to  the  rancho  of  his  brother, 
whom  they  summarily  launched  into  eternity  from 
the  branch  of  a  neighboring  tree.  Joaquin  was 
stripped,  bound  to  the  same  tree,  and  flogged.  While 
the  heavy  lash  was  lacerating  his  back,  a  demoniac 
expression  appeared  upon  his  face;  he  looked  around 
and  stamped  the  features  of  each  of  his  perse 
cutors  on  the  tablets  of  his  memory.  When  the  exe 
cutioners  had  finished  their  work,  they  departed, 
leaving  him  with  his  dead.  It  was  then  that  Joaquin 
Murieta  registered  his  oath  of  vengeance  which  he  so 

CAL.  PAST.    42 


658  BANDITTI. 

relentlessly  kept,  rarely  sparing  even  the  innocent. 
From  that  hour  he  was  the  implacable  foe  of  every 
American,  and  even  of  every  being  that  bore  the  resem 
blance  of  a  gringo.  Lucifer  had  him  now  for  his  own. 
Words  have  been  put  in  Murieta's  lips  to  the  effect 
that  he  had  at  one  time  felt  a  great  admiration  for 
Americans  and  their  institutions;  and  only  after  ex 
periencing  unjust  persecution  and  brutality  at  their 
hands,  had  the  scales  fallen  from  his  eyes,  and  a 
deadly  hatred  seized  him.  To  avenge  the  wrongs  in 
flicted  on  himself  and  his  countrymen,  who  were  con 
stantly  kicked,  and  cuffed,  and  robbed,  was  now  the 
purpose  of  his  life.  To  kill,  destroy,  marking  his  swift 
trail  with  blood,  was  now  his  dream ;  for  every  stripe 
that  had  been  laid  upon  his  yet  unhealed  back  ten 
Yankee  lives  should  be  forfeited,  and  these  ruffianly 
Anglo-Saxons  be  made  to  understand  that  the  free 
citizens  of  the  sister  republic  had  not  wholly  sunk 
their  origin,  nor  lost  their  manhood.  Letting  all  this 
pass,  however,  the  fact  stands  that  not  long  after  the 
infliction  of  the  flogging,  an  American  was  found  dead 
near  Murphy  Diggings,  literally  hacked  to  pieces 
with  a  knife.  The  body  turned  out  to  be  that  of  one 
of  those  who  had  flogged  Joaquin,  and  hanged  his 
brother.  Suspicion  was  not  long  at  fault  reaching 
the  author  of  the  bloody  act.  Other  murders  fol 
lowed  in  swift  succession,  robbing  being  one  of  the 
incidents  of  each  case.  It  then  began  to  be  whispered 
that  the  young  victim  of  Yankee  brutality  was 
wreaking  his  vengeance.  Joaquin's  bloody  deeds 
were  in  everybody's  mind,  and  his  name  became  a 
terror.  Within  a  few  months  the  dashing  boy  was 
at  the  head  of  an  organized  band  of  highwaymen, 
which  ravaged  the  country  in  every  direction.  This 
band  consisted  sometimes  of  twenty,  and  at  other 
times  of  as  many  as  eighty.  The  boy  leader  gave 
proof  every  day  of  possessing  a  peculiar  genius  for  con 
trolling  the  most  accomplished  scoundrels  that  had 
ever  congregated  in  Christendom,  He  was  their 


RULES  OF  THE  ROBBERS.  659 

master;  his  word  was  their  law,  and  woe  betide  him 
who  dared  to  disobey,  while  to  break  faith  with  a 
fellow -robber  was  quick  death.  A  member  of  the 
band,  perforated  by  four  bullets,  was  captured  in 
February  1853,  at  Los  Muertos,  near  Los  Angeles, 
brought  to  San  Andreas,  tried,  and  hanged  by  the 
people.  He  was  but  an  humble  member  of  the  profes 
sion,  and  when  he  saw  that  death  was  certain,  he  was 
induced  to  talk  a  little.  He  said  that  no  member  of  the 
fraternity  was  much  respected  who  had  not  killed  his 
man,  and  each  ranked  in  importance  according  to  the 
number  that  he  had  slain.  This  was  something  as  it 
is  in  the  army.  Every  member  was  bound  under 
most  solemn  oaths,  first,  to  obey  his  superiors.  Dis 
obedience  was  punished  with  death.  There  was 
hardly  one  chance  in  a  hundred  that  a  traitor  could 
escape;  for  it  was  the  duty  and  pleasure  of  the  be 
trayed  whose  lives  were  jeopardized  by  the  treachery 
to  hunt  and  slay  the  informer.  It  was  well  under 
stood  by  all,  even  the  stupidest  of  them,  that  good 
faith  unto  one  another,  union  and  discipline,  were  es 
sential  as  well  to  their  personal  safety  as  to  pecuniary 
success.  This  completeness  of  organization,  coupled 
with  the  awful  power  wielded  by  the  leader,  enabled 
the  band  during  nearly  three  years  to  carry  on  its 
operations,  and  its  boyish  chief  to  flit  between  towns 
and  country*  flipping  his  fingers  in  the  face  of  police 
and  people,  while  throughout  the  length  and  breadth 
of  the  Californian  valley,  from  Shasta  to  Tulare,  and 
along  the  coast  line  of  missions  the  country  was  wail 
ing  its  dead  and  ringing  with  rewards.  The  modus 
operandi  to  accomplish  the  purposes  of  the  organiza 
tion  was  as  follows:  Each  subaltern  was  restricted 
to  certain  limits  beyond  which  he  dare  not  step.  He 
had  to  be  at  all  times  ready  to  receive  an  order  from 
any  captain  or  lieutenant  of  the  band.  His  eyes  and 
ears  were  to  be  always  open,  and  his  mouth  closed ; 
passing  events  were  to  be  narrowly  observed,  such  as 
the  yield  of  the  various  mining  claims,  the  drift  of 


660  BANDITTI. 

the  gold  dust,  where  a  company  kept  their  money,  or 
certain  Chinamen  had  hidden  theirs.  It  was,  more 
over,  his  duty  to  shelter  and  protect  any  of  the 
brotherhood  needing  his  assistance ;  to  warn  them  of 
danger,  and  provide  horses  and  aid  to  escape;  and  gen 
erally,  to  assist  them  in  all  their  undertakings. 

Joaquin  was  always  splendidly  mounted;  in  fact 
much  of  his  success  depended  on  his  horses.  It  was 
the  special  business  of  a  certain  portion  of  the  brother 
hood  to  keep  the  company  well  supplied  with  the  best 
horses  in  the  country.  There  were,  also,  members 
living  in  towns,  and  among  the  peaceable  inhabitants, 
pursuing  honest  occupations,  who  were  spies,  and  kept 
the  officers  of  the  band  advised  of  matters  they  were 
desirous  of  knowing. 

To  relate  the  hundred  of  incidents  in  which  Joa 
quin  and  his  chief  captains  and  lieutenants  personally 
displayed  their  skill  and  courage,  would  occupy  more 
space  than  I  can  devote  to  the  matter.  I  will,  how 
ever,  narrate  some  of  the  most  daring  deeds  of  the 
young  leader. 

In  1851  while  sojourning  in  a  secluded  part  of  San 
Jose,  he  attended  a  fandango,  where  he  became  in 
volved  in  a  fracas,  for  which  he  was  arrested  and  fined 
$12  by  the  magistrate.  Being  in  charge  of  Deputy 
Sheriff  Clark,  who  was  not  aware  of  his  being  the 
robber  chief,  he  invited  the  latter  to  go  writh  him  to 
his  house  for  the  money.  Clark  had  become  obnoxious 
to  Murieta  for  his  vigorous  pursuit  of  the  band.  On 
reaching  an  unfrequented  place  the  robber  suddenly 
turned  upon  the  officer,  and  with  a  smile  said,  "Accept 
the  compliments  of  Joaquin,"  and  drove  his  jewelled 
poignard  to  the  hilt  in  his  breast.  In  the  autumn  of 
the  same  year  Murieta  and.  his  band  were  at  the 
Sonoran  camp  near  Mary sville,  where  they  committed 
a  number  of  robberies,  and  five  murders,  every  one  of 
the  murdered  men  bearing  on  his  neck  the  fatal  mark  of 
the  flying  noose.  All  had  been  lassoed,  and  dragged  at 
the  saddle  bow  by  the  lariat.  In  the  wild  region  west 


HIGHWAYMAN  GALLANTRY.  661 

of  the  white  pyramid  of  Shasta,  the  band  roamed  many 
months  engaged  in  horse-stealing,  with  now  and  then 
a  murder.  Once  while  two  of  the  band  were  gallop 
ing  near  the  town  of  Hamilton,  an  elk  rushed  past 
them  hotly  pursued  by  a  beautiful  girl  mounted  on  a 
fine  steed.  She  hurled  her  lasso  at  the  animal  and 
secured  it,  only  to  find  herself  in  her  turn  held  fast 
by  the  lariats  of  the  two  banditti.  Her  terror  was 
distracting.  She  implored  them  not  to  harm  her, 
but  little  did  they  care  for  her  entreaties.  There 
was  only  one  voice  on  earth  which  they  would  heed, 
and  that  came  unexpectedly  as  if  from  another  world. 
"  Restore  that  girl  to  her  horse  instantly."  It  was 
Joaquin  who  spoke. 

One  evening  not  long  afterward,  Joaquin  was  sit 
ting  at  a  monte  table  in  a  small  town  on  the  Feather 
river,  when  an  American  boastfully  offered  to  bet 
$500  that  he  would  kill  the  scoundrel  Joaquin  the 
first  time  he  met  him.  Carried  away  by  one  of  his 
dare-devil  impulses,  Joaquin  sprang  upon  the  table, 
and  thrusting  his  pistol  in  the  man's  face  cried,  "I 
take  the  bet ;  Joaquin  is  before  you; "  then  tossing 
the  corner  of  his  serape  over  his  shoulder,  he  jumped 
down,  strode  out  of  the  room,  mounted  his  horse  and 
rode  away  with  some  of  his  henchmen  at  his  heels. 

In  the  spring  of  1852  Murieta  drove  300  stolen 
horses  through  southern  California  into  Sonora.  On 
his  return  after  a  few  weeks,  he  was  quartered  at  the 
Arroyo  de  Cantua,  situated  between  the  Coast  Range 
and  the  Tulare  lake.  It  is  possible  that  it  was  just 
previous  to  this  that  they  sojourned  for  a  while  in 
Los  Angeles  and  vicinity.  Riding  with  some  of  his 
men  toward  San  Luis  Gonzaga,  and  his  purse  being 
light,  Murieta,  after  the  manner  of  Robin  Hood,  re 
solved  to  rob  the  first  man  that  came  along.  The 
victim  happened  to  be  a  young  fellow  named  Albert 
Ruddle,  who  was  driving  a  wagon  loaded  with  gro 
ceries.  Joaquin  requested  the  loan  of  what  money 
he  had,  promising  to  return  it  at  an  early  opportunity. 


662  BANDITTI. 

Ruddle  made  a  movement  as  if  to  draw  a  weapon. 
He  was  told  to  keep  quiet  or  he  would  be  killed,  but 
as  he  persisted,  Joaquin  with  a  muttered  imprecation, 
slashed  him  across  the  neck  with  his  knife,  almost 
severing  the  head  from  the  body.  After  rifling  the 
dead  man's  pockets  the  robbers  rode  off. 

While  in  Los  Angeles  for  a  few  days,  he  heard  that 
Deputy  Sheriff  Wilson  of  Santa  Barbara  was  on  his 


trail,  with  the  avowed  intention  of  taking  him  dead 
or  alive.  He  got  up  a  sham  fight  between  two  Indians 
in  front  of  the  hotel  were  Wilson  was  staying.  The 
latter  came  out  to  see  the  fight,  when  Joaquin  rode 
swiftly  to  him,  and  hissing  his  own  terrible  name  in  his 
ear,  drove  a  bullet  through  his  head  and  drove  away. 

Riding  one  day  alone  toward  the  town  of  Los 
Hornitos,  the  chief  met  young  Joe  Lake,  a  playmate 
of  his  boyhood.  1  In  the  course  of  their  conversation 
Joaquin  revealed  his  present  mode  of  living,  and  said, 
"Joe,  you  are  the  only  American  whose  good  opinion 
I  crave.  Believe  me  my  friend,  I  was  driven  to  this 
by  hellish  wrongs."  "  Why  don't  you  leave  the  coun 
try,  and  abandon  your  criminal  life  ? "  answered  Joe. 
"  Too  late,  Joe,  I  must  die  now  as  I  live,  pistol  in 
hand.  Do  not  betray  me ;  do  not  divulge  having  met 
me  here.  If  you  do,  I  shall  be  very  sorry,"  signifi 
cantly  tapping  the  stock  of  his  revolver.  Lake 
deemed  it  his  duty  to  appraise  the  authorities  of 
Murieta's  presence,  and  the  usual  persecution  began. 
The  next  morning  a  portly  ranchero  came  up  to  Lake, 
and  saying,  "You  betrayed  me,  Joe !"  plunged  a  knife 
into  his  breast,  and  rode  away  unharmed. 

One  evening  Joaquin  rode  into  a  camp  where  about 
25  miners  were  at  supper,  and  sitting  sideways  on  his 
horse  entered  into  conversation  with  them.  It  so 
happened  that  a  man  who  knew  him  by  sight  soon 
after  came  from  the  creek,  and  on  seeing  him  called 
out,  ''That  is  Joaquin,  why,  in  the  name  of  God  don't 
you  kill  him?"  Putting  spurs  to  his  horse  with  one 
bound  he  cleared  the  ^camp  and  dashed  down  the 


DARING  DEEDS.  663 

canon.  Finding  his  way  blocked  there  he  returned 
toward  the  camp,  to  avail  himself  of  a  narrow  coyote 
trail  around  the  brow  of  a  precipice  that  overhung 
the  awful  depths  of  the  canon  below.  A  shower  of 
bullets  greeted  his  reappearance,  but  none  touched 
him,  as  he  dashed  up  and  along  that  dizzy  path,  wav 
ing  his  dawer  and  shouting  defiance. 

o  oo  o 

In  the  early  part  of  March,  1853,  Joaquin,  un 
attended,  visited  a  large  Mexican  camp  on  Burns 
creek,  about  twenty  miles  from  the  town  of  Mariposa. 
He  presented  the  appearance  of  a  dashing  cavalier, 
with  plumed  sombrero,  gold  laced  cloak,  and  gayly 
caparisoned  steed,  as  he  slowly  rode  down  the  principal 
thoroughfare  of  the  camp,  tinkling  his  spurs  to  the 
measures  of  some  lively  fandango,  and  was  the  cyno 
sure  of  many  admiring  glances  from  the  eyes  of  the 
senoritas.  Passing  in  front  of  a  saloon  he  called  for 
a  drink,  and  was  just  lifting  it  to  his  lips,  when  an 
American,  one  of  two  who  were  standing  together 
and  had  recognized  him,  drew  his  revolver  and  fired 
a  shot  that  cut  the  plume  of  the  brigand's  hat.  The 
drink  was  never  taken,  but  Joaquin,  after  having 
wounded  one  of  the  Americans  in  the  arm  and  the 
other  in  the  abdomen,  galloped  away  without  a 
scratch. 

Later  in  the  same  month,  Murieta  and  three  or 
four  of  his  men  robbed  a  Chinese  camp  at  Rich  gulch, 
not  far  from  San  Andreas,  of  about  $10,000,  leaving 
three  dead  and  five  wounded.  The  next  morning 
they  entered  another  Chinese  camp  at  the  foot  of  the 
mountains,  gashed  the  throats  of  three  of  the  China 
men,  mortally  wounded  five  others,  and  carried  off 
some  $3,000  in  gold.  They  next  visited  several  other 
Chinese  camps,  all  of  which  they  desolated,  the  cries 
of  their  victims  being  heard  at  long  distances.  Find 
ing  themselves  pursued  by  a  party  of  Americans,  they 
calmly  continued  their  devastation,  until  the  pursuers 
were  within  half  a  mile  of  them,  when  they  mounted 
their  steeds,  and  rode  away  with  the  speed  of  the  wind. 


664  BANDITTI. 

On  one  occasion,  Murieta  riding  leisurely  in  disguise 
through  Stockton,  he  saw  the  hand-bills  offering 
$1,000  for  his  capture.  Taking  from  his  pocket  a 
pencil,  he  wrote  on  the  margin  beneath  one  of  them, 
"I  will  give  $5,000.  Joaquin,"  and  quietly  rode 
away. 

One  night  a  cattle-dealer,  whose  name  was  Cocari- 
ouris,  was  camping  with  one  companion  on  the  San 
Joaquin,  when  they  were  visited  by  several  Mexicans, 
splendidly  mounted  and  gaily  attired,  who  asked  for 
supper  and  a  place  to  sleep.  Their  occupation  being 
quits  evident,  they  were  treated  with  much  politeness, 
and  their  requests  promptly  complied  with.  In  the 
morning  the  robber  was  cordially  greeted  by  the  cat 
tle  dealer : 

"And  how  does  Senor  Joaquin  this  morning?" 

"You  know  me,  then,"  replied  the  robber. 

"  I  knew  you  the  moment  I  saw  you,"  said  Coca- 
riouris. 

"And  why  did  you  not  kill  me  last  night  when  I 
slept,  and  secure  the  reward?"  demanded  Joaquin. 

"I  do  not  like  to  kill  men;  I  do  not  care  for  the 
reward,"  replied  the  host.  "Besides,  you  never  in 
jured  me ;  you  asked  for  food;  if  every  man  deserving 
to  be  hanged  went  supperless,  there  would  be  many 
an  empty  chair  at  more  tables  than  mine." 

"True,"  replied  Joaquin,  meditatively,  "and  I  will 
see  that  you  lose  nothing  by  your  broad  philosophy." 

Cocariouris  was  often  on  the  road  with  large  herds 
of  stock,  not  one  head  of  which  was  ever,  to  his 
knowledge,  touched  by  any  of  Murieta's  band. 

The  audacity  of  this  chief,  united  to  his  celerity  of 
movement,  at  a  time  when  the  country  had  no  com 
munication  by  railway  or  telegraph,  enabled  him  and 
his  men  to  effect  the  most  remarkable  escapes,  as  we 
have  seen.  He  would  show  himself  now  here,  now 
there,  like  an  impish  apparition  which  vanished  at  the 
approach  of  danger. 

In   February  1853,  Joaquin  and  his   band  swept 


LOVE  AND   HATE.  665 

through  Calaveras,  robbing  and  slaughtering  as  they 
went.  Again  was  a  reward  of  a  $1,000  offered  by 
the  governor  for  his  capture.  The  people  of  Mokel- 
umne  Hill  and  elsewhere  were  indignant  at  the  small- 
ness  of  the  amount,  when  they  themselves  had  spent 
many  thousands  in  their  fruitless  attempts.  The 
scourge  continued,  and  gloom  overspread  the  foothills. 

One  evening  in  April  1853,  shortly  before  Joaquin's 
death,  three  men  rode  up  to  the  house  of  a  rancho  on 
the  Salinas  plains  and  demanded  refreshments  for 
themselves  and  their  horses,  which  were  readily  and 
politely  served.  After  supper  they  informed  their 
host  that  they  were  from  the  upper  country  on  their 
way  to  Sonora  to  buy  cattle.  Their  spokesman  being 
asked  if  they  had  seen  or  heard  of  the  famous  Joaquin, 
he  replied,  "I  am  that  Joaquin,  and  no  man  shall  take 
me  alive."  He  then  gave  his  oft-repeated  narrative 
of  the  wrongs  which  had  been  inflicted  on  him  and 
his.  In  the  morning,  after  paying  for  the  night's 
lodging  and  refreshments,  Joaquin  and  his  companions 
departed  southward,  as  he  had  said,  but  only  went  as 
far  as  the  region  of  San  Luis  Obispo  and  Santa  Bar 
bara,  and  the  cattle  they  took  they  seldom  paid  for. 
Murieta's  movements  were  now  very  closely  watched, 
and  it  was  thought  that  his  destination  was  Lower 
California. 

I  have  merely  referred  to  a  few  of  the  doings  of 
this  famous  band  of  marauders,  or  a  portion  of  it  under 
the  immediate  direction  of  Murieta  in  person.  But 
it  should  be  borne  in  mind  that  the  excellently  organ 
ized  fraternity  was  often  divided,  and  under  his  sev 
eral  lieutenants,  Garcia,  Claudio,  Ruiz,  and  others, 
bore  the  terror  of  their  chiefs  name  simultaneously 
in  widely  different  directions.  Their  operations  be 
came  so  repeated  and  destructive,  extending  mean 
while  over  such  a  great  extent  of  country,  that  no 
community  felt  safe. 

At  last,  the  people  throughout  the  state  were 
aroused  to  the  importance  of  suppressing  this  over- 


666  BANDITTI. 

whelming  evil.  For  three  years  this  bloody  work 
had  been  going  on — a  long  time  in  that  rushing  epoch 
—and  it  was  a  reflection  on  the  manhood  of  California 
that  the  robbers  should  go  so  long  uncaught.  At 
length,  on  the  17th  of  May,  1853,  the  legislature  of 
California  passed  an  act  authorizing  Harry  Love  to 
bring  his  mountaineer's  experience,  bravery,  and 
tested  nerve  into  action,  with  a  well-organized  and 
equipped  body  of  twenty  mounted  rangers,  to  hunt 
the  marauders  down.  Love  was  soon  in  the  field, 
and  lost  no  time  in  getting  upon  the  track  of  the  bri 
gands. 

Poor  Joaquin!  Love  encompassed  him  without 
and  within.  For  his  girl,  Antonia  la  Molinera,  who 
went  about  with  him  dressed  in  men's  clothes,  proved 
false,  having  run  away  with  a  traitorous  member  of 
the  band,  Pancho  Daniel.  Murieta  swore  he  would 
kill  both  of  them ;  and  Antonia  when  she  heard  of  it, 
and  knowing  him  so  well,  and  realizing  that  her  life 
was  not  safe  for  a  moment  as  long  as  he  was  at  lib 
erty,  resolved  to  betray  him  into  the  hands  of  justice. 
Murieta  sent  first  Vergara  to  kill  her,  but  Vergara 
proved  false,  and  let  the  girl  live,  abandoning"  the 

O  '  Q 

banditti,  and  going  to  work  on  the  rancho  of  Palos 
Verdes,  where  was  later  Wilmington.  Murieta  sent 
another  member  of  his  band  to  bring  back  Vergara, 
but  a  few  days  thereafter  the  messenger  was  found 
murdered  in  the  street  in  Los  Angeles.  Likewise, 
others  of  Joaquin's  girls  were  giving  him  trouble. 
Thus  discord  was  in  the  camp,  men  proving  traitor 
ous  and  women  false,  which  shows  that  the  life  of  a 
robber  is  not  always  a  happy  one. 

Stealthily  enough  Harry  Love  with  his  fierce  eyes 
and  flowing  hair,  followed  upon  the  trail  of  Joaquin, 
spying  upon  him  by  night,  and  keeping  under  close 
cover  by  day,  thirsting  for  the  blood-money,  thirsting 
both  for  the  blood  and  the  money,  eager  to  slay  the 
slayer  and  rob  the  robber. 


CAPTURE  OF  THE  BAND.  667 

Thus  tne  toils  which  must  inevitably  sooner  or 
later  end  such  a  career  were  closing  round  Joaquin. 
In  the  latter  part  of  July,  with  eight  of  his  rangers, 
Love  came  upon  a  party  of  Mexicans  in  camp  near 
the  Tejon  pass.  Six  of  them  were  seated  round  a 
small  fire,  where  preparations  for  breakfast  were  going 
forward,  while  the  seventh,  he  of  the  slender  figure, 
and  graceful  limbs,  and  large  black  eyes,  and  Icng 
black  hair,  a  perfect  Apollo,  richly  dressed,  blooming 
in  the  pride  of  health  and  manly  beauty,  was  wash 
ing  down  a  superb  bay  horse,  at  a  little  distance  from 
the  fire,  with  some  water  which  he  held  in  a  pan. 
Joaquin  was  unknown  to  the  rangers,  who  dashed 
into  the  camp  before  they  were  discovered,  and  suc 
ceeded  in  cutting  the  robbers  off  from  their  horses. 
Captain  Love  rode  up  to  the  one  standing  by  his 
horse,  and  enquired  whither  they  were  going. 

"To  Los  Angeles,"  the  chief  replied. 

Turning  to  one  of  the  others,  the  captain  put  the 
same  question  when  an  entirely  different  answer  was 
returned.  Joaquin  bit  his  lip  and  spoke  up  angrily, 
"I  command  here;  address  yourself  to  me."  He 
then  moved  a  few  steps  toward  the  fire,  around  which 
lay  the  saddles,  blankets,  and  arms  of  the  party.  He 
was  ordered  to  stop,  and  when  he  did  not  heed,  Love 
cocked  his  revolver  upon  him  and  told  him  to  stand 
or  he  would  shoot.  The  chief  tossed  his  hair  back 
scornfully  while  his  eyes  blazed  with  the  lightnings 
of  his  wrath,  and  stepping  backward  he  stood  again 
by  the  side  of  his  handsome  steed,  his  jewelled  hand 
resting  lightly  on  its  mane.  Three-Fingered  Jack 
stood  a  little  distance  away,  fully  armed  and  waiting 
for  his  chief.  At  this  critical  moment  Lieutenant 
Byrnes,  with  whom  Joaquin  was  well  acquainted, 
moved  up,  and  Joaquin  realizing  that  the  game  was 
up,  called  out  to  his  followers  to  save  themselves  the 
best  they  could,  and  threw  himself  upon  the  back  of 
his  charger  without  saddle  or  bridle,  and  sped  down 
the  mountain  like  a  tempest.  He  leaped  his  horse 


668  BANDITTI. 

over  a  precipice,  when  he  fell,  but  was  on  his  feet 
again  in  a  moment,  and  remounting,  the  daring  rider 
dashed  on.  Close  at  his  heels  came  the  rangers, 
firing  as  they  rode,  and  soon  the  gallant  steed,  struck 
in  the  side,  fell  to  the  earth,  and  Joaquin  ran  on 
afoot.  Three  balls  had  pierced  his  body,  when  he 
turned  with  a  lifted  hand  toward  his  pursuers,  and 
called  out:  "It  is  enough;  the  work  is  down,"- 
reeled,  fell  upon  his  right  arm,  and,  sinking  slowly 
down  before  his  pursuers,  gave  up  the  ghost  without 
a  groan. 

Three-Fingered  Jack,  cornered,  fought  like  a  tiger, 
but  the  end  was  at  hand.  And  so  with  others  of  the 
company.  Claudio  had  fallen  some  time  before. 
The  bandits,  now  left  without  an  efficient  leader,  and 
admonished  by  the  swift  and  sorrowful  fate  of  Joaquin, 
broke  up  the  organization,  and  stole  away  from  the 
theatre  of  their  crimes.  For  purposes  of  identifica 
tion,  the  head  of  Joaquin,  and  the  mutilated  hand  of 
Three-Fingered  Jack,  were  severed  from  the  bodies, 
and,  preserved  in  spirits,  were  brought  to  San  Fran 
cisco  in  August  1853,  by  Black  and  Nuttall,  two  of 
Harry  Love's  rangers.  The  head  was  placed  on  ex 
hibition,  as  the  following  notice,  which  appeared  in 
the  papers  of  the  city  on  the  1 8th  of  August,  and  for 
several  days  following,  will  show :  "  Joaquin 's  Head  ! 
is  to  be  seen  at  King's,  corner  of  Halleck  and  San- 
some  streets.  Admission  one  dollar."  Then  followed 
certificates  of  persons  who  had  known  Joaquin,  as  to 
the  identity  of  the  head.  No  money  was  recovered, 
though  one  of  the  prisoners  declared  that  Jack  had 
thrown  away  a  heavy  purse  of  gold  during  the  chase. 
It  is  probable  that  others  did  the  same,  as  the  heavy 
operations  of  the  band  must  have  kept  them  well  sup 
plied  with  dust  and  coin.  The  growth,  after  death, 
of  the  hair  on  the  head  of  Joaquin,  and  the  finger 
nails  of  Jack's  hand,  caused  quite  a  sensation  among 
those  not  accustomed  to  such  phenomena. 

The  number  of  murders  committed  by  Joaquin  and 


CLAUDIO  CAUGHT.  669 

his  men  during  the  comparatively  brief  period  in  which 
they  were  abroad  is  truly  astonishing.  They  were 
particularly  hard  on  the  Chinamen,  literally  strewing 
the  highways  with  their  carcasses,  like  slaughtered 
pigs,  and  robbing  them  at  every  turn.  Several  rene 
gade  Americans  were  among  the  robbers  who  won 
the  respect  of  the  bandit  chief  by  deeds  as  bloody  and 
heartless  as  ever  stained  the  annals  of  human  wrong. 
Claudio,  as  I  have  said,  met  his  fate  some  time 
before  the  tragic  scene  at  the  Tejon  pass.  In  the 
early  part  of  1853,  attended  by  six  of  his  men,  Claudio 
was  ravaging  the  country  between  Salinas  and  Mon 
terey,  robbing  and  slaying  with  a  reckless  hand. 
One  Cocks,  a  justice  of  the  peace  at  Salinas,  and, 
withal  a  fearless  man,  summoned  a  party  of  eight  and 
started  in  pursuit  of  the  brigands.  On  the  Salinas 
river,  near  Cooper's  crossing,  stood  the  adobe  cabin 
of  a  man  named  Balder,  whose  reputation  was  very 
bad.  Cocks  and  his  party  surrounded  this  house  at 
night,  and  there,  as  they  expected,  found  the  robbers. 
A  watch  dog  gave  the  alarm;  but  the  Americans  had 
already  dismounted,  and  taking  off  their  spurs,  rushed 
in  close  to  the  walls.  There  was  but  one  thing  to  do, 
for  Claudio  was  not  the  kind  of  villain  tamely  to  die 
in  a  kennel ;  bidding  his  men  to  follow,  he  threw  the 
door  open,  and  boldly  led  the  way  into  the  darkness, 
firing  as  he  went.  Unfortunately  for  the  bandit  he 
ran  into  the  arms  of  Squire  Cocks,  who,  being  a  pow 
erful  and  determined  man,  held  him  with  a  grip  of 
steel,  until  the  robber  dropping  his  revolver,  ex 
claimed,  "Estoy  dado,  senor;  no  tengo  armas."  I 
surrender  sir:  I  have  no  arms.  The  lie  was  scarcely 
spoken  when  something  was  seen  to  glitter  in  the 
hand  of  Claudio.  It  was  a  murderous  dirk  which  he 
had  drawn  from  his  legging;  but  a  bullet  from 
the  pistol  of  an  American  stretched  him  lifeless  before 
he  could  use  it.  With  a  single  exception  the  brigands 
were  all  shot  dead  in  the  fight  that  ensued ;  the  one 
making  his  escape  being  wounded,  and  was  captured 


670  BANDITTI. 

next  day.     He  was  sent  to  San  Quentin  for  a  term 
of  years  and  afterward  hanged. 

Second  only  to  Joaquin  Murieta's  band  during  the 
earlier  days  of  highway  robbery  in  California  was 
that  of  Tom  Bell,  or  Thomas  J.  Bell,  as  he  subscribed 
his  name.  He  was  a  native  of  Alabama,  where  he 
received  a  medical  education,  came  to  California  in 
1850,  and  at  first  worked  honestly  enough  as  a  miner, 
but  finally  took  to  gambling.  Having  unsuccessfully 
wooed  the  fickle  goddess  at  the  card-table,  he  became 
desperate,  and  going  out  upon  the  highway,  he  took 
her  by  the  throat.  Bell  was  six  feet  high,  lithe,  sin 
ewy,  sanguine  in  temperament,  and  quick  in  action ;  of 
a  sandy  complexion,  with  a  light  blue  eye,  which, 
though  ordinarily  mild,  would,  when  aroused  by  op 
position,  blaze  with  the  intensity  of  his  wrath.  He 
had  six  or  eight  followers,  and  in  the  summer  of  1856 
they  roamed  the  foothills  from  the  Yubas  to  Granite 
city.  He  was  kind-hearted  and  magnanimous  for  a 
robber  and  murderer,  and  sometimes  disgraced  his 
calling  by  acts  that  proved  him  to  be  possessed  of  a 
human  heart. 

A  traveller  carrying  a  large  sum  of  money  was  one 
afternoon  riding  along  a  shady  mountain  road  that  led 
down  to  the  valley,  beguiled,  maybe,  by  beautiful 
visions  of  the  far-off  home  to  which  he  was  returning, 
and  was  just  throwing  back  his  head  to  attack  the 
high  part  of  "The  Girl  I  Left  behind  Me,"  a  plaintive 
melody  he  had  been  devotedly  whistling  for  half  an 
hour,  when  he  heard  the  clatter  of  horses'  feet  on  the 
road  behind  him.  Turning  in  his  saddle,  he  saw 
three  horsemen  galloping  rapidly  after  him,  some  fifty 
yards  away,  one  of  whom  called  to  him  to  stop.  Real 
izing  the  true  character  and  import  of  the  invitation, 
the  traveller  put  spurs  to  his  horse,  and  soon  pursuers 
and  pursued  were  racing  like  the  wind  down  the 
mountain.  A  shot  from  Bell's  pistol  struck  the  fugi 
tive  in  the  leg,  and  brought  him  down.  Having  re- 


ADVENTURES  OF  BELL.  671 

lieved  the  man  of  his  money,  instead  of  despatching 
him  with  a  knife,  or  leaving  him  to  die  in  the  road,  of 
hemorrhage,  the  bandit  doctor  proceeded  skilfully  arid 
tenderly  to  take  up  the  severed  artery,  arid  bind  the 
wound.  Just  as  he  was  finishing,  he  heard  a  wagon 
passing  on  the  road,  and  directed  one  of  his  men  to 
wait  upon  the  teamster.  This  was  promptly  done, 
the  astonished  individual  brought  to  a  stand,  and  dis 
encumbered  of  his  money.  A  bed  was  then  hastily 
made  in  the  bottom  of  the  wagon,  the  wounded  man 

5 laced  upon  it,  and  the  driver  told  to  proceed,  but  to 
rive  slowly  and  avoid  the  ruts.     In  answer  to  the 
request  of  the  traveller  to  tie  his  horse  to  the  wagon, 
Bell  declined,  but  promised  to  turn  it  loose  at  that 
spot  after  stripping  it  of  its  gear,  which  he  did. 

A  singular  tragedy  occurred  in  connection  with  the 
attempted  recapture  of  three  of  Bell's  band  who  had 
escaped  from  the  Nevada  jail.  Just  after  dark,  on  the 
night  of  the  3d  of  November,  1856,  the  sheriff  re 
ceived  intelligence  that  the  highwaymen  lay  concealed 
in  a  cabin  at  Gold  Flat.  Taking  with  him  four  men, 
the  sheriff  set  out  to  effect  a  capture.  Crossing  a  dark 
ravine  on  his  way,  he  found  four  horses  tied,  and  sus 
pecting  something  wrong,  he  determined  to  wait  there 
until  the  owners,  whom  he  believed  to  be  robbers, 
should  make  their  appearance.  Presently  the  sheriff 
heard  a  noise  in  the  bushes  near  by. 
"Who's  there?"  he  called  out. 
"Move,  and  I'll  shoot  you,"  was  the  reply. 
Instantly  there  came  a  shot  from  the  darkness,  then 
two  other  shots,  which  were  quickly  returned  by  the 
sheriff's  party.  The  sheriff  was  killed  at  the  first  fire, 
and  one  of  his  men  mortally  wounded.  The  men  in 
the  thicket  then  rushed  up,  and  to  the  horror  of  all 
present  learned  that  they  had  been  firing  on  friends. 
It  appears  that  two  parties,  each  unknown  to  the  other, 
had  started  out  at  the  same  time,  from  different  places, 
in  search  of  the  robbers,  who  were  even  then  not  far 
distant,  when  this  calamitous  encounter  occurred. 


672  BANDITTI. 

Five  of  Tom  Bell's  band  were  captured  and  lodged 
in  Calaveras  jail  about  the  first  of  October.  Bell  was 
at  that  time  of  the  party,  but  made  his  escape.  In 
order  to  throw  the  officers  off  the  scent,  one  of  the 
confederates  reported  that  his  chief  was  at  a  spot  200 
miles  distant,  which  ruse  gave  him  time  to  escape. 
Beil,  however,  was  caught  and  executed  on  the  upper 
San  Joaquin  the  4th  of  October,  1856. 

Holcombe  valley,  in  August  1851,  was  infested  by 
a  band  of  desperadoes,  having  as  their  leader  one 
Johnson.  They  stole  from  Bear  Valley  all  the  milch 
cows  and  beef  cattle,  also  horses,  and  whatever  they 
wanted.  One  day  Johnson  entered  a  clothing  store, 
made  several  purchases,  received  his  bill,  and  then 
ordered  the  storekeeper  to  receipt  it.  This  he  refused 
to  do  until  he  had  received  the  money;  whereupon 
Johnson  drew  his  revolver,  and  told  him  that  he 
should  not  only  receipt  the  bill  but  give  him  five  dol 
lars  besides.  The  storekeeper  complied,  but  had  the 
fellow  arrested.  The  robber  submitted  to  a  trial, 
partly  for  the  fun  of  it,  as  he  had  his  fellows  in  the 
court-room  and  openly  defied  the  law.  It  all  did  not 
avail  him  much,  however,  for  he  met  a  tragic  death 
soon  after.  On  election  day  there  was  a  general  fight 
in  Holcombe  valley,  in  which  Johnson  took  a  hand. 
He  knocked  an  American  down,  and  drawing  his  re 
volver  was  about  to  use  it  when  officer  St  John  shot 
him.  The  wound  proved  fatal  within  a  few  hours. 

In  1851,  Jim  Irvin  passed  via  Angeles  to  Mexico 
with  a  band  of  twenty-five  or  thirty  desperadoes. 
They  stopped  at  Coyote  rancho,  where  Ricardo  was 
in  charge,  and  bound  him,  compelling  a  surrender  of 
the  best  horses,  food,  etc.  Ricardo  complied;  but  on 
being  released  next  morning  he  got  a  band  of  Cahuilas 
to  join  him  in  an  ambush,  whence  they  slaughtered 
every  one  of  the  robbers.  The  Indians  remained  in 
ambush,  while  Ricardo  rushed  forward  and  became  the 
avenger  of  his  own  wrongs.  Ricardo  WPS  no  robber 
or  gambler,  but  an  honest  fellow  who  loved  fighting. 


UNHAPPY  ANGELES.  673 

In  1851—3  there  were  more  desperadoes  in  Los 
Angeles  than  in  any  place  on  the  coast.  All  bad 
characters  driven  from  the  mines  went  there  to  be 
near  the  Mexican  border  if  forced  to  move  farther; 
and  Mexican  outlaws  stopped  in  the  city  or  vicinity 
on  coming  to  the  mines.  The  two  sets  met  and 
fought,  using  knife  or  bullet  on  the  least  provocation, 
the  Mexican  preferring  the  knife,  at  close  quarters. 
It  was  a  common  question  in  the  morning:  "Well, 
how  many  were  killed  last  night  ? "  The  average 
mortality  from  fights  and  assassinations  in  1853  was 
one  a  day.  In  this  year  California  showed  a  greater 
number  of  murders  than  all  the  United  States  besides, 
and  a  greater  number  in  Angeles  than  in  all  the  rest 
of  California.  Sheriffs  and  marshals  were  killed  at 
pleasure ;  and  at  one  time  the  office  of  sheriff,  worth 
$10,000  a  year,  went  a  begging.  Two  had  been 
killed  within  the  year. 

Crooked-nose  Smith  had  killed  his  half  dozen  men 
in  the  upper  country  before  he  came  to  Angeles, 
and  here  he  promised  not  to  kill .  any  one,  but  did 
shoot  a  gambler  the  day  before  leaving,  pleading  that 
he  must  keep  his  hand  in.  Cherokee  Bob  had  killed 
six  Chilenos  in  one  fight,  coming  out  riddled  and 
slashed  from  the  conflict.  Ricardo  U rives,  a  noted 
fighter,  was  beset  by  a  crowd  in  Calle  de  los  Negros, 
the  lowest  locality  in  Los  Angeles.  He  fought  his 
way  out  with  revolver  and  bowie  knife  although  shot, 
stoned,  and  slashed  all  over.  At  the  end  of  the 
street  he  gained  his  horse  and  rode  back  to  the  spot 
where  first  attacked  to  fire  his  last  shot.  Armed  with 
the  empty  revolver  he  scattered  the  people  and  re 
turned  to  be  bandaged.  He  had  three  bullet  wounds, 
and  was  stabbed  in  many  places.  He  then  rode  up 
and  down  the  main  street  for  an  hour,  daring  the 
police  to  arrest  him,  and  then  trotted  off  to  his  sisters' 
rancho. 

One  of  the  Smiths  was  arrested  at  San  Gabriel 
and  tried  by  a  hastily  constituted  lynch-court  for 

CAL.  PAST.    43 


674  BANDITTI. 

some  crime.  The  sentence  was  instant  hanging;  but 
at  the  final  moment  a  man  interfered  and  he  was 
given  up  to  the  constable.  The  lynch -court  again 
met  and  resolved  to  save  expense  by  a  quick  but  fair 
trial.  The  mob  compelled  the  jailer  to  surrender  the 
keys,  and  Smith  was  released  from  the  pine  log  to 
which  he  and  a  number  of  others  had  been  chained. 
Nothing  could  be  proved  against  him,  and  the  com 
mittee  reported  accordingly  to  the  mob,  asking  what 
was  to  be  done.  A  fellow  rose  to  propose  fifty  lashes, 
but  this  was  voted  down.  Immediately  after,  another 
man  proposed  eighty -five  lashes,  and  the  surrender  of 
Smith  to  the  military  as  a  deserter.  This  was  unani 
mously  carried. 

At  the  same  time  a  Mexican  was  brought  in  for 
stabbing  a  pie- vender,  and  sentenced  at  first  to  hang 
ing,  but  finally  to  eighty-five  lashes.  On  his  plea 
that  he  was  no  thief,  but  a  man  of  honor,  he  was 
allowed  to  receive  his  lashes  first.  Smith  now  pleaded 
that  as  an  American  he  should  not  be  lashed  by  an 
Indian.  A  purse  of  sixteen  dollars  was  accordingly 
made  up  for  a  white  whipper.  A  young  man,  a  new 
arrival,  accepted  the  task,  and  did  it  with  a  will. 
Meanwhile  the  gamblers  became  incensed  against  a 
man  who  would  do  such  service  for  money,  and  seiz 
ing  the  whipper  they  began  to  toss  him  in  a  blanket 
till  he  finally  came  down  so  hard  that  he  broke  his 
neck,  as  was  believed  at  the  time.  He  was  restored 
in  a  drug  store,  and  paid  his  hard-earned  sixteen  dol 
lars  for  the  treatment. 

Jack  Powers,  the  lord  among  the  400  gamblers  of 
Angeles,  and  owning  a  rancho,  hounds,  and  horses, 
became  involved,  and  was  to  be  ejected  by  the  sheriff. 
Escaping  an  attempt  to  arrest  him  at  Santa  Barbara, 
Jack  seized  the  only  piece  of  artillery  in  the  town 
and  marched  with  his  friends  to  his  rancho.  Sheriff 
Twiss  pursued,  but  was  defeated  with  the  loss  of  two 
or  three  persons.  Jack  reached  his  rancho,  fortified  it, 
and  mounted  a  stove-pipe  from  his  kitchen  as  a  cannon, 


SOME  VERY  BAD  MEN.  675 

defying  the  sheriff,  who  was  at  last  obliged  to  raise 
the  siege.  This  was  in  January  1853.  For  a  long 
time  afterward,  Jack  would  be  attended  by  a  troop  of 
retainers,  who  assured  his  freedom  from  arrest.  He 
finally  went  away  to  Arizona,  and  died  upon  a  rancho 
he  had  there. 

There  had  been  a  party  of  malefactors  in  Los 
Angeles  region  known  as  the  Manilas,  numbering 
about  thirteen,  among  whom  were  Pancho  Daniel, 
after  he  left  Murieta,  Juan  Flores,  Espinosa,  Andres 
Fontes,  Chino  Varelas,  then  only  a  boy,  One-eyed  Pigui- 
nino,  and  Faustino  Garcia.  Flores  and  some  others 
had  escaped  from  the  state's  prison.  One  day  the 
party  started  in  pursuit  of  a  man  who  was  going  in  a 
wagon  from  Los  Angeles  to  San  Juan  Capistrano. 
Fortunately  for  the  man  they  missed  him  on  the  road ; 
but  the  robbers  continued  their  way  to  Capistrano. 
They  visited  the  shop  of  one  Michael  Kraszewski,  a 
Russian-Pole,  wounded  the  owner's  assistant,  plun 
dered  the  shop,  and  carried  away  the  goods  on  two 
horses,  and  promised  to  return  soon,  which  they  did 
the  next  day.  They  robbed  the  shop  of  George 
Flughardt,  whom  they  murdered,  and  threw  into 
the  street  what  they  did  not  care  to  take  away 
with  them.  After  that  they  made  a  second  visit 
to  Kraszewski's  place,  robbing  it,  and  throwing  out 
many  things.  They  also  took  horses  and  mules 
wherever  they  found  them.  This  affair  lasted  till 
about  two  in  the  morning.  Two  Americans,  whom  the 
robbers  demanded  of  John  Forster  to  kill  them,  with 
Forster's  aid  escaped,  and  reported  the  matter  at 
Los  Angeles.  All  this  was  toward  the  end  of  De 
cember  1856.  Sheriff  Barton  came  with  a  party  of 
six  men,  though  he  had  been  warned  on  the  way  not 
to  go  farther  with  so  small  a  force.  About  16  or 
18  miles  from  San  Juan.  Barton  at  the  head  of  four 
men — the  other  two  being  from  50  to  100  yards  be 
hind — going  along  on  the  road  behind  a  knoll,  was 


676  BANDITTI. 

attacked  by  the  highwaymen,  the  two  men  who  were 
behind  ran  away,  gave  information  at  Jose  Sepiilveda's 
rancho,  and  pursued  their  way  to  Los  Angeles. 
Barton  and  his  four  men  were  killed.  The  mur 
derers  returned  to  San  Juan,  where  they  talked 
bravely,  raying  that  they  belonged  to  an  organization 
of  five  hundred,  and  that  the  same  night  the  principal 
houses  of  Los  Angeles  had  been  plundered,  one  of 
them  being  that  of  W.  Childs,  whose  safe  had  been 
broken  open.  They  stayed  some  hours,  took  provis 
ions  out  of  the  shop  of  a  Portuguese  without  paying 
for  them,  and  departed.  Another  party  started  under 
Tomds  Sanchez,  from  Los  Angeles,  against  the  male 
factors,  and  saw  them,  but  they  did  not  come  to 
blows.  Andres  Pico  also  came  out  with  another 
party  of  native  Californians.  Both  parties  hotly 
pursued  the  robbers.  Flores  and  two  others  were 
caught  in  a  narrow  canon.  Juan  Cartabo  and  another 
were  finally  taken  and  strung  up  on  the  spot  now 
known  as  the  Canada  de  la  Horca.  Flores  managed 
to  get  away,  the  other  two  were  taken  to  Santa  Ana, 
to  the  house  of  Teodosio  Yorva,  tied,  laid  down  on 
the  ground,  and  watched ;  but  they  escaped.  After 
that  a  continual  search  was  kept  up  by  the  people 
until  Flores  was  recaptured,  and  taken  to  the  jail  from 
which  he  was  removed  only  to  be  hanged.  The  rest 
of  the  Manilas  were  captured  at  different  places  and 
killed,  excepting  the  Chino  Yarelas,  who  was  spared 
on  account  of  his  youth;  and  one  who  escaped  to 
Lower  California,  and  was  killed  there  in  some  politi 
cal  emeute.  The  chief  men  of  the  Manilas  had  been 
Pancho  Daniel  and  Flores.  The  former  rarely 
showed  himself  except  during  the  night.  When 
Barton  was  killed  a  boot  was  found  with  a  pistol  hole 
through  its  leg,  which  was  recognized  as  Daniel's. 
It  was  proved  against  him  afterward  in  Los  Angeles, 
and  made  part  of  the  evidence  which  led  to  his  being 
hanged.  The  Manilas  had  a  countersign.  They 
were  accustomed  to  post  guards  who  challenged  per- 


SAN  DIEGO  FRIGHTENED.  677 

sons  approaching.  "Quien  Vive  ?  "  the  answer  being 
"  Isla,"  alluding,  probably,  to  San  Quentin,  which  the 
Mexicans  and  Californians  often  called  La  Isla.  The 
second  challenge  was  "  Que  gente  ?  "  and  the  answer, 
"  Manila." 

The  occurrences  at  San  Juan  Capistrano  were 
related  to  me  together  with  many  details  by  Kras- 
zewski  himself.  For  events  in  Los  Angeles  I  have 
placed  faith  on  the  narrative  of  Antonio  Franco  Cor- 
onel,  one  of  the  investigating  committee  in  the  matter 
of  General  Bean's  murder.  Much  credit  was  due  to 
Sheriff  Tomas  Sanchez  for  clearing  the  country  of 
criminals.  Being  a  man  of  ample  means,  and  of  great 
popularity  among  the  Californians,  he  not  only  took 
an  active  part  personally  in  the  persecution,  but  had 
all  the  time  at  his  command  a  force  of  men  supported 
by  himself,  which  he  kept  in  constant  motion.  Those 
were  difficult  times,  and  Mexicans  and  Californians 
would  have  fared  badly,  because  they  were  all  unjustly 
suspected  of  sympathizing  with  the  banditti,  and 
even  of  rendering  them  aid.  Fortunately,  a  ^Toung 
American  lawyer,  of  ability  and  uprightness,  Joseph 
Brent,  who  was  esteemed  by  the  whole  community, 
acted  as  the  mediator  of  the  native  Californians,  and 
his  wise  counsels  and  offices  averted  many  difficulties. 

In  August  1858,  a  rumor  was  set  afloat  in  San 
Die^o  to  the  effect  that  the  town  was  to  be  attacked 

O 

and  pillaged  by  the  horde  of  fugitive  marauders  and 
outlaws  who  had  taken  refuge  on  the  southern  border 
from  the  storm  that  had  been  raised  against  them  in 
Alta  California.  The  week  of  the  annual  feast  at 
San  Luis  Rey  was  designated  as  the  time  when  the 
bold  attempt  was  to  be  made,  and,  on  investigation, 
the  report  being  found  to  be  based  on  reliable  data, 
the  wildest  excitement  prevailed  in  the  town.  A 
meeting  was  called  at  the  armory  of  the  San  Diego 
Guards,  and  measures  taken  to  protect  the  town, 
which  were  kept  up  for  many  nights,  but  the  attack 
was  never  made.  The  incident,  however,  aptly  illus- 


678  BANDITTI. 

\ 

trates  the  anarchical  condition  of  affairs  in  certain 
portions  of  the  state  at  that  time. 

Two  years  after  the  fall  of  Joaquin  Murieta,  Ti- 
burcio  Vazquez  began  his  career  of  crime.  He  was 
born  at  Monterey  in  18 39,  and  received  a  fair  English 
education.  He  was  of  mixed  Indian  and  Mexican 
blood,  bold  and  cruel,  alert  and  cautious.  One  night 
in  1854,  young  Vazquez  attended  a  fandango  in  Mon 
terey,  and  became  involved  in  a  quarrel  with  another 
Mexican  about  one  of  the  girls  in  the  room.  A  con 
stable  interfered  to  quiet  the  disturbance,  when  Vaz 
quez  stabbed  him  to  the  heart.  He  became  an  outlaw 
for  a  time,  but  the  matter  was  misrepresented  to  the 
court,  and  the  excitement  blew  over.  In  1857,  he 
was  convicted  of  horse-stealing,  and  sentenced  to  the 
state  prison.  He  escaped  from  San  Quentin  in  June 
1859,  but  was  again  convicted  of  horse-stealing  the 
August  following,  and  returned.  Both  terms  expired 
in  1863,  August  13th,  and  Vazquez  walked  forth  a 
free  but  not  a  reformed  man.  In  the  latter  part  of 
1864,  an  Italian  butcher  wras  murdered  and  robbed  at 
Enriquita.  Vazquez  acted  as  interpreter  at  the  coro 
ner's  inquest.  It  was  afterward  discovered  that  he 
and  a  Mexican,  named  Faustino  Lorenzana,  had  com 
mitted  the  deed ;  but  they  had  in  the  mean  while  dis 
appeared  from  that  district. 

In  1865,  Vazquez  eloped  with  a  young  daughter  of 
a  ranchero  living  near  the  base  of  Mount  Diablo,  and 
took  the  road  for  Livermore.  Her  father  overtook 
them,  however,  early  next  day,  and  a  pistol  fight  be 
gan.  Vazquez  received  a  shot  in  the  arm,  and  fled, 
while  the  daughter,  also  wounded,  was  left  swooning 
in  her  father's  arms. 

In  1867,  for  stealing  cattle  in  Sonoma  county,  Vaz 
quez  was  again  thrust  into  San  Quentin,  whence  he 
was  discharged  June  4,  1870.  In  the  following  au 
tumn  he  united  himself  with  two  others,  Procopio,  or 
Red-handed  Dick,  and  Juan  Soto,  and  together  they 
ravaged  the  counties  of  Santa  Clara,  Monterey,  Fresno, 


EXPLOITS  OF  VAZQUEZ.  679 

and  Alamcda,  stages  being  robbed,  ranches  plundered, 
and  horses  run  off,  in  swift  and  startling  succession. 
Juan  Soto  was  soon  afterward  shot  dead  in  a  hand-to- 
hand  battle  with  Sheriff  Morse  of  Alameda,  and  the 
others  fled  to  Mexico,  but  in  a  short  time  returned  to 
San  Francisco,  where  Procopio  was  arrested.  Vaz 
quez  then,  in  company  with  two  or  three  other  despe 
radoes,  selected  Cantua  canon,  a  narrow  defile  in  the 
mountains  near  the  New  Idria  mines,  as  his  retreat, 
and  thence  descended  upon  the  neighboring  regions. 
They  stopped  the  Visalia  stage  near  Soap  lake,  robbed 
the  passengers  of  everything,  tied  them,  and  laid  them 
on  their  backs  in  a  field,  and  drove  the  stage  round 
the  point  of  a  hill,  out  of  the  view  of  passing  teams. 
They  then  robbed  three  or  four  teamsters  on  the  road 
to  Hollister,  and  later  the  same  day,  Vazquez,  being 
alone,  stopped  and  robbed  Thomas  McMahon,  later  a 
leading  merchant  of  Hollister,  of  $750  in  gold. 

These  outrages  stirred  up  the  country,  and  the  con 
stable  of  Santa  Cruz,  following  hotly  on  the  trail  of 
Vazquez,  overtook  him,  and  a  fight  took  place,  in 
which  both  were  severely  wounded.  After  he  was 
shot,  Vazquez  rode  sixty  miles  to  his  hiding-place  in 
Cantua  canon,  and  nearly  died  from  loss  of  blood. 

Weary  of  small  game,  Vazquez  conceived  the  pro 
ject  of  robbing  a  railway  pay-car.  Associating  with 
him  a  few  determined  men,  he  selected  a  point  between 
Gilroy  and  San  Jose,  and  began  to  tear  up  the  track. 
They  were  rather  slow  in  their  work,  and  the  train, 
ten  minutes  ahead  of  time,  came  down  upon  them  be 
fore  they  were  ready,  whereupon  they  scattered  them 
selves. 

About  7  o'clock  in  the  evening  of  August  26,  1873, 
two  Mexicans,  from  the  direction  of  the  New  Idria 
mines,  rode  up  to  Snyder's  store  at  Tres  Pinos,  and 
dismounting  entered,  and  engaged  the  clerk,  John 
Utzerath,  in  conversation.  Presently,  five  others 
rode  up  and  dismounted.  Three  of  them,  one  being 
Vazquez,  remained  outside,  while  the  four  others  en- 


680  BANDITTI. 

tered  the  store,  levelled  their  pistols  at  the  inmates, 
six  or  seven  in  number,  and  compelled  them  to  lie 
down  on  the  floor,  in  which  position  they  were  tied, 
and  robbed.  The  brigands  then  ransacked  the  store, 
taking  all  the  cash,  and  considerable  clothing,  provi 
sions,  and  tobacco.  While  these  things  were  trans 
piring  within,  Vazquez  was  holding  a  bloody  carnival 
without.  A  Portuguese  sheep-herder,  who  had  just 
put  up  his  flock,  was  entering  the  store,  unconscious 
of  what  was  going  on,  when  Vazquez  ordered  him  to 
stop.  Not  understanding  him,  he  paid  no  attention 
to  the  command,  whereupon  Vazquez  fired  upon  himl 
the  ball  taking  effect  in  his  mouth,  causing  him  to 
fall,  and  as  he  attempted  to  rise,  the  robber  fired 
again,  killing  him  outright.  Haley,  a  teamster  who 
was  on  the  road,  was  ordered  to  lie  down,  and  on  at 
tempting  to  discuss  the  question,  was  knocked  sense 
less  by  a  blow  from  Vazquez'  pistol,  in  which  condition 
he  remained  for  some  time.  George  Redford,  a  team 
ster,  was  attending  to  his  team,  which  stood  in  front 
of  the  store,  when  the  shooting  began.  Vazquez  or 
dered  him  to  lie  down,  but  the  poor  fellow,  being 
quite  deaf,  could  only  understand  that  he  was  in 
clanger,  turned  and  ran  toward  the  stable,  but  was 
shot  dead  by  Vazquez  before  he  had  reached  the  door. 
Scherrer,  a  blacksmith,  was  out  in  the  road  when  the 
affair  began,  and  ran  toward  Davidson's  hotel,  near 
the  store.  A  shot  from  Vazquez'  pistol  whistled  over 
his  head  as  he  gained  the  building,  and  rushed  on  up 
stairs.  Davidson,  his  wife,  and  brother-in-law,  were 
in  the  hotel,  and  Mrs  Davidson  coming  forward  to 
close  the  door,  one  of  the  robbers  called  out,  ''Close 
the  door  and  keep  it  closed,  and  you  shall  not  be 
harmed."  She  had  nearly  complied,  when  Vazquez 
rushed  up  and  fired  through  the  door,  the  shot  pass 
ing  through  the  heart  of  Mr  Davidson,  and  he  fell 
dead  into  the  arms  of  his  wife.  Having  finished  their 
work  of  murder  and  pillage,  the  robbers  took  seven 
horses  from  the  stable,  and  escaped  to  the  mountains. 


CAPTURE  'OF  VAZQUEZ.  681 

One  night  in  December,  Vazquez,  with  eight  native 
Californians,  two  Americans,  and  a  negro,  tied  their 
horses  on  the  bank  of  the  river  opposite  Kingston, 
Fresno  county,  crossed  a  bridge  on  foot,  and  took  pos 
sess  on  of  a  hotel  and  two  stores  on  the  main  street. 
They  bound  and  robbed  thirty -five  men,  in  addition 
to  the  hotel  and  stores,  getting  a  considerable  booty, 
and  having  successfully  given  battle  to  the  citizens, 
who  had  collected  under  arms,  made  good  their  escape. 

The  sheriffs  of  half  a  dozen  counties  then  began  to 
camp  on  the  trail  of  the  robber,  and  it  was  not  long 
before  the  hitherto  lucky  villain  was  in  the  grasp  of 
the  law.  On  the  14th  of  May,  1874,  the  plan  for  his 
capture  having  been  perfected  with  the  utmost  secrecy 
and  skill,  a  party  of  eight  men  under  the  leadership 
of  a  sheriff's  officer,  suddenly  made  a  descent  on  the 
house  of  Greek  George,  near  Los  Angeles,  where 
Vazquez  was  known  to  be,  and  surprised  him  at  the 
dinner  table.  He  had  disencumbered  himself  of  his 
arms,  four  revolvers  and  a  Henry  rifle,  and  was  in  no 
condition  to  face  his  foes.  Leaping  through  a  back 
window  with  the  agility  of  a  cat,  Vazquez  stood  for 
a  moment  undecided,  rushed  for  his  horse,  but  was 
struck  by  a  rifle  ball.  Turning,  he  was  struck  again; 
and  thus  shot  after  shot  told  him  that  his  game  of 
life  was  played  to  the  end,  whereupon  he  threw  up 
his  hands,  walked  toward  his  captors,  the  blood 
streaming  from  his  wounds,  and  said,  with  a  faint 
smile: 

"  Boys  you  have  done  well ;  I  have  been  a  damned 
fool."  He  was  hanged  at  San  Jose  on  the  19th  of 
March,  1875. 

Santo  Sotelo,  half  brother  of  Chico  Lugo,  and 
companion  of  Jose  Tapia,  the  last  of  a  band  infesting 
southern  California  for  a  year  previous,  was  caught  in 
July  1877.  After  the  capture  and  conviction  of 
Lugo  and  Tapia,  Sotelo  was  left  alone.  He  was 
tracked  to  a  canon  in  the  San  Bernardino  mountains. 
To  escape  detection  he  shaved  his  face  of  its  shaggy 


682  BANDITTI 

beard.  The  capture  of  Sotelo  was  in  this  wise: 
While  riding  near  Lake  Elizabeth,  a  young  Califor- 
nian,  Rafael  Lopez,  saw  in  the  distance  a  horse  tied 
to  some  bushes.  Approaching  cautiously  he  discov 
ered  the  figure  of  a  man  prostrate  upon  the  g/ound 
under  the  shade  of  a  tree,  tranquilly  smoking  a 
cigarette.  Young  Lopez  recognized  the  robber  in 
stantly,  and  determined  upon  his  capture.  Fastening 
his  horse  he  crept  stealthily  up  behind  the  tree  until 
he  almost  stood  over  Sotelo,  when  he  placed  the 
muzzle  of  a  pistol  in  his  face  and  ordered  him  to  keep 
quiet,  which  the  robber  did  not  fail  to  do.  Alone 
Lopez  then  performed  the  difficult  and  dangerous  feat 
of  binding  and  bringing  to  justice  the  outlaw. 

But  not  to  Joaquin,  Bell,  and  Vazquez  belong  all 
the  honors  of  Californian  brigandage.  Dropping  back 
into  more  exclusively  pastoral  times,  we  find  that 
second  only  to  the  Mexicans  was  the  aboriginal  high 
wayman,  who  to  become  a  first-class  robber  must 
be  civilized.  An  Indian  of  San  Francisco,  christian 
ized  under  the  name  of  Pomponio,  was  in  1823  the 
terror  of  the  shore  and  bay,  from  Santa  Cruz  to 
Sonoma.  The  natives  he  robbed  of  their  women, 
and  the  missions  of  their  goods.  He  killed  ad  libitum, 
the  assassination  of  his  fellow  savages  being  his  special 
delight.  Pomponio  was  chief  of  quite  a  band.  One 
of  his  lieutenants  was  Gonzalo,  a  neophyte  of  Carmelo, 
and  a  man  of  extraordinary  determination.  In  one 
of  his  raids  Gonzalo  was  captured,  and  confined  at 
Carmelo  in  irons,  with  a  heavy  ring  round  each  ankle, 
and  both  rings  secured  to  a  post  in  such  a  manner 
that  he  could  not  extricate  himself,  though  his  hands 
were  free.  He  well  knew  that  death  or  some  terribla 
punishment  awaited  him.  I  have  it  on  good  author 
ity,  incredible  as  it  may  appear,  that  while  the  guard 
was  asleep,  Gonzalo  deliberately  drew  his  knife  which 
had  not  been  taken  from  him,  and  cut  oflf  both  of  his 
heels,  so  as  to  slip  his  feet  out  of  the  rings,  and  thus 


THE  GENTLE  SAVAGE  AS  HIGHWAYMAN.  683 

effected  his  escape.  History  records  no  instance  of 
greater  coolness  and  nerve  than  this  of  the  San  Fran 
cisco  bandit  savage.  Finally,  after  a  long  career  of 
crime,  once,  while  hotly  pursued,  Gonzalo's  horse  fell 
with  him  and  broke  his  leg.  Through  the  assistance 
of  Pomponio  he  escaped  capture,  but  he  soon  saw 
that  his  time  on  earth  was  drawing  to  a  close.  He 
was  anxious  now  to  achieve  heaven,  though  in  the 
heaven  of  the  highwayman  where  all  steal,  the  ques 
tion  might  arise  who  were  there  to  be  robbed,  and  if 
it  was  heaven  to  the  victims  ?  However  this  might 
be,  he  was  as  determined  now  to  have  heaven,  as  ever 
he  had  been  to  cut  a  throat ;  so  he  asked  Pomponio 
to  summon  a  confessor.  But  Pomponio  objected  to 
confessions  upon  principle,  especially  where  something 
not  to  his  benefit  might  be  said.  So  instead  of  going 
for  a  priest  he  ran  his  lance  through  his  comrade,  thus 
saving  much  needless  trouble. 

Another  of  his  lieutenants,  Baltasar,  from  the  Sole- 
dad  mission,  being  mortally  wounded  near  Santa 
Cruz,  begged  Pomponio  to  hasten  with  him  to  the 
church,  where  he  might  receive  spiritual  aid.  Him 
likewise  Pomponio  killed  and  burned.  A  native 
wood  chopper  in  the  Santa  Clara  forest  he  burned 
upon  his  own  wood-pile.  Pomponio  once  took  a  son 
of  Reyes  Berreyesa  into  the  woods  to  kill  him ;  but 
the  bandit's  companions  begged  for  the  boy's  life  and 
saved  it.  The  chief  could  not,  however,  refrain  from 
stripping  and  beating  the  boy,  and  sending  him  naked 
to  his  father  with  the  message  to  come  and  catch 
Pomponio  if  he  was  a  man.  Pomponio  was  finally 
captured,  and  shot  at  Monterey  the  6th  of  February, 
1824. 

A  little  later  we  find  the  Indian  robber  Y6scolo,  a 
neophyte  of  Santa  Clara,  and  his  brother  Julian,  both 
chiefs  of  robber  bands,  and  famous  before  1843.  They 
were  the  terror  even  of  professional  horse-thieves, 
whom  they  often  attacked  and  slew,  driving  off  their 
booty.  Sexgil  was  another  noted  robber-chief  of 


684  BANDITTI. 

this  epoch.  The  brothers,  Yoscolo  and  Julian,  re 
mained  united  till  1843,  when  the  former  was  killed 
and  beheaded  in  Sierra  Azul  de  Santa  Clara  by  five 
Spaniards.  Julian  badly  wounded,  escaped  with  the 
band,  for  which  good  fortune  they  were  indebted  to 
the  roughness  of  the  ground.  Shortly  after  Julian 
and  Sexgil  were  pardoned  by  the  government  on  con 
dition  of  their  extirpating  the  horse  thieves  with 
which  this  region  was  infested;  but  proving  worse  in 
their  depredations  than  the  thieves  they  were  sent  to 
catch,  they  were  finally  transported  to  Mexico  as 
convicts. 

Domingo  Hernandez  made  killing  foreigners  a 
specialty.  He  was  born  at  Monterey,  and  in  1842 
was  a  cavalry  soldier.  Of  medium  stature,  bronze 
complexion,  with  large  head  and  broad  shoulders,  he 
was  at  once  active  and  strong.  His  mouth  was 
enormous,  and  the  teeth  set  wide  apart,  so  that  how 
ever  horrible  might  be  his  frown,  his  laugh  was  worse. 
In  1846  he  deserted  from  Torres'  force,  and  with 
Capistrano  Lopez  and  others  went  to  Natividad  and 
engaged  in  stealing  cattle.  This  Capistrano  Lopez 
was  quite  notorious.  During  the  revolution  of  1845 
against  Micheltorena,  a  soldier  was  despatched  by  the 
general  with  despatches  from  San  Fernando  to  Mon 
terey,  who,  on  his  return,  was  waylaid  on  the  edge  of 
the  woods  opposite  David  Spence's  rancho,  by  Capi 
strano  Lopez  and  his  party,  robbed  of  $800  in  Mexi 
can  gold  which  the  general's  wife  had  placed  in 
charge  of  the  soldier  to  take  to  her  husband,  and 
murdered.  The  body  was  left  unburied,  and  the 
bones  were  still  on  the  spot  in  1848.  If  Californian 
accounts  are  true,  Lopez  had  been  a  traitor  to  his 
country  before  the  Americans  seized  it.  They  say 
that  when  Fremont  was  entrenched  on  the  Gavilan, 
where  a  large  Californian  force  under  Castro  was  on 
the  point  of  assailing  him,  Lopez  was  sent  to  spy  his 
movements,  He  then  visited  the  American  camp 


HERNANDEZ  THE  SPECIALIST.  685 

and  advised  Fremont  of  Castro's  plan,  which  service 
was  rewarded  with  six  Mexican  doubloons.  Fremont 
and  his  men  that  night  slipped  away.  Another  time, 
in  the  latter  part  of  1846,  when  the  American  con- 
sel,  Larkin,  was  a  prisoner  at  San  Luis  Obispo,  in 
the  hands  of  Francisco  Rico,  who  held  him  as  a  hos 
tage,  Lopez,  with  two  others,  Chavez  and  Espinosa, 
plotted  to  kill  Rico  and  Jose  Antonio  de  la  Guerra, 
and  rescue  Larkin.  Rico  escaped  in  the  night.  I 
have  the  particulars  of  this  affair  from  Rico  himself. 

Hidden  by  the  Cuesta  de  los  Pinacates,  Hernandez 
and  his  fellow-bandits  would  shoot  passengers  whom 
they  imagined  carried  valuables.  If  any  one  escaped, 
he  was  waylaid  a  second  time  at  the  mouth  of  the 
cafiada.  The  bodies  of  the  victims  were  left  unburied, 
arid  the  horses  allowed  to  go  with  their  saddles  on, 
for  the  robbers  did  not  want  any  tale-telling  trumpery. 

Hernandez  was  at  last  captured,  tried  by  Judge 
Serrano  and  a  jury  at  Monterey,  and  sentenced  to  be 
hanged.  A  number  of  sympathizers  from  among  the 
Bear  party  men  and  the  volunteers  having  made  some 
demonstrations  toward  rescuing  the  prisoner,  the  judge 
obtained  from  General  Kearny  a  guard  of  thirty  men, 
under  Captain  Burton,  to  be  present  at  the  execution. 
There  was  nothing  present  for  the  purpose  but  a  well 
rope,  which  broke,  letting  fall  the  prisoner  to  the 
ground.  This  was  regarded  by  the  Californians  pres 
ent,  who  had  never  seen  any  executions  by  the  rope, 
as  the  will  of  God,  and  they  shouted,  "Viva  Nuestra 
Senora  del  Refugio."  The  perplexed  judge,  from  whom 
I  have  a  full  account  of  this  affair,  after  a  short  con 
ference  with  Captain  Burton  and  the  priest,  resolved 
to  take  the  prisoner  back  to  the  jail,  where  he  left 
him  unguarded  in  the  room  that  had  served  him  as 
capilla.  Both  judge  and  priest  gave  Hernandez  no 
little  good  advice  as  to  the  way  he  should  live,  and 
sympathizers  made  up  a  purse  for  him.  That  same 
night  the  fellow  slipped  off,  and  on  the  following  day 
some  one  complained  to  the  judge  that  Hernandez 


686  BANDITTI. 

had  but  a  while  before  been  gambling  with  him  in  the 
custom-house  corridor,  and  the  villain  having  lost,  he 
pounded  the  winner  and  took  away  the  money. 

Hernandez  continued  his  criminal  career  on  the 
Soledad  road.  He  boasted  of  the  way  he  used  to  kill 
travellers  who  had  the  appearance  of  foreigners.  He 
would  ask  the  victim  for  a  cigar,  or  a  light,  and  pre 
tending  to  be  occupied  with  the  cigar,  he  would  let 
the  traveller  advance  a  few  steps,  and  then  shoot  him 
from  behind.  He  said  that  he  would  never  spare  a 
foreigner,  and  had  a  string  of  foreigners'  ears  fastened 
to  his  saddle-bow.  Another  artistic  way  he  had  of 
murdering  was  by  striking  a  knife  half  a  yard  long 
into  the  shoulder  blades  of  a  traveller  as  he  passed 
him.  He  enjoyed  the  victim's  agonies,  and  would  kill 
without  expectation  of  obtaining  any  booty.  Her 
nandez  at  last  came  back  to  his  former  haunts  at  Na- 
tividad,  and  to  the  rancho  de  las  Arumas.  He  often 
visited  San  Francisco,  in  disguise,  and  under  an  as 
sumed  name.  At  Santa  Cruz,  he  and  his  associate  in 
crime,  Capistrano  Lopez,  were  captured  and  hanged 
by  the  people.  Thus  ended  the  career  of  these  two 
monsters. 

Francisco  Hernandez,  a  brother  of  Domingo,  was  a 
lazy,  drunken  gambler,  cattle-thief,  and  bad  character 
generally.  His  exploits  were  about  the  Canada  del 
Gavilan,  in  the  centre  of  well-stocked  ranches.  The 
cattle  he  stampeded  and  rounded  up  afterward  he 
slaughtered ;  the  hides  he  sold  to  dishonest  dealers, 
of  whom  there  were  too  many  at  hand  at  Monterey 
and  San  Juan  Bautista.  He  would  in  gambling  be 
come  so  absorbed  in  the  play  as  to  forget  his  horse, 
which  would  remain  tied  to  a  fence  for  hours,  and 
even  days,  without  food  or  water,  if  others  did  not 
provide  for  it.  Once  he  took  his  wife  and  children  to 
Vallecitos,  and  left  them  in  charge  of  his  brother 
Agustin.  After  many  months  of  absence  on  his  crim 
inal  pursuits,  he  came  back  when  he  was  not  expected. 
His  wife  was  enceinte.  Agustin  rushed  out,  revolver 


SOME  BLOODY  WORK.  687 

in  hand,  and  ordered  him  to  leave  without  dismount 
ing,  as  he  was  no  longer  recognized  as  her  husband, 

£D  "  o  c* 

having  neglected  to  provide  for  her  during  so  many 
months.  Leaving  the  premises,  Francisco  joined  the 
Daniel  band  of  highwaymen  at  New  Idria,  descending 
to  Los  Angeles,  and  disappeared.  Some  think  he  was 
slain  by  his  personal  enemies,  and  others  that  he  was 
hanged  by  vigilants.  His  wife,  in  later  years,  became 
eao-er  to  abandon  A^ustin,  of  whose  mode  of  living  she 

o  o  o 

knew  not,  but  suspected  his  complicity  with  Tiburcio 
Vazquez  in  some  murders  and  other  criminal  acts. 

Juana  Hernandez,  the  wife  of  a  drunken  vagabond 
living  on  the  Calabazas  laguna,  came  to  Monterey  in 
1843,  and  became  the  mistress  of  Alferez  Marquez, 
one  among  the  worst  of  the  officers  in  Micheltorena's 
famous  battalion  of  cholos.  Some  time  afterward  her 
husband  died,  and  it  was  suspected  that  she  and  her 
paramour  had  poisoned  him.  In  fact,  both  she  and 
Marquez  committed  themselves,  and  revealed  the  plot 
before  Judge  Serrano.  The  revolution  against  Mi 
ch  eltorena  having  broken  out  in  1845,  and  martial 
law  being  proclaimed,  the  two  escaped.  Marquez 
went  south,  and  later  departed  for  Mexico,  where  he 
was  for  a  time  a  school-master  at  Hermosillo,  and 
afterward  lighthouse-keeper  at  Mazatlan.  Juana, 
who  had  returned  to  her  rancho,  while  drunk  was 
burned  to  death,  and  was  buried  at  Santa  Cruz. 

In  1875,  on  the  4th  of  December,  six  Mexicans  of 
Chavez'  band  entered  the  store  of  the  brothers  Gaskill, 
and  robbed  it,  first  killing  L.  H.  Gaskill.  Teodoro 
Vazquez  tried  to  murder  the  brother,  but  was  shot 
dead  himself.  After  some  more  bloody  work  on  both 
sides,  the  storekeepers  hid  themselves,  and  the  house 
was  plundered ;  the  robbers  afterward  rode  off  toward 
Fort  Yuma,  killing  Alphonse  Leclaire  and  Antonio 
L.  Sosa,  and  committing  wanton  depredations  as  they 
went.  Three  of  the  bandits  only  were  able  to  travel. 
One  was  killed,  and  two  were  badly  wounded.  These 


688  BANDITTI. 

two  the  sheriff  easily  arrested,  but  on  the  next  day 
the  people  took  them  from  his  hands  and  hanged 
them. 

In  1877,  there  was  a  nest  of  horse-thieves,  Mexi 
cans  and  Californians,  just  above  Los  Banos,  over  the 
divide  in  Merced  county.  One  night  in  September, 
several  horses  were  stolen  from  the  rancho  of  Hugh 
French.  Several  stockmen,  with  a  deputy  sheriff, 
went  in  pursuit,  and  found  Nacho  Avila,  a  notorious 
robber,  at  the  door  of  a  cabin.  Being  allowed  to  put 
on  his  coat,  boots,  and  hat,  the  desperado  suddenly 
fired  upon  the  man  nearest  him,  and  wounded  him, 
though  not  fatally.  The  robber  was  soon  riddled,  and 
finally  a  shot-gun  brought  him  down  dead. 

It  is  understood  that  Anastasio  Garcia  acted  for  a 
time,  during  the  period  of  hostilities  between  the  Cal 
ifornians  and  Americans,  as  a  spy  of  the  latter,  about 
the  region  of  San  Juan  Bautista,  and  was  well  paid 
for  his  service.  Later,  he  waylaid  and  murdered  a 
Mr  Wall,  on  the  Guadalupe  rancho.  Upon  the  news 
reaching  Monterey,  a  brother  of  the  murdered  man, 
late  in  the  afternoon,  came  with  a  number  of  Ameri 
cans  and  Californians,  among  whom  was  Captain 
Joaquin  de  la  Torre,  to  the  assassin's  hut,  where  they 
found  him  in  company  with  his  wife.  Torre  ap 
proached  the  hut,  and  demanded  that  he  should  come 
out,  but  was  answered,  "Go  away,  Joaquin,  I  have 
no  trouble  with  you."  But  the  captain  insisting,  the 
door  was  suddenly  opened,  and  both  men  fired  their 
revolvers  simultaneously.  Torre's  bullet  struck  the 
woman's  arm,  but  that  of  Garcia  had  entered  Torre's 
chest,  who  fell  to  the  ground  dead.  The  assassin 
rushed  out,  and  was  met  by  Wall.  Some  fighting 
ensued,  but  the  assassin  succeeded  in  escaping  into 
the  Sauzal  woods  near  the  hut.  After  further  misdo 
ing,  he  was  caught  and  hanged. 

Stage  robberies  have  been  frequent  throughout  the 
entire  Pacific  slope.  The  express  treasure-box  was 


THE  STAGE  BUSINESS.  689 

the  prize  usually  sought,  though  passengers  were  gen 
erally  relieved  of  their  valuables  at  the  same  time. 
As  a  rule,  life  was  never  taken,  except  in  case  of  re 
sistance.  It  was  a  common  occurrence  on  the  stage 
lines  of  Nevada,  Idaho,  and  Montana  in  1863,  and 
subsequently,  at  some  lonely  place  in  the  road  for  a 
company  of  three  or  four  armed  and  mounted  men  to 
dash  up  to  the  stage,  stop  the  horses,  cover  the  driver 
with  a  gun,  and  order  the  passengers  to  throw  up 
their  hands,  when  one  or  two  of  the  bandits  would 
'go  through'  them. 

In  1855,  banditti,  commanded  by  Francisco  Garcia, 
with  his  assistants,  Indian  Juan,  Bias  Angelino,  and 
Sebastian  Flores,  infested  the  Santa  Clara  mountains. 
After  accumulating  considerable  plunder,  Indian  Juan 
desired  to  retire  from  active  service,  when  the  others 
refused  to  part  with  him,  or  to  give  him  his  share  of 
the  spoils.  He  threatened  to  bring  suit  against  them, 
but  his  threat  cost  him  his  life,  as  Garcia  and  Ange 
lino  shot  him.  In  1856,  Flores  became  dissatisfied, 
and  delivering  himself  to  the  authorities,  turned  state's 
evidence,  thus  causing  the  arrest  of  his  commander, 
Garcia,  and  his  companion,  Angelino.  The  latter  was 
executed,  but  Garcia  effected  his  escape,  continued 
his  career  of  crime  farther  south.  Seventeen  years 
later,  he  was  arrested  and  tried  at  San  Jose  for  the 
murder  of  Indian  Juan,  Flores  being  a  witness  against 
him,  but  the  evidence  not  being  deemed  sufficient,  he 
was  acquitted. 

I  will  mention  a  few  stage  robberies  as  illustrative 
of  the  traffic.  On  the  12th  of  August,  1856,  the 
Comptonville  coach,  full  of  passengers,  at  the  crossing 
of  Dry  creek,  before  reaching  Marysville,  was  stopped 
by  six  mounted  highwaymen,  who  demanded  the  sur 
render  of  valuables.  The  passengers  refused,  and  a 
fight  ensued,  about  forty  shots  being  fired.  The  stage 
was  riddled,  and  a  number  of  the  passengers  were 
seriously  wounded,  but  the  robbers,  whose  leader  was 
Tom  Bell,  were  driven  away,  and  failed  to  capture 

CAL.  PAST.    44 


690  BANDITTI. 

the  ten  thousand  dollars  in  gold-dust  which  was  on 
board  the  stage. 

On  the  Geiger  grade,  three  miles  from  Virginia 
city,  the  stage  was  robbed  of  $7,000  by  six  men  with 
Henry  rifles.  The  treasure-safe  was  blown  open, 
shivering  the  body  of  the  stage  by  the  explosion. 
Six  days  previous  $9,000  had  been  taken  from  the 
stage  between  San  Juan  and  Nevada  by  three  masked 
men,  who  blew  open  the  treasure-safe.  One  of  them 
took  from  a  passenger  his  loaded  revolver,  removed 
the  caps,  and  returned  it  to  the  owner ;  no  attempt 
was  made  to  rob  the  passengers.  This  was  at  half- 
past  four  o'clock  in  the  morning.  Immediately  the 
news  reached  Nevada.  Sheriff  Gentry  with  six  men 
started  out,  and  by  noon  the  three  robbers  were 
killed  and  the  money  recovered. 

Port  Neuf  canon  in  Idaho,  some  thirty  miles  south 
of  Fort  Hall,  was  a  favorite  spot  of  banditti  roaming 
the  Montana  and  Utah  road.  For  two  years  succeed 
ing  the  opening  of  the  mines  of  Idaho  and  Montana 
this  was  the  rendezvous  of  road  agents.  Through 
the  canon  the  road  in  places  was  walled  with  thick 
brush,  and  the  whole  region  round  seemed  designed 
by  the  devil  as  the  retreat  of  his  special  providence. 
Leisurely  along  up  the  canon  came  the  stage  one  day 
in  the  middle  of  July  1865,  when  from  the  thick 
brush  was  heard  the  command  to  halt;  and  on  the 
instant  a  human  form  with  sooty  face  stood  before  the 
leaders.  Six  other  human  forms  with  sooty  faces 
bearing  shot  guns  in  their  hands  then  took  their  sta 
tion  round  the  stage.  The  passengers  were  brave, 
but  bravery  here  was  of  no  avail.  After  some  fumb 
ling  two  or  three  of  them  pointed  their  pistols  out  of 
the  stage  window  and  fired.  As  a  matter  of  course 
the  robbers  poured  a  volley  of  buckshot  from  their 
guns  into  the  coach.  One  of  the  passengers  instantly 
sank  dead ;  three  others  were  killed  in  springing  from 
the  stage;  two  escaped  into  the  bushes;  the  driver 
was  wounded,  There  was  a  large  amount  of  treasure 


DISOBEDIENT  TRAVELLERS.  691 

aboard,  estimated  by  some  at  seventy  thousand  dol 
lars  this  being  one  of  the  main  lines  of  travel  be 
tween  the  new  mines  and  the  settlements.  Doubtless 
the  passengers  desired  to  keep  their  money.  Some 
of  them  would  have  liked  to  retain  their  lives  even  at 
the  loss  of  their  gold.  The  foolish  firing  of  two  or 
three  brought  destruction  on  all,  two  only  *  at  great 
peril  and  subsequent  hardship'  escaping  with  their 
lives.  The  robbers  taking  from  the  dead  men  the 
treasure  which  they  would  have  preferred  to  take 
from  them  while  living,  went  their  way.  Travellers 
through  a  robber  infested  country  should  either  take 
an  escort  strong  enough  to  fight,  or  submit  with 
grace  to  have  their  pockets  emptied,  that  is  to  say,  if 
with  their  money  they  do  not  wish  to  lose  their  lives. 
Sooty  souls  with  sooty  faces  bearing  buckshot-loaded 
guns  in  their  hand?  do  not  gather  in  a  quiet  caiion 
round  a  stage  containing  seventy  thousand  dollars 
either  to  sing  love  songs  to  the  moon,  or  to  be  fright 
ened  from  their  purpose  by  a  half  dozen  passengers, 
or  to  stand  and  be  shot  at  by  them. 

Stage-drivers,  as  a  class,  we  find  honest,  sober,  and 
trust- worthy ;  but  now  and  then  1  am  obliged  to 
write  one  down  a  villain.  Such  a  one  was  Frank 
Williams,  hanged  by  the  people  of  Montana  in  De 
cember  1865,  for  complicity  in  a  Port  Neuf  canon 
robbery.  It  seems  that  Williams  drove  his  load  into 
ambush;  and  being  suspected,  he  was  narrowly 
watched  while  at  Salt  Lake  city,  where  he  was  seen  to 
spend  money  freely,  scattering  several  thousand  dol 
lars  about  the  town  when  it  was  well  known  that  he 
had  nothing  but  his  wages  honestly  to  draw  from. 

He  was  finally  arrested  at  Godfrey's  station,  be 
tween  Denver  and  Julesburg.  At  first  he  was  so 
overwhelmed  that  he  could  scarcely  speak ;  afterward 
he  confessed,  giving  the  names  of  his  confederates, 
fifteen  in  all. 

In  November  1865,  the  overland  stage  was  robbed 
near  Virginia  city,  in  Six  Mile  canon  below  the  Gould 


BANDITTI. 


and  Curry  mill.  There  the  driver  found  the  road 
blockaded  with  some  old  sluice  boxes  and  a  broken 
wagon.  Five  masked  men  appeared  and  pointing  three 
shot  guns  and  two  revolvers  at  the  nine  passengers, 
ordered  all  hands  up,  which  mandate  was  with  alacrity 
obeyed.  The  express  box  and  pockets  of  the  passen 
gers  were  then  emptied  of  their  treasures,  which 
yielded  the  robbers  about  five  hundred  dollars  each ; 
all  were  obliged  to  contribute  save  one,  a  woman, 
whom  the  highwaymen  would  not  disturb. 

The  Indians  rifled  one  of  Hill  Beachy's  stages  on 
the  Humboldt  and  Idaho  road  the  9th  of  November, 
1866.  This  year  was  remarkable  for  stage  robberies. 
Both  Marker's  and  Lotta's  stages  were  stopped  on 
the  8th  of  May ;  and  the  same  day  a  like  outrage 
was  perpetrated  between  Nevada  and  San  Juan. 
In  this  latter  adventure  the  only  occupants  of  the 
coach  were  Chinese,  and  the  banditti  reposed  such 
confidence  in  the  driver  that  when  he  gave  his  Avord 
that  the  treasure-box  was  empty,  they  did  not  blow 
it  open.  On  the  Rough  and  Ready  road  within  one 
mile  of  Grass  Valley  H.  J.  Teal  was  attacked  by 
highwaymen,  and  several  shots  exchanged.  This 
neighborhood  seemed  literally  alive  with  them,  or 
doubtless  it  was  one  band  committing  numerous  dep 
redations.  The  8th  of  December,  a  Chinaman  was 
robbed  on  the  Colfax  road ;  the  two  above  mentioned 
the  next  day;  the  10th  one  Humphrey  was  robbed 
near  the  South  Yuba  bridge  where  Cooper  and  Kyle 
were  killed  and  plundered  a  short  time  before ;  on 
the  9th  a  Chinaman  was  robbed  on  the  trail  between 
Little  York  and  Bear  river;  and  six  Chinamen  were 
attacked  by  highwaymen  near  Bear  river  on  the  13th. 
In  this  last  encounter  the  celestials  resisted,  killed  two 
of  the  robbers,  and  drove  away  the  rest.  If  through 
out  the  coast  there  had  been  proportionate  activity, 
a  volume  would  soon  be  filled  with  the  record. 

Two  express  boxes  were  on  the  Boise  stage  passing 
Point  Neuf  canon  one  day  in  May  1868,  one  contain- 


AUSTIN'S  STORY.  693 

ing  $1,800  and  the  other  $10,000.  Near  their  favor 
ite  retreat  three  masked  highwaymen  appeared  and 
ordered  the  driver  as  usual  to  throw  off  the  box. 
Jehu  dropped  the  one  containing  the  lesser  amount 
and  went  his  way  with  the  other.  From  one  passen 
ger  they  obtained  $850  in  coin.  Another  with  $300 
in  currency  in  his  pocket  swore  so  stoutly  that  he 
had  no  money  that  he  was  permitted  to  go  unsearched. 

S.  Austin,  stage-driver,  tells  the  following  story  : 
"  I  commenced  driving  stage  for  John  Hailey  on  the 
15th  of  October  1867,  from  Umatilla  to  Meacham's 
summit  of  the  Blue  mountains.  I  continued  driving 
on  the  route  until  the  14th  of  November  the  same 
year,  when  I  was  transferred  to  the  mountain  route 
from  Meacham's  to  Union  town,  east  side  of  Grand 
Kond  valley.  I  had  driven  but  a  few  trips  when  I 
met  several  of  these  parties  now  arrested,  and  be 
came  satisfied  in  my  own  mind  from  the  manner  in 
which  they  conducted  themselves  that  they  were 
getting  a  livelihood  by  unlawful  means.  From  this 
time  I  commenced  watching  every  move  they  made, 
and  did  all  I  could  when  meeting  them  to  make 
them  believe  that  I  was  friendly  toward  them.  On 
the  16th  of  June  1868,  J.  F.  Wheeler  arrived  in  La 
Grande,  in  pursuit,  as  he  said,  of  two  thieves  en  route 
for  Portland,  representing  himself  as  Deputy  United 
States  marshal  from  Boise  city. 

"On  the  15th  of  June  1868,  I  quit  driving  for  a 
short  vacation,  and  on  the  17th  went  on  a  visit  to 
Walla  Walla.  The  second  day  after  my  arrival  there 
I  found  Dr  La  Burr  and  wife.  I  had  been  ac 
quainted  with  these  people  some  nine  or  ten  years, 
having  first  met  them  when  they  lived  near  Rock 
Point,  on  Rogue  river,  southern  Oregon.  I  was 
anxious  to  have  a  private  conversation  with  La  Burr, 
and  so  took  advantage  of  the  first  chance.  I  went 
with  him  to  a  watch  and  jewelry  store,  where  he  sold 
betwem  $400  and  $500  worth  of  dust,  he  stating  to 
the  storekeeper  that  it  came  from  a  camp  near  Shasta 


694  BANDITTI. 

mines — giving  it  a  name  which  I  knew  to  be  false, 
as  there  was  no  such  place  in  that  section  of  country. 
Before  he  had  got  the  money  for  his  dust  I  walked 
out  of  the  store,  and  I  again  met  him  as  usual.  In 
the  course  of  our  talk  he  asked  me  if  I  had  quit  driv 
ing.  I  told  him  that  I  had  not  quit  entirely,  but 
that  I  expected  to  soon ;  that  I  had  been  in  the  coun 
try  nearly  eighteen  years  and  always  worked  for 
every  dollar  I  got,  and  that  I  had  become  tired  of 
hard  work,  and  intended  soon  to  resort  to  some  other 
means  of  making  A  living.  He  then  asked  me  if  I 
thought  of  taking  unfair  means  to  make  a  raise.  I 
answered  that  I  did.  He  then  wanted  to  know  if 
I  was  really  getting  desperate,  and  I  told  him  that 
I  was  satisfied  that  the  boys  knew  enough,  and  if 
they  would  only  give  me  a  few  points  I  would  soon 
be  all  right.  Whereupon  he  told  me  to  ask  John — 
meaning  J.  F.  Wheeler — when  he  came  up,  for  a  few 
points,  and  he  was  satisfied  that  he  would  give  them 
to  me,  as  he  liked  me  very  much. 

"  I  then  left  him,  and  on  the  28th  of  June,  1868,  I 
again  took  charge  of  my  stock.  And  on  the  same 
evening  of  my  arrival  at  La  Grande,  I  learned  from 
Melvin  Bailey  that  Wheeler  came  up  the  trip  before 
I  returned,  and  had  gone  to  Dr  La  Burr's,  his  brother- 
in-law.  Next  morning  I  crossed  over  the  mountain  as 
usual,  and  on  my  return  next  day  I  met  Wheeler  in 
La  Grande.  After  supper  we  took  a  walk  round 
town,  when  he  commenced  talking  of  the  conversation 
I  had  had  with  Dr  La  Burr  at  Walla  Walla.  He  told 
me  then  that  he  wanted  me  to  go  in  with  them  and 
become  one  of  the  band.  I  told  him  that  was  what 
I  was  on,  but  I  did  not  like  to  go  in  with  a  man  if 
he  could  not  stand  up  to  the  work.  He  said  I  need 
not  be  alarmed,  for  he  had  been  in  some  tight  places, 
and  that  he  would  be  true  to  me  to  the  last.  I  then 
accepted  of  the  position,  and  was  considered  as  be 
longing  to  the  band. 

"  During  the  talk  he  told  me  Ls  had  taken  part  in 


PLAYING  TRAITER.  695 

a  great  many  highway  robberies;  he  was  one  of  the 
band  that  robbed  Wells.  Fargo,  &  Co.  near  Virginia 
City,  in  the  spring  of  '67,  and  in  Montana  in  the 
fall  of  '67,  and  committed  several  other  robberies 
of  less  importance.  He  then  told  me  that  his  busi 
ness  down  was  to  pick  out  a  place  to  rob  Wells, 
Fargo,  &  Co.'s  express  in  the  Blue  mountains,  and 
that  the  place  they  had  chosen  was  a  mile  on  the  road 
from  Pelican  station  towards  Meacham's.  He  was 
going  direct  home  to  Boise  city,  and  would  send  the 
boys  right  down;  and  that  they  would  be  there  in 
two  weeks  at  furthest;  reporting  themselves  one  at  a 
time  at  Dr  La  Burr's  rancho  in  the  valley,  when  he 
would  tell  them  that  I  was  one  of  the  band.  The  last 
thing  he  said  as  we  parted  was :  '  Be  careful,  Doc. ,  and 
look  out  that  everything  goes  right.'  I  told  him  I 
would  do  so.  Melvin  Bailey,  who  was  barkeeper  at 
'  Our  House '  in  La  Grande,  informed  me  from  time 
to  time  of  the  arrival  of  the  boys  at  La  Burr's  rancho ; 
who  had  all,  four  in  number,  arrived  there  by  the  25th 
of  July,  Dave  Johnson,  having  a  lame  back  when  he 
arrived  at  the  rancho,  got  another  man  by  the  same 
name  to  take  his  place.  The  band,  now  composed  of 
George  Savage,  John  Billings,  Tom  Corey,  and  John 
son,  left  the  rancho  and  secreted  themselves  in  the 
mountains  near  to  the  place  that  Wheeler  had  chosen 
for  the  robbery. 

"  About  this  time  there  was  a  great  deal  of  travel 
ling  on  the  road,  and  a  great  many  camping  over  night 
near  the  place  that  had  been  selected,  so  that  they 
were  compelled  to  change  the  place  to  two  miles 
farther  on  toward  Meacham's.  Having  learned,  as  I 
believed,  what  was  necessary,  I  sent  for  Wells,  Fargo 
&  Go's  division  agent,  Charles  Woodward,  and  made 
him  acquainted  with  all  the  facts.  I  suggested  that 
the  best  way  would  be  to  let  them  go  ahead  with  the 
robbery,  and  afterward  go  quietly  to  work  and  arrest 
the  whole  band,  which  course  of  action  was  agreed 
upon.  On  the  2d  day  of  August,  at  about  five 


696  BANDITTI. 

o'clock  in  the  morning,  I  saw  some  four  or  five  dead 
limbs  lying  across  the  road,  and  as  the  stage  passed 
over  them,  causing  them  to  snap  and  break,  the 
robbers,  at  this  signal,  jumped  from  their  hiding 
places,  and  before  I  could  put  my  foot  on  the  brake,  I 
was  looking  down  the  muzzle  of  a  double-barreled 
shotgun,  within  six  feet  of  me.  The  robbers  cried 
out  '  halt ! '  each  one  repeating  it,  which  I  did.  They 
then  ordered  the  messenger,  J.  Sheppard,  to  throw 
up  his  hands,  which  he  did;  then  they  told  him  to 
throw  his  gun  down.  He  said  he  did  not  have  his 
gun  They  told  him  the  third  time  to  throw  it  down, 
and  also  remarked  that  they  would  not  tell  him  again, 
when  I  reached  over  and  took  his  gun  and  threw  it 
to  one  side  of  the  road.  They  then  ordered  the  mes 
senger  fc0  get  down,  and  the  passengers,  of  whom 
there  were  three,  to  get  out  of  the  stage,  and  marched 
them,  with  their  hands  above  their  heads,  to  about 
twenty  yards  in  front  of  the  team,  where  two  of  the 
robbers  stood  guard  over  them. 

"I  remained  in  my  seat.  One  of  the  robbers  told 
me  to  throw  out  the  treasure-box,  and  then  to  throw 
out  everything  in  the  boot,  which  I  did.  I  next 
heard  them  at  work  breaking  open  the  treasure-box 
in  the  rear  of  the  stage,  and  as  I  knew  there  was 
nothing  but  rocks  in  it — Woodward  took  the  treasure 
out  at  Uniontown — I  was  afraid  that  they  might 
suspect  that  I  had  given  some  information,  and  if  they 
did,  I  had  concluded  my  time  had  come;  but,  as  luck 
would  have  it,  they  did  not  suspect  anything  was 
wrong.  They  then  opened  the  mail,  and  the  passengers' 
baggage,  and  took  such  things  as  they  consid 
ered  valuable.  Next,  they  went  through  the  pas 
sengers'  pockets.  After  this  I  heard  one  of  them 
remark  that  '  this  was  the  damnedest,  poorest  crowd 
he  had  ever  struck.'  They  then  took  my  leaders 
from  me,  and  ordered  me  to  drive  up  and  let  the  pas 
sengers  get  in,  when  they  ordered  all  aboard  and  for 
me  to  drive  on,  and  that  no  one  should  look  back. 


AN  EXTENSIVE  CAPTURE.  697 

We  had  proceeded  more  than  half  a  mile  before  any 
of  them  spoke,  when  one  of  them  observed  that  he 
felt  a  little  hungry. 

"  From  information  that  I  gave,  John  Billings  and 
Melvin  Bailey  were  arrested  at  Walla  Walla  on  the 
26th  of  August.  On  the  night  of  the  27th  and 
morning  of  the  28th,  in  Grand  Rond  valley,  Dr  La 
Burr,  McFay,  Dave  Johnson,  James  Wheeler,  and 
Johnson,  were  arrested.  On  the  evening  of  the  29th 
I  arrived  at  Boise  city,  and  on  the  morning  of  the 
30th  I  found  there  was  no  one  of  the  party  there  but 
John  Wheeler.  As  soon  as  an  opportunity  offered  I 
took  him  out  to  the  edge  of  the  town  to  have  a 
private  talk.  I  informed  him  that  Billings  and  an 
old  friend  of  mine  had  robbed  the  Warren's  express, 
forty-five  miles  out  from  Lewiston,  and  that  they  had 
killed  the  expressman,  and  broke  a  merchant's  thigh 
who  was  with  him  and  attempted  to  escape;  that 
they  got  $12,000  in  treasure,  and  carried  it  about 
twenty  miles  and  cached  it  in  a  cliff  of  rocks, 
that  they  had  come  back  to  Walla  Walla  valley,  and 
were  now  at  work  in  the  harvest  field. 

"This  story  I  told  for  the  purpose  of  finding  out 
where  the  rest  of  the  party  were,  and  it  was  entirely 
without  foundation.  I  then  asked  him  where  the 
rest  of  the  boys  were,  and  he  told  me  they  had  gone 
to  Silver  City  to  make  a  raid  on  Beachey's  safe ;  that 
they  would  do  it  soon  if  they  had  not  already.  He 
then  got  to  talking  about  Billings,  and  he  said  that 
he  blamed  Billings  for  being  too  fast;  that  if  it  had 

O  O 

not  been  for  him  Welch  would  not  have  been  killed 
in  the  Lemhi  robbery  last  fall.3^  I  asked  him  if  he 
saw  Welch  killed.  He  said  he  did;  that  he  was  the 
tall  one  they  spoke  of  being  among  the  robbers. 
About  ten  minutes  after  this  conversation  with  me  he 
was  arrested  and  taken  to  prison  by  parties  who  came 
with  me  from  Umatilla  for  that  purpose.  In  a  short 
time  we  were  on  our  way  to  Silver  City  in  pursuit  of 
the  rest  of  the  robbers.  We  here  arrested  three, 


698  BANDITTI. 

George  Savage,  Goodwin,  and  one  young  man  whose 
name  I  do  not  know,  and  brought  them  down  to 
Boise,  where  we  got  Wheeler,  and  continued  on  our 
journey.  When  within  a  mile  or  two  of  La  Grande, 
it  being  very  dark  and  rainy,  Savage  and  Wheeler 
made  good  their  escape  from  the  stage.  We  contin 
ued  on  to  town,  and  purchased  horses  and  started  in 
pursuit  of  the  fugitives.  On  the  second  day,  about 
two  o'clock,  we  captured  Wheeler  within  about 
three  miles  of  La  Burr's  house.  All  the  other  pris 
oners  arrived  safe  in  Portland;  Corey  and  Savage 
being  the  only  two  of  the  band  at  large." 

On  the  Elko  road  in  September  1868  eight  masked 
men  armed  with  Henry  rifles,  shotguns,  and  pistols, 
near  Cold  Creek  station,  called  to  the  stage  driver  to 
stop  and  dismount. 

"  Take  the  horses  by  the  bits  then,"  said  Faulks,  for 
such  was  his  name.  "I  have  a  frisky  team  to-night." 
The  robbers  complied  with  this  reasonable  request,  as 
horses  were  not  to  be  brought  to  a  stand  by  guns. 
Next  the  driver  was  told  to  unhitch  and  take  charge 
of  his  team.  Two  of  the  five  passengers  were  women, 
who  were  politely  assured  by  the  chief  of  the  band 
that  they  should  not  be  molested. 

"  If  we  are  attacked,  it  will  be  about  here,"  remarked 
Mr  Bichard  to  Shadrock  Davis,  the  stage-agent,  by 
whom  he  was  seated  on  the  box,  with  a  slug-loaded 
shot-gun  across  his  lap.  It  was  on  the  Fort  Yuma 
road,  in  November  1869,  and  the  place  was  a  ravine 
near  Pilot  Knob.  Scarcely  was  the  sentence  uttered, 
when  from  the  darkness  the  word  "haltl"  was  heard, 
and  two  men  appeared  before  the  leaders.  Bichard 
raised  his  gun  and  snapped  the  cap,  but  the  charge 
did  not  explode.  He  then  fired  the  other  barrel, 
when  one  of  the  robbers  cried,  "My  God,  I  am  shot  I" 
and  fell  dead.  Other  banditti  now  came  up,  and  a 
skirmish  with  the  passengers,  who  were  prepared  for 
them,  followed.  Finally  the  robbers  were  driven  off, 
after  they  had  killed  one  of  the  horses.  Three  of 


ARTISTIC  WORK.  C99 

them  were  subsequently  captured.  The  desert  is  a 
bad  place  for  banditti.  Water  and  provisions  are 
scarce,  and  the  places  for  obtaining  them  are  wide 
apart,  so  that  if  the  attempt  prove  unsuccessful,  their 
capture  is  almost  certain.  In  this  instance,  one  of 
them  came  into  a  station  rather  than  die  upon  the 
desert. 

On  Wednesday  night,  the  20th  of  October,  1869, 
the  moon  shone  brightly  as  the  stage  trundled  out  of 
Angeles  on  the  Santa  Barbara  road.  Seven  passen 
gers  were  inside ;  Cliff  was  the  driver,  and  beside  him 
sat  the  ex-postal  agent  and  correspondent  of  the  San 
Francisco  Times.  Quarter  past  six  was  the  hour  of 
departure,  and  the  occupants  of  the  coach  were  not 
yet  comfortably  seated  when,  reaching  a  point  about 
a  mile  from  the  outskirts  of  the  city,  four  men,  wear 
ing  masks  of  black  cloth,  with  eye-holes,  and  tied 
round  the  neck,  stepped  forward  from  the  road-side, 
where  they  had  been  sitting.  Two  of  them  caught 
the  leaders  by  the  reins,  and  a  third,  apparently  chief 
of  the  band,  rushed  up  to  the  wheel,  and  presenting  a 
pistol,  in  a  clear,  authoritative,  but  not  unpleasant, 
voice,  cried,  "Hold  up  there;  put  down  that  brake  I" 
The  driver  obeyed. 

"  Keep  your  horses  quiet ;  let  that  gentleman  beside 
you  throw  out  the  express  boxes,  and  there  will  be  no 
trouble."  Then  turning  to  the  ex-postal  man,  he  said, 
"Now,  hurry  up  that  express  matter."  Slowly  the 
ex-postal  man  drew  out  one  of  the  boxes,  and  dropped 
it  upon  the  road. 

"The  other  box,  and  be  quick  about  it."  This  was 
not  spoken  in  a  harsh  or  ungentlemanly  tone,  but  there 
was  that  quiet,  self-possessed  determination  in  the 
voice  that  put  an  immediate  end  to  the  ex-postal 
man's  meditations,  and  the  second  box  lay  beside  the 
first.  The  ex-postal  man,  thinking  his  work  done, 
now  took  his  seat,  when  another  order  came. 

"Get  down,  and  step  to  the  rear  of  the  coach." 
This  was  spoken  in  a  most  affable  manner,  as  though 


700  BANDITTI. 

discipline  now  secured,  the  speaker  could  afford  to  be 
pleasant.  At  the  spot  indicated  stood  the  fourth  rob 
ber,  joined  by  one  from  the  front. 

"Have  you  any  fire-arms?"  he  demanded  of  the  ex- 
postal  man,  his  new  acquaintance. 

"Yes,"  was  the  reply,  drawing  from  his  breast  a 
pistol.  Proceeding  to  the  stage  door,  the  chief  ad 
dressed  one  of  the  passengers. 

"  Step  out,  sir;  you  have  a  belt,  I  believe,"  and  there 
upon  took  from  him  one  thousand  dollars  in  money  and  a 
derringer.  The  passenger  was  placed  close  to  the  ex- 
postal  man,  face  to  face,  their  noses  almost  touching. 
The  other  passengers  were  then  ordered  out,  their 
money  and  valuables  taken  from  them,  after  which 
they  were  arranged  in  pairs,  in  position  similar  to  the 
first.  About  two  thousand  five  hundred  dollars  in  all 
was  thus  secured,  when  the  chief  robber  ordered  the 
passengers  in,  and  said  to  Cliff,  "  Drive  on,  nwv,  and 
be  sure  you  don't  come  back." 

Often,  on  both  the  northern  and  southern  overland 
stage  routes,  the  stations  were  attacked,  the  inmates 
killed,  the  houses  robbed,  and  the  stock  driven  off. 
The  following  is  but  one  of  scores  of  like  occurren 
ces.  On  Christmas  eve,  in  1870,  three  Mexicans  rode 
up  to  the  Mission  Camp  station  on  the  Tucson  road, 
thirty-six  miles  east  of  Arizona  city,  killed  the  inmates, 
three  men  and  one  woman,  rifled  the  premises,  and 
starting  off  were  soon  over  the  line  into  Sonora. 

It  is  not  often  we  find  a  whole  hotel  seized  by  ban 
ditti,  as  happened  in  the  case  of  the  Hoffman  House, 
at  Firebaugh's  ferry,  the  26th  of  February,  1873.  It 
was  after  supper,  when  the  guests  were  seated  round 
the  fire  chatting  and  smoking,  that  there  suddenly 
appeared  in  their  midst  a  band  of  armed  men,  who  or 
dered  every  one  present  to  prostrate  himself  upon  the 
floor,  face  downward,  if  he  did  not  wish  the  assistance 
of  a  bullet  in  the  operation.  All  were  humbly  obedi 
ent,  and  the  work  of  plunder  was  quietly  performed — 
so  quietly,  indeed,  that  the  landlord,  who  was  absent 


TRAIN  ROBBERIES.  701 

at  the  time,  knew  nothing  of  it  until  he  returned.  On 
entering  the  door,  he  found  his  nose  in  uncomfortable 
proximity  to  the  barrel  of  a  six-shooter,  and  taking 
the  hint,  he  immediately  handed  the  bandit  treasurer 
the  key  to  his  strong-box.  Meanwhile  the  Visalia 
stage  arrived,  the  driver  of  which,  with  all  the  pas 
sengers,  were  soon  laid  beside  the  other  live  corpses. 
And  all  this  for  $400  in  money  and  $200  in  clothing. 
Of  the  marauding  party,  one  was  French  and  the 
others  Spanish.  It  hardly  paid. 

Quite  an  artistic  piece  of  work  was  done  on  the 
eastward-bound  train  from  Verdi  the  4th  of  November, 
1870.  As  the  train  was  moving  from  the  station,  five 
armed  men  jumped  aboard  the  express-car,  and  took 
possession  of  the  train.  The  engineer  was  directed  to 
stop  at  a  stone-quarry  four  miles  west  of  Reno.  There 
the  robbers  were  joined  by  three  confederates,  and 
$42,000  in  gold  were  taken;  $80,000  in  silver  were 
left  strewn  about  the  car  floor,  being  too  cumbersome 
to  carry.  This  illustrates  the  disadvantage  of  a  me 
tallic  currency,  and  speaks  volumes  for  the  demoneti 
zation  of  silver.  During  the  robbery,  the  passenger 
cars  were  uncoupled  from  the  others,  and  placed  under 
guard.  Their  purpose  accomplished,  the  robbers  or 
dered  the  engineer  to  take  them  one  mile  farther,  and 
there  drop  them,  which  being  done,  they  struck  out 
with  their  booty  toward  Washoe  and  Virginia  city, 
and  the  rifled  train  proceeded  on  its  way. 

Arrived  at  Reno  the  alarm  was  given.  The  tele 
graph  wires  had  been  cut  by  the  robbers,  but  they 
were  quickly  rejoined  and  soon  the  lightning  was  car 
rying  the  intelligence  in  every  direction.  Large 
rewards  were  offered  by  the  express  and  railroad  com 
panies.  Scouting  parties  were  sent  out  from  Reno, 
and  detectives  employed  at  San  Francisco,  Sacra 
mento,  and  Virginia.  The  first  arrest  was  that  of 
Charles  Roberts,  keeper  of  the  hotel  in  Antelope 
valley,  whose  house  was  known  to  be  a  rendezvous 
for  desperadoes.  To  save  himself  Roberts  made  such 


702  BANDITTI. 

exposition  as  led  to  the  capture  of  others.  Tilton 
Cockerill  was  taken  into  custody  at  the  hotel.  Sol. 
Jones  was  arrested  as  he  was  entering  Clover  valley, 
in  Plumas  county,  by  a  scouting  party,  and  soon  fan 
cied  his  interest  lay  in  conducting  his  captors  to 
the  spot  where  he  and  Cockerill  had  planted  their 
share  of  the  plunder,  some  $7,000  or  $8,000.  One  by 
one  the  robbers  were  nearly  all  captured,  and  much  of 
the  treasure  recovered.  The  name  of  the  ring  leader 
was  J.  Davis,  formerly  a  mine  superintendent  at  Vir 
ginia  city,  Nevada. 

About  this  time  an  eastward  bound  passenger 
train  was  robbed  on  the  Union  Pacific  road.  Big 
Springs,  Nebraska,  was  a  lonely  telegraph  station, 
162  miles  east  of  Cheyenne,  at  which  the  train  stopped 
when  signaled  to  do  so.  The  train  was  due  at  10.48 
p.  M.  About  half  past  nine  on  the  night  of  the  18th 
of  September,  1877,  thirteen  masked  men  rode  up  to 
the  station,  cut  the  wires,  demolished  the  telegraph 
instruments,  and  securing  Barnhart,  the  keeper,  or 
dered  him  to  put  out  the  red  light,  and  give  the 
signal  that  orders  there  awaited  the  train. 

Barnhart  obeyed.  Obedience  is  a  cardinal  virtue 
in  this  region,  and  one  very  generally  practised  when 
gentlemen  of  the  road  command.  Barnhart  did  not 
want  to  die.  The  railway  was  not  his  religion; 
besides,  thirty  dollars  a  month  wages  did  not  include 
martyrdom.  It  is  well  enough  to  talk  to  poor  men 
about  being  faithful,  and  dying  at  their  post ;  but, 
how  faithful  are  rich  men?  how  much  sacrifice  of  self 
for  others  may  we  look  for  from  a  railway  president 
or  express  manager?  The  train  arrived  on  time  and 
stopped.  The  engineer  and  fireman  were  soon  secured, 
and  a  guard  stationed  at  each  door.  The  con 
ductor  on  coming  out  upon  the  platform  found  his 
head  between  two  revolvers.  He  was  ordered  to 
throw  up  his  hands,  which  command  he  failed  not  to 
obey.  From  the  express  car  was  then  taken  $65,000 
in  coin  and  some  in  currency,  and  the  passengers  were 


EXTENSIVE  OPERATIONS.  703 

relieved  of  their  money,  watches,  tickets,  and  other 
valuables.  The  arrival  of  a  freight  train  put  the 
robbers  out  a  little,  and  hastened  their  departure. 
They  mounted  their  horses  and  rode  northward, 
leaving  $300,000  unmolested  in  the  through-safe, 
which  having  a  combination  lock  they  had  not  time 
to  force  open. 

Before  leaving  the  train  the  robbers  had  thrown 
water  on  the  engine  fires,  but  after  they  had  gone  the 
engineer  quickly  kindled  them  with  the  waste  tallow. 
George  Vroman  was  the  name  of  this  engineer,  and 
he  manifested  more  presence  of  mind,  and  bravery, 
than  any  of  the  others.  As  the  train  slackened,  after 
shutting  off  steam  and  reversing  his  engine  in  answer 
to  the  signal,  a  voice  called  out,  "Come  down  out  of 
that,"  and  a  shot  whizzed  past  his  ear.  Vroman 
sprang  through  the  window  of  the  cab,  ran  along 
the  footboard,  climbed  over  the  boiler,  and  hid  behind 
the  dome.  There  he  was  discovered  and  placed  under 
guard.  When  ordered  to  empty  the  water  tanks  he 
pretended  to  obey,  but  evaded  the  order,  so  that  he 
was  ready  to  move  on  very  soon  after  the  departure 
of  the  robbers. 

Charles  Miller,  the  express  messenger,  told  a  most 
doleful  story.  Never  should  he  forget  that  horrible 
night,  he  said.  As  the  train  neared  the  captured 
station  he  was  wakened  from  a  pleasant  sleep  by  the 
agent's  private  signal.  He  arose  and  looked  out  of 
the  window,  saw  the  red  light,  and  opened  his  door. 
The  robbers  sprang  in,  and  covering  him  with  their 
weapons,  broke  open  the  way-safe  and  took  from  it 
some  $400  in  currency. 

They  then  directed  their  attention  to  the  combina 
tion  through-safe,  which  was  fastened  to  the  iron 
work  of  the  car,  under  the  messenger's  folding  berth, 
and  whose  combination  was  known  only  to  the  agents 
at  Ogden,  Cheyenne,  and  Omaha.  The  thieves  ex 
amined  it  attentively,  while  one  of  them  thrusting  his 
cocked  pistol  in  Miller's  face  ordered  him  to  open  it. 


704  BANDITTI. 

"I  cannot  open  it,"  said  Miller  instinctively  pushing 
aside  the  dangerous  iron. 

"You  will,  will  you?"  exclaimed  the  robber  jam 
ming  the  weapon  into  Miller's  face  and  cutting  his 
upper  lip  so  that  the  blood  flowed  freely.  This 
practice  with  the  cocked  pistol  was  continued  for  some 
time,  until  his  head  was  badly  bruised,  when  other 
terrorism  was  resorted  to,  as  shoving  him  down  upon 
the  floor  and  jerking  him  up,  throwing  him  over  a 
chair,  and  like  unpleasurable  gymnastics.  The  mes 
senger  protested  he  could  not  open  the  safe,  and 
begged  for  mercy,  until  at  last,  overcome  with 
pain,  he  implored  the  thieves  to  kill  him  and 
have  done  with  it.  The  conductor,  hearing  the 
messenger's  cries,  assured  the  robbers  that  it  was 
utterly  beyond  his  power  to  open  the  safe,  and 
explained  to  them  how  it  was,  so  as  finally  to  convince 
them.  The  arrival  of  the  freight  train  before  men 
tioned  put  a  stop  to  further  proceedings.  As 
Miller's  tormentor  turned  from  him  to  take  his  final 
departure,  he  placed  his  revolver  against  his  head  and 
hissed, — "You  dirty  whelp ;  if  I  thought  you  knew 
that  combination  I  would  blow  your  brains  out." 

After  a  detention  of  an  hour,  the  cut  wires  were 
lapped,  the  alarm  was  given,  and  the  train  moved  on. 
The  railway  and  express  companies  offered  $5,000 
each  for  the  capture  of  the  robbers  and  the  recovery 
of  the  money.  The  robbers  were  pursued,  and  within 
a  week,  two  of  them  were  overtaken  between  Denver 
and  Wallace.  Showing  fight  they  were  killed,  and 
$20,000  of  the  stolen  money  was  recovered. 

But  this  is  wandering  far  from  our  pastoral  high 
waymen.  The  examples  here  given,  however,  show 
quite  a  stride  of  progress  in  the  profession,  from  the 
roadwork  of  the  dashing  Murieta  and  Vazquez  to 
robbing  railway  trains  beside  the  wires  speeding 
lightning  intelligence  1 


CHAPTEE  XXII. 

FOUNDING  OF  THE  GREAT  METROPOLIS. 

Sed  itum  est  in  viscera  terral; 

Quasque  recondiderat,  Stygiisque  admoverat  umbris, 
Effodiuiitur  opes,  irritamenta  malorum. 

—Ovid. 

WE  have  elsewhere  seen  how  civilization  on  the 
shores  of  Sari  Francisco  bay  had  its  beginning;  it 
was  also  during  the  days  of  Pastoral  California  that 
the  foundations  of  the  future  metropolis  were  here 
laid.  It  was  here  upon  the  border  of  Yerba  Buena 
cove  that  the  quiet  hold  on  men  of  the  pastoral  period 
was  rudely  snapped  asunder  by  the  first  great  throes 
of  progress  incident  to  the  gold-digging  era ;  and  it  is 
here,  more  properly  than  elsewhere,  that  we  should 
take  our  leave  of  the  old-time  regime,  and  introduce 
the  new.  It  is  here,  "more  plainly  than  elsewhere, 
that  we  see  coming  from  over  the  shimmering  sea, 
from  the  far  western  embrace  of  sky  and  ocean,  the 
golden,  glittering  light  of  the  setting  sun,  which 
marks  the  passing  hence  of  the  golden  age ;  on  the 
morrow  begins  the  age  of  gold  ! 

Civilization  was  a  long  time  in  coming  hither.  The 
highest  enlightenment  of  reason  was  not  quick  to  com 
plete  its  circuit  round  the  globe.  It  should  not  be 
forgotten  that  Pastoral  California,  vegetating  between 
the  points  of  time  1769  and  1848,  was  the  beginning 
of  the  end  of  man's  intellectual  encompassinent  of 
the  earth.  Nor  would  it  appear  unnatural,  that  after 
a  westward  glance  at  the  seemingly  limitless  ocean, 
the  mind  should  turn  backward  to  dwell  for  a  moment 

CAL.  PAST.    45  (  705 ) 


706  FOUNDING  OF  THE  GREAT  METROPOLIS. 

on  the  ways  by  which  this  supreme  achievement  had 
wrought  itself  out. 

From  the  Armenian  Garden,  following  orthodox 
mythology,  or  from  the  Bactrian  as  the  Germans 
have  it ;  from  Ethiopia,  Egypt,  or  Arabia ;  from  the 
rich  and  beautiful  valleys  of  the  Tigris  and  the  Eu 
phrates,  or  from  the  Gobi  desert;  from  Babylon's  tow 
er-top,  or  from  the  mounts  of  Caucasas,  Altai,  or  Atlas 
—from  the  primordial  centres  of  population,  the 
hypothetical  cradle  of  the  human  race,  wherever  or 
whatever  these  may  have  been,  thence  men  primeval 
looked  to  the  east  and  to  the  west,  and  taking  upon 
them  their  several  roles  they  began  their  march  of 
centuries,  which  was  to  end  only  on  their  reaching 
the  ends  of  the  earth.  On  every  side  of  this  geo 
graphical  centre — so  runs  the  tale — primeval  waters 
covered  the  earth,  and  as  these  waters  receded  the 
limits  of  terrestrial  life  were  extended,  and  the  race 
dispersed;  yet  some  say  that  there  was  no  one  common 
primordial  centre  at  all,  but  that  every  region  suffi 
ciently  favored  by  nature  had  its  own  centre  of  popu 
lation,  thus  making  men  everywhere  products  of  the 
soil. 

However  this  may  have  been,  certain  it  is  that  Euro 
pean  civilization  was,  for  many  ages,  confined  to  narrow 
central  limits  within  the  temperate  zone,  and  that  be 
yond  these  limits,  as  beyond  the  limits  of  the  knowable 
of  every  age  and  every  belief,  were  the  realms  of  fancy, 
inhospitable  climes,  and  supernatural  domains  filled 
with  creatures  of  the  imagination,  uncouth  monsters 
and  beautiful  fairies,  seraphs  and  hobgoblins,  angels  and 
devils.  Jove  reigned  on  Mount  Olympus,  and  Pluto 
presided  over  the  infernal  regions;  meanwhile  this 
earth  was  measured  and  mapped,  the  stars  were  told, 
and  the  track  of  the  sun  marked  out  as  it  made  its 
daily  circuit  over  the  heads  and  before  the  eyes  of 
men.  Opinion  was  no  less  dogmatic  then  than  now. 

Strabo,  the  Greek  geographer,  undertook  to  define 
the  boundaries  of  the  then  known  world;  after  him 


ONE  OF  THE  EARTH'S  ENDS.  707 

the  Roman,  Pomponius  Mela,  and  later  still  the 
Alexandrian,  Ptolemy,  who  embodied  in  his  system 
all  the  knowledge  of  his  predecessors,  and  whose 
works  with  their  twenty  and  more  revisions  were  the 
standard  text-books  for  thirteen  centuries — that  is  to 
say  from  the  second  to  the  fifteenth.  Ptolemy's 
world  embraced  little  more  than  the  shores  of  the 
Mediterranean,  those  of  the  Persian  gulf  and  the 
Red  sea.  Northward  was  a  belt  of  cold,  and  south 
ward  a  belt  of  heat — a  frigid  and  a  fiery  zone,  that 
no  man  might  inhabit,  nor  even  so  much  as  pass 
through.  Nevertheless,  somehow  in  due  time  men 
were  crowded  through  or  over  these  frost  and  fire 
walls,  willingly  or  unwillingly  it  may  have  been,  forced 
to  the  north  and  to  the  south,  and  were  bleached  and 
blackened  thereby;  but  contemporaneous  wise  men 
apparently  knew  little  of  it;  nor  of  these  barbaric 
migrations,  forced  or  otherwise,  have  I  here  anything 
to  say.  It  is  sufficient  to  know  that  in  those  days,  to 
men  of  science  and  philosophy,  the  world,  which  was 
the  true  cosmos  or  universe,  had  ends  and  sides,  and 
top  and  bottom ;  to  the  east  and  to  the  wrest  were  the 
ends,  on  the  north  and  on  the  south  were  the  sides ; 
and  these  sides,  as  before  said,  were  impenetrable 
walls,  a  wall  of  frost  and  a  wall  of  fire.  Heaven 
was  above  and  hell  beneath;  and  being  unable  in  the 
flesh  to  attain  the  one,  and  unwilling  to  explore  the 
other,  there  was  no  help  for  these  ancients  but  to 
remain  cooped  up  within  some  thirty  or  forty  degrees 
of  latitude,  and  from  their  aboriginal  centre  slowly  to 
mark  out  for  themselves  paths  to  the  eastward,  and  to 
the  westward.  And  this  they  did ;  and  after  certain 
centuries  reached  the  earth's  end — that  toward  the 
east  on  the  shores  of  the  China  sea  being  a  veritable 
end,  that  toward  the  west  on  the  shores  of  what  they 
called  the  Sea  of  Darkness,  a  hypothetical  or  imagi 
nary  and  mistaken  end.  True,  long  before  Ptolemy, 
Plato  had  peopled  Atlantis,  and  the  learned  Alexan 
drian  geographer  knew  of  the  Fortunate  Isles,  now 


708  FOUNDING  OF  THE  GREAT  METROPOLIS. 

called  the  Canaries,  lying  some  distance  out  in  this 
sea  of  darkness,  and  made  them  his  western  limit  or 
first  meridian;  which,  indeed,  save  as  a  nucleus  of 
poetic  myths,  seems  at  that  time  to  have  been  their 
only  use.  But  for  several  thousand  years  it  was 
thought  that  the  ends  of  the  earth  had  been  reached, 
that  they  were  separated  only  by  the  sea  of  dark 
ness,  and  that  they  were  no  great  distance  apart. 
Even  the  daring  Genoese  himself  died  in  this  belief, 
supposing  that  he  had  only  crossed  over  from  one  end 
of  the  earth  to  the  other. 

Later,  notwithstanding  the  sea  of  darkness  with 
its  real  perils  and  its  fabulous  monsters,  the  leaven  of 
progress  working  in  compressed  humanity,  caused 
European  civilization  to  burst  its  boundaries,  and  a 
farther  west  was  found ;  first,  from  the  ninth  to  the 
eleventh  centuries,  by  way  of  Scandinavia  to  Ice 
land,  and  Greenland,  and  Helluland,  and  Vinland,  as. 
recorded  in  the  sagas  of  the  northmen;  and  then 
again  in  the  fifteenth  century,  when,  after  a  refresh 
ing  medieval  slumber,  mankind  awoke  and  heard  the 
very  winds  and  waves  of  the  dark  sea  crying  for  in 
vestigation,  whispering  of  rich  realms  beyond,  of 
lands  and  gold  and  slaves ;  then  it  was  when  this  be 
yond  would  no  longer  rest  quietly  undiscovered,  that 
Isabella  of  Spain  and  the  Genoese  navigator  entered 
into  a  little  speculation,  if  so  be  they  might  thereby 
control  a  hemisphere  between  them.  Strangely 
enough  these  tardy  adventurers  found  the  New 
World  already  peopled;  whence  they  tried  to  tell 
but  could  not.  The  fathers  gazed  upon  naked  red- 
painted  men  and  women,  then  rushed  to  holy  writ 
and  cried  Behold  the  scattered  tribes  of  Israel! 
Philosophers  examined  tawny  skin  and  lank  hair  and 
astutely  considered  form  and  features;  then  some 
said  they  were  Phoenicians,  others  Egyptians,  Scan 
dinavians,  Africans,  Chinese,  Japanese,  until  the 
whole  eastern  hemisphere  was  ransacked  to  find  a 
father  for  the  Americans, 


MISTAKEN  IDEAS.  709 

But  the  end  was  not  yet.  The  Spaniards  by  sail 
ing  west  had  reached  no  new  western  earth's  end,  but 
only,  as  they  supposed,  the  old  east  end.  Instead  of 
journeying  eastward  overland  through  India,  or  fol 
lowing  the  newer  route  of  Prince  Henry  round  the 
cape  of  Good  Hope,  they  had  cut  across  from  end  to 
end,  and  distanced  Portugal  and  England,  and  all  the 
world.  But  alas  for  the  geography  of  Ptolemy,  for 
the  careful  calculations  of  Columbus,  for  the  measur- 
ings  of  worlds  unknown,  and  of  seas  unsailed  I  So  are 
fading  gradually  all  the  lines  and  angles  of  every  ad 
measurement  of  every  beyond !  The  globe  was  larger 
by  one  third  than  the  fifteenth  century  measure ; 
nevertheless,  as  the  Genoese  surmised,  sailing  far 
enough  in  that  direction  would  bring  him  in  some 
way  around  to  the  other  end.  That  is  to  say,  but 
for  America,  which  lay  stretched  out  in  mid  ocean 
almost  from  pole  to  pole,  and  until  every  foot  of  it  was 
surveyed,  European  navigators  did  not  cease  their 
attempts  to  find  a  passage  through,  and  but  for  a 
mutinous  crew  that  clamored  loudly  for  land,  Colum 
bus  might  have  reached  India,  might  by  sailing  west 
have  found  the  east;  nay,  he  was  sure  he  had  found 
it,  for  he  called  the  country  India  West,  the  people 
Indians,  and  straightway  set  about  looking  for  the 
Grand  Khan  and  the  magnificent  cities  of  Marco 
Polo.  Cuba  he  knew  to  be  Zipangu,  that  is  to  say 
Japan,  and  he  made  his  seamen  swear  that  they  had 
touched  the  coast  of  Asia.  Butf  swearing  that  it 
was  so,  and  dying  in  that  belief,  did  not  make  it  so ; 
it  was  much  the  same,  however,  to  the  unconscious 
navigators  who  sailed  to  and  fro  as  among  the  Islands 
of  the  Blessed,  fancying  themselves  meanwhile  well- 
nigh  at  their  antipodes. 

The  first  Spaniard  to  touch  the  continent  of  North 
America  was  the  adventurous  notary  of  Triana, 
Rodrigo  de  Bastidas,  who  sailed  along  the  shores  of 
Darien  in  1501;  but  not  until  Vasco  Nunez  de  Balboa, 
in  1513;  crossed  the  Darien  isthmus,  and  stood  upon 


710  FOUNDING  OF  THE  GREAT  METROPOLIS. 

the  border  of  the  broad  Pacific,  was  the  ultimate  of 
this  western  earth's  end  attained.  Entering  the  water, 
he  stood  there  knee  deep  in  brine,  ranting  to  the 
winds  and  waves,  claiming  sovereignty  over  half  the 
world,  talking  to  nations  beneath  his  feet,  to  multi 
tudes  of  savage  islanders,  talking  to  Kamtchatka,  to 
China,  to  Australia,  and  to  the  two  Americas,  ten 
thousand  miles  of  western  seaboard,  talking  to  the  old 
other  earth's  end,  talking  westward  to  the  east,  hail 
ing  across  half  a  hemisphere  of  ocean  old-time  migra 
tors  from  the  opposite  direction.  And,  indeed,  he 
was  the  first  from  the  Gobi  desert  thus  privileged  so 
to  talk. 

Next  the  licentiate,  Gaspar  de  Espinosa,  explored 
the  shores  of  this  new  South  Sea  one  hundred  leagues 
northwestwardly,  and  after  him  Gil  Gonzalez,  a  little 
farther;  then  Hernan  Cortes,  with  his  keen-scented 
band,  despoiled  Montezuma  the  Second  of  his  Mexican 
empire,  and  afterward  surveyed  the  gulf  of  Cortes, 
now  California,  taking  possession  of  all  the  lands  he 
could  hold  on  every  side ;  Pascual  de  Andagoya  sailed 
southward  from  Panamd,  and  was  followed  by  Fran 
cisco  Pizarro,  who  vied  successfully  with  all  his  breth 
ren  in  avarice  and  cruelty ;  Nufio  de  Guzman  penetrated 
northward  from  the  city  of  Mexico,  and  Cabeza  de 
Vaca  crossed  from  Florida  to  Sinaloa.  Ulloa,  Coro- 
nado,  and  Mendoza  took  possession  of  the  seven  cities 
of  Cibola,  now  New  Mexico,  and  the  country  round 
about ;  hundreds  of  priests  and  pilferers,  for  the  love 
of  God  and  the  love  of  gold,  spread  out  in  every  di 
rection  ;  zealous  fathers,  Jesuit,  Dominican,  and  Fran 
ciscan,  ready  to  lay  down  their  lives  for  souls,  planted 
a  line  of  missions,  at  intervals  of  fifteen  leagues  or 
thereabouts,  nearly  a  thousand  miles  in  extent,  stretch 
ing  from  Cape  St  Lucas  through  the  two  Californias 
to  San  Francisco  bay — a  marvel  of  missionary  enter 
prise  unexampled  in  the  annals  of  the  church ;  Cabrillo 
and  the  English  pirate,  Drake,  sailed  northward  along 
the  shores  of  California ;  Monaldo  and  Juan  de  Fuca 


STRANGE  HUMANITY.  711 

voyaged  to  the  imaginary  strait  of  Anian,  and  Captain 
Cook,  Bodega  y  Quadra,  Maurelle,  and  Arteaga  con 
tinued  the  survey  of  the  coast  to  Mount  St  Elias  and 
beyond ;  French  and  English  fur-hunters  crossed  from 
Hudson  bay  and  the  Mississippi  river,  and  the  Rus 
sians  from  Kamtchatka — and  the  finding  of  the  west 
ern  earth's  end  was  complete. 

What  then  ?  Six  thousand,  or  sixty  thousand,  years 
had  been  consumed  in  this  journey  from  the  Gobi 
desert  to  San  Francisco,  distant  apart  scarce  half  the 
earth's  circumference  along  the  line  of  the  thirty- 
seventh  parallel  straight  as  the  bird  flies.  True, 
other  men,  somehow,  from  somewhere,  had  found 
their  way  thither  before  Vasco  Nunez;  but  they  were 
not  of  this  fold,  they  entered  not  by  the  gate,  they 
were  civilization's  black  sheep,  not  of  Christ  but  of 
Belial,  not  children  of  God  but  children  of  the  devil. 
Besides  which,  they  occupied  too  much  land — more 
than  they  could  properly  account  for  to  their  maker, 
or  to  his  vicegerent  of  St  Peter's,  and  had  more  gold 
than  was  good  for  naked  wild  men  keeping  no  bank 
account.  So  the  orthodox  Gobi  desert  men  turned 
to  and  killed  them  off,  theoretically,  because  God  had 
made  a  mistake  after  building  America  in  putting 
them  there,  practically  because  they  wanted  their 
lands  themselves.  Hence,  as  a  recorded  beginning  at 
either  extremity  of  this  ten  thousand  miles  of  thirty- 
seventh  parallel,  we  have  the  origin  of  a  race  and  the 
end  of  a  race,  a  cradle  and  a  grave.  Strange  that 
puritan,  priest,  and  plunderer  should  join  hands  in  an 
unholy  crusade  on  men  whose  only  crime  against  their 
despoilers  was  in  being  what  God  had  made  them, 
and  enjoying  what  God  had  given  them.  And  look 
at  the  flimsy  attempt  at  justification  by  civilization  for 
such  diabolicalism.  "  Better  be  in  hell  than  unbap- 
tized,"  cried  Zumdrraga  and  his  confreres,  and  straight 
way  millions  were  slaughtered  for  the  meek  and  lowly 
Christ.  "Castilians  were  not  made  for  work,"  said 
Cortes  to  his  companions;  "why  should  we  labor  with 


712  FOUNDING  OF  THE  GREAT  METROPOLIS. 

our  hands  for  that  which  we  can  more  easily  win  with 
our  swords  ? " — so  other  millions  were  reduced  to 
slavery,  and  made  to  plant  maize,  and  dig  for  gold. 
Even  our  latter-day  jurists  write  in  their  books, 
"  Barbarous  nations  have  no  right  to  hold  large  tracts 
of  uncultivated  lands  needful  to  overcrowded  civiliza 
tion  " ;  and  yet  the  civilized  gentleman  may  have  his 
ten  or  twenty  thousand  acres  of  forest  or  park  while 
as  many  fenced-out  paupers  starve.  Why  have  sav 
ages  not  the  rights  of  civilized  men  ?  Why  may  they 
not  enjoy  their  heritage,  and  unfold  after  their  fash 
ion  ?  Did  the  almighty  make  the  world  cultivated, 
and  man  civilized,  or  ga^ve  he  rights  to  one  over  an 
other  ?  Say,  rather,  that  savagism  has  not  the  might 
to  hold  its  lands;  or  better  still,  say  nothing  about  it, 
and  let  myterious  progress  have  its  way.  Of  a  truth, 
the  Gobi  desert  men  made  of  this  western  earth's  end 
a  rare  slaughter-house  when  they  had  found  it.  There 
was  no  escape  for  the  poor  unbaptized ;  Vasco  Nunez 
with  wet  feet  rang  out  their  requiem  from  the  shores 
of  Panama  bay,  and  the  end  of  their  thousand  or  ten 
thousand  ages  of  unwritten  history  is  at  hand.  Whence 
they  came  and  why,  what  they  left  accomplished,  and 
whither  they  have  gone,  who  shall  say? 

Truly  may  we  declare  the  finding  of  this  western 
earth's  end  to  be  accomplished.  There  is  no  more 
left  of  this  little  world  within  the  walls  of  frost  and 
fire,  no  more  unoccupied  temperate  zone,  no  more  of 
God's  government  lands  fit  for  a  white  man  to  live  on, 
which  may  be  had  for  the  clearing  of  it.  The  former 
littleness  of  man  and  the  greatness  of  his  surroundings 
may  now  be  contrasted  with  the  present  greatness  of 
man  and  the  littleness  of  his  surroundings ;  for  thus 
were  occupied  six  thousand,  or  sixty  thousand,  years 
in  accomplishing  a  ten  thousand  miles'  journey,  which 
may  now  be  made  between  moons. 

Now,  with  the  western  earth's  end  found,  and  its 
aboriginal  occupants  comfortably  put  to  rest,  what  is 
civilization  going  to  do  about  it?  It  is  well  enough 


THE  PROBLEM  OF  CIVILIZATION.  713 

to  look  back  through  history  that  we  may  learn  what 
others  have  done  under  like  conditions,  but  nowhere 
do  we  find  the  conditions ;  nowhere  in  the  annals  of 
our  race  do  we  find  a  society  or  a  civilization  similarly 
conditioned  to  that  of  the  Pacific  states  of  North 
America  to-day.  No  other  part  of  America  or  of  the 
globe  was  so  settled.  Never  before  was  one  half  the 
world  discovered,  seized,  and  appropriated  by  the  other 
half;  never  before  were  the  native  races  of  so  vast  an 
area  annihilated  by  their  conquerors;  never  before 
have  all  the  civilized  and  semi-civilized  nations  of  the 
globe  combined  their  energies  to  form  a  new  creation. 
Many  nations  have  been  subdued,  annihilated  by 
other  nations;  many  colonies  have  been  planted  in 
various  parts,  at  various  times,  by  various  peoples, 
but  never  before  did  all  the  world  unite  for  purposes 
of  colonization  and  settlement.  The  colonies  founded 
by  Carthaginians  and  Phoenicians  on  the  shores  of  the 
Mediterranean,  and  later  those  of  Greece  and  Rome 
in  Asia,  Africa,  and  other  parts  of  Europe,  were  sim 
ply  one  with  the  mother  country,  having  no  life,  or 
nationality,  or  individuality,  and  though  they  lived  to 
be  a  thousand  years  old,  so  long  as  the  mother  was 
strong  enough,  or  until  she  died,  she  nursed  them. 
Europe  partitioned  among  her  nations  the  two  Amer 
icas,  and  yet  the  recipients  were  not  satisfied.  Each 
was  keenly  jealous  of  all  the  others,  constantly  fearful 
lest  some  part  of  their  sometimes  unknown  territory 
should  be  infringed  on,  or  that  some  straggling  mer 
chant  or  trapper  should  carry  away  some  of  their 
gold,  or  peltries,  or  slaves.  Even  Isabella  of  Castile, 
a  devoted  spouse  and  high-minded  woman,  would  not 
allow  her  husband's  subjects  the  same  New  World 
privileges  as  her  own ;  indeed,  for  some  time  after  its 
discovery,  none  but  Castillians  might  go  to  the  Indies 
without  special  license.  All  this,  however,  is  now  at 
an  end ;  colonization  was  well  enough  in  its  way,  but 
like  superstition,  and  war,  and  despotism,  and  bigotry, 
— all  at  certain  epochs  essential  to  human  progress, — 


714  FOUNDING  OF  THE  GREAT  METROPOLIS. 

this  latter-day  civilization  of  ours  wants  none  of  them. 
The  world  has  become  so  small  of  late,  and  its  sev 
eral  parts  brought  into  such  nearness  of  relationship, 
that  there  is  no  more  room  for  colonization;  and  those 
superannuated  societies,  those  old  offspring  that  still 
cling  to  their  mother's  apron-string  would  do  well, 
for  both  parent  and  child,  to  sever  the  connection  as 
soon  as  possible.  Were  Canada  to  assume  a  manly 
independence,  and  become  a  v  ital  actuality,  land  would 
not  be  worth  twice  as  much  on  one  side  of  the  Niagara 

O 

river  as  on  the  other. 

California  is  no  colony,  nor  in  the  ordinary  accepta 
tion  of  the  term,  has  it  ever  been.  It  has  been  and 
is  what  no  other  part  of  the  world  ever  has  been  or 
will  be.  It  is  a  spot  reserved  by  providence  for  the 
solution  of  the  grandest  problem  incident  to  humanity. 
It  is  the  last  parcel  of  temperate  zone,  kept  fresh  by 
nature  for  the  planting  of  a  new  empire,  whereunto 
all  the  nations  of  the  earth,  with  all  their  combined 
mechanical  contrivances  and  mental  activities,  are 
contributing  of  their  energies.  It  is  the  special  do 
main  of  the  new  social  science,  where  social  evolution 
may  find  freest  play,  where,  stripped  of  many  of  the 
old-time  prejudices,  men  think  for  themselves,  and 
where  the  survival  of  the  fittest  in  the  world's  art, 
industry,  science,  literature,  and  opinion  is  sure  to 
prevail.  Into  its  lap  are  emptied  the  world's  store 
house  of  knowledge,  the  accumulation  of  all  human 
experiences.  Latest  born  of  nations,  all  nations  as 
semble  at  the  birth.  At  once  the  frontier  and  termi 
nus  of  progress,  it  stands  out  in  bold,  infantile  bigness. 
Essentially  cosmopolitan,  both  theoretically  and  in 
stinctively,  it  belongs  to  no  polity,  sect,  or  creed,  but 
to  humanity ;  any  citizen  of  the  world  may,  in  a  short 
time — too  short  a  time — become  its  citizen,  made  one 
with  its  people  and  its  interests.  Nominally  joined 
to  a  confederation  of  states,  with  which  it  is  in  hearty 
sympathy,  and  from  which  it  hopes  never  to  be  called 
upon  to  separate,  really  it  does  much  as  it  pleases,  and 


A  GLANCE  FORWARD.  715 

feels  «the  pulsations  of  prosperities  and  panics  on  the 
other  side  of  the  continent  only  in  a  faint  degree. 

And  as  with  California,  so  with  the  rest.  Few 
parts  of  the  world  present  such  unique  and  varied  in 
terests  as  this  western  coast  of  North  America.  Few 
parts  of  the  world  ever  so  drew  on  every  other  part; 
like  the  prevailing  winds  and  oceanic  currents  along 
its  borders,  the  intelligence  and  industries  of  all  nations 
flow  thereto.  Few  parts  of  the  world,  in  regard  to 
its  natural  products,  were  ever  so  drawn  upon  by 
every  other  part;  grain  from  valleys  and  table-lands, 
and  gold  from  rich  gulches  and  metal- veined  sierras, 
the  one  giving  life  to  man,  and  the  other  to  commerce, 
under  some  one  of  their  several  influences  penetrate 
the  remotest  channels  of  human  intercourse.  Besides 
this,  there  are  numberless  correlative  cords  of  greater 
or  lesser  tension — cords  of  remembrance,  that  draw 
the  wanderer  ever  toward  his  early  home ;  oppugnant 
cords  of  ambition,  avarice,  which  at  the  first  were  im 
proving  industries,  laudable  activities,  and  praisewor 
thy  enterprise,  but  which  later  stiffen  into  shackles, 
fossilizing  the  features,  an'd  steeling  the  heart,  and 
drawing  the  victim  ever  farther  and  farther  from  the 
redeeming  memories  of  a  purer  life;  cords  of  inter 
twined  affections,  nob  without  overstretchings,  and 
sometimes  snappings,  but  which  will  not  be  wholly 
put  aside  or  uprooted;  cords  of  prejudice,  of  patriot 
ism,  of  fanaticism,  of  numberless  loves  and  hates,  ra 
diating  hence  as  from  a  common  centre  to  the  farthest 
corners  of  Christendom  and  pagandom. 

Now,  without  attempting  the  role  of  prophet,  stand 
ing  here  by  Yerba  Buena  cove,  on  the  site  of  the  future 
metropolis,  there  are  some  things  connected  with  the 
future  of  this  Pacific  domain  which,  in  the  ordinary 
course  of  human  events,  may  with  some  degree  of 
certainty  be  anticipated.  For  example,  we  may  claim 
for  our  Pacific  empire,  whether  it  be  composed  of  one 
nation  or  of  several,  a  unity  found  in  no  other  terri 
tory  of  equal  importance  and  extent  on  the  globe. 


716  FOUNDING  OF  THE  GREAT  METROPOLIS. 

First,  the  boundaries  of  this  territory  are  well  defined ; 
not  imaginary,  nor  hypothetically  drawn,  but  fixed 
and  determined  as  walls  of  adamant,  and  by  nature 
herself.  On  the  one  side  is  the  continental  axis,  in 
the  form  of  a  series  of  continuous,  irregularly-terraced 
mountain  ranges,  which,  as  a  mountain  system,  with 
out  including  that  of  South  America,  rightly  belong 
ing  to  it,  is  the  longest  and  broadest  line  of  elevated 
surface  on  the  earth.  And  if  this  Rocky  mountain 
chain  be  not  protection  or  impediment  enough,  there 
is  yet  another  higher,  more  sharply-defined,  and  pre 
cipitous  parallel  range,  with  a  nomenclature  beginning 
at  the  north  with  the  Alaskan  mountains,  continued 
by  the  Cascade  range,  the  Sierra  Nevada,  and  finally 
subsiding  toward  the  southern  extremity  of  Lower 
California — an  inner  wall,  giving  to  the  country  its 
climate,  and  to  the  people  their  character;  checking 
the  moisture-laden  currents  from  the  Japan  sea, 
wringing  from  the  clouds  their  fertilizing  dew,  and 
throwing  it  back  upon  the  western  slope;  meanwhile 
checking  somewhat  the  arid  Rocky  mountain  air,  that 
sometimes  sweeps  down  from  the  treeless  steppes  and 
elevated  plains  to  the  eastward ;  walling  in  warmth 
and  humidity,  and  walling  out  cold  and  dryness,  thus 
giving  to  the  Pacific  coast  a  higher  average  tempera 
ture,  and  toward  the  north,  where  the  Japan  currents 
first  strike  the  continent,  a  moist er  climate,  than  that 
of  corresponding  eastern  latitudes.  On  the  other  side 
is  a  common  oceanic  highway,  inviting  to  free  inter 
course.  This  two-fold  influence,  the  one  barring  out 
contiguous  nations  while  walling  in  the  states  of  the 
Pacific,  the  other  bringing  into  nearness  the  inhabi- 

O         O 

tants  of  the  whole  seaboard,  and  letting  light  in  from 
all  the  world,  will  shape  the  destiny  of  our  future 
empire. 

Though  continental,  this  western  strip  of  Pacific 
seaboard  is  essentially  oceanic.  There  will  be  little 
need  here  of  fighting  for  an  outlet  to  pent  up  indus 
tries.  Our  whole  domain  fronts  on  the  world's  largest 


A  MIGHTY  SEABOARD.  717 

maritime  thoroughfare.  As  this  planet  is  laid  out  and 
constructed,  we  have  a  first-class  location.  Measured 
from  the  mouth  of  the  Mackenzie  river,  along  the 
border  of  the  Arctic  Ocean  westward  to  Bering  strait, 
thence  southward  along  the  Pacific  to  Panamd,  across 
the  Isthmus,  and  northward  along  the  gulf  shores  to 
Rio  del  Norte,  and  seven  thousand  miles  of  travel 
will  scarcely  complete  the  circuit. 

But  how  stands  the  matter  in  regard  to  the  south- 

O 

ern  portion  of  our  Pacific  territory,  where  the  conti 
nent  narrows  down  to  a  succession  of  isthmuses,  the 
last  of  which,  obnoxious  to  commerce — all  the  more 
tantalizing  by  reason  of  its  insignificance — is  but  a 
mere  thread,  holding  together  the  two  continents. 
What  elements  of  unity  are  here?  what  affinity  can 
exist  between  this  and  the  region  to  the  northward  ? 
Surely  Mexico  and  Central  America  should  form  an 
exception  to  the  rule.  There  is  no  spot  on  earth  so 
central,  none  so  easily  accessible  to  every  other  spot, 
as  this  same  string  of  isthmuses.  Its  shores  are 
washed  by  the  two  mightiest  of  oceans ;  it  is  equally 
convenient  to  both  sides  of  the  two  Americas,  to 
Europe,  to  Asia,  to  Africa,  and  to  Australia.  It  is 
the  natural  pivot  upon  which  the  commerce  of  the 
world  should  turn;  the  balance  of  trade  should  be 
always  in  its  favor.  It  should  be  the  common  fair- 

f  round  of  nations  for  the  interchange  of  the  world's 
O 
nowledges ;  of  arts,  of  industries,  and  of  science ;  of 

merchandise,  money,  and  mind.  Besides  its  magnifi 
cent  central  situation,  with  the  eyes  of  all  continents 
and  great  islands  ever  upon  it,  its  interior  is  one  of 
the  most  lovely  and  favorable  retreats  for  man. 
There,  indeed,  the  primitive  races  of  America  attained 
their  highest  culture.  Descending  from  the  north, 

O  O  " 

the  Rocky  mountain  chain  as  it  enters  the  hot  and 
humid  air  of  the  tropics,  rises  into  cooler  and  more 
healthful  regions,  and  flattens  out  in  a  broad  plateau, 
or  series  of  plateaux,  delightful  for  the  abode  of  man, 
where  reigns  perpetual  spring,  and  fruits  and  flowers 


718  FOUNDING  OF  THE  GREAT  METROPOLIS. 

never  cease  to  come  and  go, — a  happy  Absynian 
Valley,  fit  for  Plato's  Republic,  or  More's  Utopia. 

What,  then,  prevents  this  fair  domain  from  asserting 
its  sovereignty,  and  becoming  the  new  Venice  ?  Simply 
this  :  it  is  walled  up,  shut  in  on  every  side  but  one, 
and  that  opening  to  the  north  and  into  the  temperate 
zone  of  our  Pacific  territory.  Lest  this  fair  land 
should  play  the  wanton  with  less  favored  spots,  nature 
surrounds  her  borders  with  a  miasmatic  tierra  caliente, 
which  renders  the  occupation  of  her  shores  impossible 
to  any  but  the  acclimated.  So  deadly  is  the  influence 
on  Europeans  of  the  swampy  exhalations  from  the 
border-lands  of  Mexico  and  Central  America,  that 
the  oft-repeated  attempts  to  found  there  large  cities 
has  in  every  instance  proved  a  disastrous  failure. 
From  the  earliest  times  of  which  we  have  any  knowl 
edge,  the  aboriginal  inhabitants  of  the  highlands  could 
not  live  upon  the  sea-coast.  Now,  Mexican  mer 
chants,  of  European  origin,  doing  business  in  the  sea 
port  towns,  often  have  their  residence  in  the  hills  or 
mountains  back,  visiting  their  places  of  business  at 
intervals,  and  hastening  back  at  the  earliest  possible 
moment.  I  might  cite  twenty  examples  where  the 
Spaniards  have  attempted  to  plant  cities  on  either  side 
of  this  land,  and  failed,  at  a  cost  of  more  than  twice  as 
many  thousand  lives, — instance  Veragua,  Santa  Maria 
de  la  Antigua,  Portobello,  old  Panamd,  Espiritu 
Santo,  and  the  like.  Hence  it  is  that  the  only  safe 
and  natural  pathway  for  the  occupants  of  Mexican 
and  Central  American  plateaux  is  northward  along 
their  table-lands,  and  into  the  more  northerly  part  of 
our  Pacific  States  domain.  Let  him  who  does  not 
see  the  natural  oneness  of  this  region,  put  two  or 
three  lines  of  railways  from  Alaska  to  the  isthmus  of 
Panama  so  that  intercommunication,  that  prime 
element  of  progress,  can  be  free  and  easily  accom 
plished,  and  the  sceptic  will  not  have  long  to  wait 
for  results. 

With  a  general   average   climate  cold   enough  to 


INFLUENTIAL  CAUSES.  719 

stimulate  to  industry,  but  not  so  cold  as  to  make 
comfort  depend  on  the  entire  product  of  man's  labor ; 
warm  enough  to  invite  to  refining  leisure,  but  not  so 
hot  as  to  enervate  or  sap  the  energies  of  body  or  mind ; 
with  rain  enough  to  warrant,  for  the  most  part,  an 
abundant  harvest  but  not  sufficient — except  along  the 
borders  of  the  aforesaid  southern  part,  insignificant  in 
area  as  compared  to  the  whole — to  produce  a  redun 
dant  or  uncontrollable  vegetation,  here  are  all  the 
elements  and  stimulants  of  high  culture.  Indeed, 
that  the  advanced  civilization  of  the  Aztecs,  Mayas, 
and  Quiches,  of  the  southern  table-lands,  was  not 
likewise  found  in  the  equally  favorable  parts  to  the 
northward,  must  be  attributed,  not  to  soil  or  climate, 
but  to  unknown  incidental  or  extrinsic  causes,  to  wars 
and  social  convulsions,  to  the  turnings  and  over-turn 
ings  of  the  long  unrecorded  past.  So  far  as  we  can 
now  see,  there  is  nothing  here  to  prevent  man  from 
being  master,  nothing  to  prevent  the  complete  sub 
ordination  of  nature,  and  the  complete  develop 
ment  of  mankind  in  perpetual  unfoldings.  Although 
extending  almost  from  pole  to  equator,  intersecting 
nearly  all  the  northern  latitudes,  there  are  fewer 
extremes  of  climate  in  what  may  be  termed  the  habi 
table  portions  of  the  Pacific  States  than  one  at  the 
first  glance  would  suppose.  And  this  freedom  from 
extremes  I  hold  to  be  the  fundamental  element  of 
progress,  of  perfect  living,  and  happy  dying;  this 
freedom  is  a  freedom  from  the  greatest  curse  human 
ity  is  heir  to,  from  indeed  the  only  evil,  the  imperson 
ation  of  all  evil, — extremes  of  opinion,  of  action; 
extremes  in  religion,  in  polity,  and  in  society.  Nature 
herself  teaches  us  the  lesson;  our  very  mother  earth 
for  the  highest  perfecting  of  her  children  must  be 
moderate,  neither  too  much  gentleness  nor  too  much 
harshness,  neither  sterility  nor  redundancy,  neither 
bleak  hills  and  barren  plains,  lest  the  people  starve, 
nor  an  undue  or  superabundant  vegetation,  lest  man 


720  FOUNDING  OF  THE  GREAT  METROPOLIS. 

be  overwhelmed,  and  swallowed  up  by  it;  for  in  either 
case  how  shall  he  obtain  the  mastery  over  material 
things,  still  less  over  ignorance  and  superstition  ? 

Along  the  shores  of  the  Arctic  ocean  and  the 
strait  of  Bering,  the  Eskimo,  for  three-fourths  of  the 
year,  dozes  torpidly  in  his  den,  and  must  forever  so 
doze,  unless  his  climate  changes.  His  three  months 
of  nightless  summer  are  an  insufficient  compensation 
for  his  three  months  of  sunless  winter,  and  the  six 
months  of  glimmering  twilight.  The  lowlands  of 
Central  America,  under  a  vertical  sun,  which  lifts  un 
ceasingly  the  waters  from  either  ocean,  and  pours 
them  on  the  land,  covering  the  swampy  soil  with  a 
dense  damp  foliage  of  hot-house  growth  and  decay, 
generating  disease  and  death,  is  a  fitter  home  for 
noxious  reptiles  and  wild  beasts  than  for  civilized 
man.  A  fringe  of  cold  and  heat  at  either  end,  and 
on  the  side  dryness;  for  besides  the  ill-fated  hyper 
borean  and  tropical  man,  the  root  and  reptile-eating 
cave-dweller  of  the  Great  Basin,  between  the  Sierra 
Nevada  and  the  Rocky  mountains,  are  equally  unfor 
tunate.  There  alternate  barren  hills  and  treeless 
plains  and  rainless  seas  of  sand,  which  afford  cold 
comfort  for  man  and  beast.  Thus  we  find  the  seat  of 
our  imperial  domain  well-nigh  circumscribed  by  ill- 
favored  elements,  while  one  of  the  fairest  portions  of 
earth  lies  within,  basking  before  the  broad  Pacific  sea. 
At  either  end  and  on  the  western  side  are  the  extremes, 
cold  and  heat,  and  dryness,  and  these  and  all  other 
extremes  men  do  well  everywhere  to  shun — but  the  ill- 
favored  borders  as  compared  to  the  territory  enclosed 
is  insignificant  both  in  area  and  importance.  At  the 
extreme  north  and  south  rain  falls  often  and  abun 
dantly,  while  the  portion  intermediate  is  watered  al 
ternately — the  northern  part  in  the  so-called  winter 
months,  and  the  southern  part  in  the  summer.  It 
were  easy  to  show,  likewise,  that  in  the  scarcity  of 
great  navigable  rivers,  railways  and  the  ocean  will 
direct  traffic,  making  one  place  almost  as  accessible  as 


THE  WORLD  ENCOMPASSED.  721 

another,  throwing  all  into  contiguity  with  less  pro 
vincialism  and  clanship  than  are  found  in  older 
societies. 

In  the  geological  formation  of  the  Pacific  domain, 
nature's  convulsive  throes  are  everywhere  manifest. 
Its  origin  is  igneous  rather  than  aqueous;  fire  is  the 
architect  of  its  hills,  and  in  place  of  large  rivers,  and 
inland  seas,  and  broad  prairies  that  characterize  the 
eastern  slope,  there  are  mighty  mountain  ranges 
thrown  into  sunlight  from  below,  and  covered  with 
volcanic  peaks  which  stand  like  plutonic  smoke-stacks 
all  along  the  seaboard  from  Saint  Elias  to  Nicaragua, 
while  the  seething  Geyser-chaldrons,  and  innumerable 
thermal  and  sulphuric  springs  that  form  the  safety- 
valves  of  subterranean  laboratories,  give  warning  that 
the  underlying  forge-fires  are  not  yet  wholly  extin 
guished.  Even  the  hazy  morning  air,  resting  on 
green  hill  or  more  distant  purple  sierra,  betokens  its 
peculiar  creation. 

In  the  absence  of  many  extensive  harbors  in  near 
proximity  to  each  other,  population  and  commerce 
will  be  concentrated ;  there  will  be  fewer  large  cities 
on  the  western  than  there  are  on  the  eastern  coast. 
The  principal  indentations  of  the  western  coast  are 
the  open  bay  of  Panamd,  the  smaller  parts  of  Nicoya 
and  Fonseca,  the  great  gulf  of  California,  the  bays  of 
San  Diego  and  San  Francisco,  the  mouth  of  the 
Columbia  river,  and  the  sounds  in  the  vicinity  of 
Vancouver,  Queen  Charlotte  and  Kadiak  islands. 
As  if  to  make  amends  for  the  scarcity  of  good  harbors 
along  the  shore  line  of  their  vast  navigable  waters, 
midway  between  its  hot  and  cold  extremes  was  fash 
ioned  one,  which  in  its  formation,  betokens  the  most 
skilful  art  and  fairest  handiwork. 

Such  were  the  paths  by  which  the  Gobi  desert 
men  found  their  way  to  this  western  earth's  end,  and 
made  ready  to  plant  a  new  Babylon  at  Yerba  Buena 
cove.  Climates  come  and  go;  on  the  same  spot  of 

CAL.  PAST.    46 


722  FOUNDING  OF  THE  GREAT  METROPOLIS. 

earth  we  see  geologic  evidences  of  vast  periods, — now 
of  Arctic  winter,  and  now  of  tropical  summer.  That 
which  was  once  sea  is  now  land,  and  where  seas  once 
rolled  mountains  now  point  their  summits  heaven 
ward.  So  it  is  with  men  in  their  hopes  and  fears, 
their  beliefs  and  blind  imaginings,  their  hot  desires, 
and  mad  ambitions. 

Innumerable  as  are  the  secrets  of  the  universe, 
they  reveal  themselves  to  man  but  slowly.  So  it  was 
when  cizilization  crept  from  primeval  centers  seeking 
new  channels  like  the  melted  snow  sent  by  the  all- 
awakening  sun  down  from  the  mountain  top  upon 
the  arid  plain.  Cautiously  the  clouded  intellect  peeps 
from  old-time  surroundings  over  the  sea  of  darkness 
out  into  the  savage  wilderness  beyond  the  limits  of 
the  advancing  light. 

Why  our  old  teachers,  so  eager  here  to  make  us 
understand,  should  be  so  backward  to  enlighten  us 
when  they  get  to  heaven  and  know  as  they  are 
known,  none  can  tell.  When  in  1769  the  Franciscan 
fathers  went  forth  to  spy  out  the  land  northward 
from  San  Diego  bay,  they  marked  the  places  favor 
able  to  their  missions,  and  from  the  calendar  of  saints 
and  angels  drew  names  to  tell  the  several  spots.  Now, 
Padre  Junipero,  history  relates,  was  deeply  solicitous 
that  the  patron  of  his  order,  thrice  blessed  St  Francis, 
should  have  due  recognition  in  the  bestowal  of  names, 
to  which  honor  the  saint  himself  seemed  indifferent, 
for  never  a  day  and  a  bay  would  he  give  them  to 
gether.  In  vain  the  padre  president  besought  God 
and  asked  the  virgin's  aid.  Then  he  urged  the  matter 
upon  the  visitador  general,  Galvez,  who  bluntly  re 
plied,  "  If  our  seraphic  father,  Saint  Francis  of  Assisi, 
would  have  his  name  to  signalize  some  station  on  these 
shores,  let  him  show  us  a  good  haven." 

So  when  the  little  band  under  Father  Crespf,  after 
wearily  plodding  along  an  unbroken  sea-coast  from 
San  Diego,  first  stood  upon  the  highlands  overlooking 
a  broad  placid  lake-like  and  well-nigh  land-locked 


SAN  FRANCISCO  BAY.  723 

sheet,  fringed  with  verdure,  dotted  with  green  isles, 
and  filled  with  noisy  water-fowls,  and  riotous  seals 
and  sea-lions,  while  over  the  glittering  waters  the  soft 
sweet  hazy  California!!  air  cast  its  peculiar  charm, 
"  Surely,"  they  said,  "this  must  be  the  bay  of  San 
Francisco."  And  so  it  was  called.  Planned  by  no 
niggardly  architect,  sculptured  by  no  bungling  hand, 
broad  and  deep  like  a  highland  loch,  with  well  rounded 
borders,  and  sentinel  islands,  and  massive  portals, 
with  bays  within  bays,  and  stretching  altogether 
sixty  miles  in  length,  averaging  six  miles  in  width, 
with  a  shore  line  of  two  hundred  and  seventy  miles 
or  thereabouts,  San  Francisco  bay  is  unsurpassed 
in  beauty  and  utility  by  any  the  sun  shines  upon. 
Into  it  flow  the  San  Joaquin  and  Sacramento,  float 
ing  seaward  the  wondrous  mineral  and  agricultural 
wealth  of  their  valleys,  while  between  two  clifls,  less 
tKan  a  mile  asunder,  is  the  only  channel  communicat 
ing  with  the  ocean,  the  Golden  Gate,  whicn  opens  to 
the  world  California's  treasures.  Here  on  a  peninsula 
which  separates  the  waters  of  the  bay  from  those  of 
the  sea  are  now  being  laid  the  foundations  of  a 
mighty  metropolis,  the  queen  city  of  this  coast,  while 
stretching  out  twTo  thousand  miles  to  the  north,  and 
two  thousand  miles  to  the  south,  lies  the  western 
world's  end,  ready  and  waiting  for  the  great  problem 
which  is  to  be  worked  out  by  the  bringing  together, 
and  heaping  up,  of  human  experiences,  a  fair  and 
chosen  spot  whereon  man  may  achieve  his  ultmate 
endeavor. 

On  the  northern  end  of  the  peninsula,  about  half 
way  between  the  Golden  Gate  and  Clark  Point,  and 
three  miles  northwest  of  what  was  subsequently 
called  Yerba  Buena  cove  where  first  the  present  city 
of  San  Francisco  began  to  grow,  at  a  little  indenta 
tion  of  the  shore,  was  planted,  in  the  year  1776,  the 
presidio  of  San  Francisco,  and  on  a  rocky  eminence, 
at  the  narrowest  point  of  the  Golden  Gate,  a  fort. 
The  miniature  bay  in  front  of  it  where  all  vessels  then 


724  FOUNDING  OF  THE  GREAT  METROPOLIS. 

anchored  was  called  the  port  of  San  Francisco,  and 
the  mission,  which  was  established  some  four  miles 
away  over  the  sand-hills  toward  the  south,  on  a  little 
gulf— or  lake  the  father  called  it — that  ran  up  from 
the  bay,  was  at  first  called  the  mission  of  San  Fran 
cisco,  but  afterward  was  often  termed  the  mission  of 
Dolores.  There  was  then  no  town.  A  few  so-called 
settlers  congregated  about  the  presidio,  or  took  up 
their  residence  at  the  mission ;  but  all  the  peninsula, 
bay,  mission,  presidio,  and  settlement  were  known 
only  by  the  name  of  San  Francisco.  Yerba  Buena 
cove  was  more  sheltered  than  the  port  of  the  presidio, 
so  that  vessels  often  lay  at  anchor  there  for  greater 
safety.  It  was  likewise  nearer  to  the  mission,  and  a 
better  landing  for  that  point.  Roads  ran  from  Yerba 
Buena  to  the  mission  and  to  the  presidio,  and  from 
the  presidio  to  the  fort,  and  to  the  mission. 

The  first  marriage  celebrated  in  the  church  of  the 
presidio  of  San  Francisco  was  on  the  28th  of  No 
vember,  1776,  between  Francisco  Antonio  Cordero, 
a  soldier  of  the  Monterey  company,  and  Juana  Fran- 
cisca  Pinto,  daughter  of  Pablo  Pinto,  a  soldier  of  the 
presidial  company  of  San  Francisco.  Cordero  was 
born  in  Loreto,  Lower  California,  and  his  bride  in 
the  city  of  Sinaloa.  Father  Palou  performed  the 
marriage  ceremony.  The  next  marriage  was  that  of 
Jose  Francisco  Sinova,  a  soldier  from  Spain,  and 
Maria  Gertrridis  Bohorques,  of  Sinaloa. 

On  the  tenth  day  of  August  previous,  Palou  had 
baptized  the  first  white  child  born  in  the  presidio  of 
San  Francisco,  Francisco  Soto,  a  son  of  the  soldier 
Ignacio  Soto  and  his  wife  Maria  Barbaro  de  Lugo. 
The  first  person  buried  in  the  presidio  church  was 
Manuela  Luz  Munoz. 

On  the  testimony  of  Juan  Salvio  Pacheco,  who 
came  from  Monterey  in  1810  as  a  soldier  in  the  mili 
tary  company  assigned  to  the  presidio  in  San  Fran 
cisco,  the  first  of  the  adobe  buildings  at  the  fort  were 
then  built,  and  others  in  process  of  construction. 


VISIT  OF  ECHEANPfA.  725 

All  were  finished  when  he  left  the  service  fifteen 
years  later.  Mission  Dolores  was  built  before  he 
arrived.  At  that  time,  when  Mexico  was  throwing 
off  the  yoke  of  Spain,  the  finances  of  the  government 
were  in  a  sad  state,  and  loyalty  was  purchased  by  the 
soldier  at  the  price  of  his  wages.  The  soldiers  of  the 
presidio  were  faithful  to  Spain ;  Spain  had  not  where 
with  to  pay  them;  consequently  for  ten  years  they 
were  penniless. 

The  origin  of  the  name  of  Yerba  Buena  is  as  fol 
lows  :  Between  what  was  later  Clark  and  Rincon 
points,  there  was  a  cove  or  crescent  at  the  head  of 
which,  where  later  was  the  junction  of  Montgomery 
and  Sacramento  streets,  was  a  little  laguna,  lake,  or 
arm  of  the  bay,  on  whose  borders  grew  a  kind  of 
mint,  the  seeds  of  which  were  supposed  to  have  been 
accidently  dropped  there  by  the  sailors  who  used  to 
land  in  this  cove  long  before  there  was  any  human 
habitation.  The  people  prized  the  herb  for  its  medici 
nal  properties,  and  gathered  and  dried  it  for  family 
use. 

Echeandia,  the  jefe- politico  and  comandante  general, 
visited  this  place  in  1827.  Leaving  mission  Santa 
Clara  on  the  morning  of  May  20th,  he  reached  the 
presidio  of  San  Francisco  at  three  o'clock  the  same 
day.  There  sic  senoria  was  received  by  the  officers 
Ignacio  Martinez  and  Jose  Sanchez  amid  a  salvo  of 
artillery,  and  the  ringing  of  bells.  He  passed  the 
night  in  the  quarters  prepared  for  him,  at  the  break 
of  day  mounted  his  horse  and  reviewed  the  troops, 
expressing  his  pleasure  at  their  proficiency,  and  his 
sorrow  that  such  brave  fellows  should  be  in  so  ragged 
a  condition  and  look  so  care-worn.  Addressing  his 
secretary,  Zamorano,  he  directed  that  two  hundred 
dollars  should  be  delivered  to  the  habilitado  of  the 
company  wherewith  to  purchase  clothing  for  such 
well-deserving  veterans.  The  jefe  next  visited  Yerba 
Buena,  ascended  one  of  the  seven  hills,  later  known 
as  Telegraph  hill,  which  overlooked  the  place,  and 


726  FOUNDING  OF  THE  GREAT  METROPOLIS. 

carried  away  by  the  enthusiasm  evoked  by  the  mag 
nificent  scene  before  him,  exclaimed,  "  How  beautiful ! 
How  wonderful !  Mexico  does  not  know  what  a  jewel 
she  possesses  here."  While  at  the  presidio  Echeandia, 
who  was  an  engineer  officer,  spent  several  days  draw 
ing  plans  for  the  building  of  forts  near  the  entrance 
of  the  bay,  taking  note  also  of  the  islands  of  Alca- 
traz  and  Angeles  as  points  of  defence. 

When  ready  to  return  Echeandia  made  a  speech  to 
the  garrison  of  the  presidio,  praising  the  men  for  the 
good  services  they  had  done  to  the  cause  of  civiliza 
tion,  and  assured  them  that  he  would  consider  it  a 
high  honor  to  lead  them  to  the  field  of  glory.  In 
conclusion  he  said  "  Your  officers  have  made  me  aware 
of  one  fact  that  you  are  displeased  because  the  gov 
ernment  of  Mexico  has  sent  criminals  to  settle  in  the 
country  that  during  so  many  years  you  have  defended 
with  unequal  bravery.  I  recognize  the  justice  of 
your  complaints;  and  you  may  rest  assured  that  I 
will  spare  no  efforts  to  induce  the  government  of 
Mexico  to  change  its  purpose  of  colonizing  California 
with  convicts." 

One  night  during  the  year  1840,  a  panther,  which 
had  been  observed  for  several  days  prowling  about  the 
settlement,  seized  and  carried  off  an  Indian  boy  eight 
years  old  from  the  yard  of  Mr  Leese,  where  now  is 
the  corner  of  Clay  and  Dupont  streets.  The  boy  was 
not  rescued,  nor  ever  afterward  seen.  During  the 
same  year  Captain  Phelps  whose  ship,  the  Alert,  owned 
by  Bryant,  Sturgis  &  Co.  of  Boston,  then  lay  at 
Yerba  Buena,  sent  his  second  officer  with  a  boat's 
crew  to  cut  firewood  at  Rincon  point.  Placing  the 
firkin  containing  their  provisions  in  the  fork  of  a  tree 
the  sailors  went  to  work.  At  noon,  on  going  for  their 
dinner,  they  found  a  female  grizzly  bear  and  her  cubs 
posted  round  the  firkin  cooly  discussing  its  contents. 
Not  relishing  the  air  and  manner  of  the  matron,  the 
sailors  beat  a  hasty  retreat,  and  rushing  down  to  the 
beach  made  for  the  ship  as  fast  as  possible.  This 


THE  BEGINNING  OF  YERBA  BUENA.  727 

scene  occurred  not  far  from  where  was  placed  Folsoin 
street  wharf. 

In  1834,  General  Jose  Figueroa,  the  chief  civil 
authority  of  California,  in  accord  with  the  wishes  of 
the  people  of  San  Francisco  presidio,  who  were  un 
willing  to  continue  longer  under  military  authority, 
directed  that  a  popular  election  should  be  held  for  a 
municipal  corporation.  Sub-lieutenant  M.  G.  Vallejo, 
then  comandante  of  the  place,  was  ordered  to  remove 
the  presidial  or  cavalry  company  to  Sonoma,  and 
ample  powers  were  given  him  to  form  a  colony  there. 

Figueroa  was  next  asked  to  permit  Yerba  Buena 
to  trade  with  foreign  vessels,  which  hitherto  had  been 
prohibited,  the  law  requiring  that  vessels  should  lay 
almost  under  the  guns  of  the  fort.  This  had  been  the 
practice  from  the  earliest  days  of  the  presidio,  although 
duties  had  been  paid  on  ships  and  cargoes  at  the  cus 
tom-house  of  Monterey,  and  vessels  came  to  San 
Francisco  under  special  license.  General  Figueroa, 
being  always  desirous  of  promoting  the  advancement 
of  California,  decreed  that  the  fondeadero,  or  the 
anchoring-ground,  of  Yerba  Buena — so  called  for  a 
long  time  past — should  be  thereafter  the  trading  place 
or  port,  open  to  foreign  vessels  which  had  entered 
their  cargoes  at  the  Monterey  custom-house,  this 
privilege  being  also  extended  to  whaling  ships.  Pedro 
del  Castillo,  an  old  resident,  was  then  appointed  a  re 
ceiver  of  public  revenue. 

The  alcalde,  Francisco  Sanchez,  being  satisfied  that 
the  Yerba  Buena  anchorage  was  likely  to  attain  great 
importance  from  these  concessions,  petitioned  Figue 
roa  to  transfer  and  found  the  municipality  of  San 
Francisco  at  the  mission  of  San  Francisco  de  Asis,  or 
Nuestra  Seiiora  de  los  Dolores.  The  former  was  the 
legitimate  name  of  the  mission,  and  on  Saint  Francis' 
day,  October  4th,  was  yearly  celebrated  by  the  inhab 
itants  and  missionaries  with  feasts  and  rejoicing  ;  the 
latter  was  looked  upon  as  a  patroness  of  the  mission, 
and  the  people  used  to  shorten  the  name,  and  from 


728  FOUNDING  OF  THE  GREAT  METROPOLIS. 

custom  during  many  years  came  to  call  the  establish 
ment  la  mision  de  Dolores.  The  name  of  the  mission 
of  San  Francisco  Solano  was  also  changed  by  usage 
to  Sonoma,  which  is  a  name  of  the  aborigines  of  the 
place. 

Pursuant  to  the  petition  of  Sanchez,  General  Fi- 
gueroa  transferred  the  municipality  of  San  Francisco 
to  the  mission  Dolores,  granting  to  it  jurisdiction  over 
the  whole  territory  of  the  presidio,  including  Yerba 
Buena,  the  ranches  situated  in  the  Contra  Costa,  and 
even  as  far  as  that  of  Las  Pulgas  on  the  south ;  all 
these  places  were  thus  put  under  the  municipal  gov 
ernment  of  San  Francisco  residing  in  the  mission  Do 
lores. 

At  this  time,  Jose  Joaquin  Estudillo,  an  old  military 
officer  of  the  presidio  of  San  Francisco,  was  residing 
in  Contra  Costa  with  a  large  family,  and  having  no 
land  of  his  own,  he  addressed  a  petition  to  Figueroa 
modestly  asking  for  the  place  called  Yerba  Buena,  to 
establish  there  a  small  rancho.  Figueroa  caused  an 
investigation  to  be  made  by  the  territorial  deputation. 
Juan  B.  Alvarado,  who  later  became  'governor  of 
California,  was  then  a  member  of  that  board,  and  op 
posed  the  petition,  being  prompted  thereto,  as  he  says 
in  a  letter  which  I  have  in  my  possession,  "by  the 
conviction  that  as  the  port  had  been  opened  to  foreign 
trade  by  Figueroa,  it  was  very  natural  that  a  commer 
cial  town  should  be  founded  in  this  place,  and  there 
fore  inexpedient  that  the  land  should  be  granted  to  a 
single  person.  Whereupon  the  petition  was  not 
granted.  This  expediente,  which  was  formed  in  the 
most  legal  manner,  was  seen  by  me  in  the  possession 
of  a  lawyer  in  San  Francisco  when  the  revising  com 
mission  were  examining  United  States  titles,  and  I 
was  consulted  upon  its  validity.  I  testified  that  it 
had  none,  for  the  reasons  above  set  forth.  The  result 
was  that  Figueroa  issued  a  decree  authorizing  families 
to  ask  for  lots  in  Yerba  Buena,  one  hundred  varas 
square  for  each  family." 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  ALVARADO.  729 

The  affairs  of  Yerba  Buena  remained  in  this  state 
till  the  death  of  Figueroa,  which  occurred  in  August 
1835. 

"In  this  same  year,"  continues  Alvarado,  "whilst 
I  was  an  employe  in  the  custom-house  at  Monterey, 
holding  the  office  of  inspector  and  commandant  of  the 
revenue  guards,  I  was  commissioned  by  the  chief  of 
said  custom-house  to  inspect  the  revenue  collect 
ing  office  at  San  Francisco,  and  to  report  upon  the 
state  of  trade  in  the  place,  particularly  with  reference 
to  whaling  vessels,  which  in  large  numbers  visited  the 
port  every  year  to  procure  fresh  stores,  and  pass  the 
winter,  information  having  been  received  that  they 
were  carrying  on  a  large  contraband  trade  by  landing 
goods,  or  transferring  them  to,  other  vessels  that  had 
been  already  despatched  at  the  Monterey  custom 
house  with  their  duties  settled  for,  a  practice  most 
detrimental  to  the  interests  of  the  public  treasury. 
After  a  thorough  investigation,  I  became  convinced 
that  some  measure  should  be  at  once  adopted  in  this 
matter,  for  the  place,  though  containing  at  the  time 
perhaps  a  dozen  houses,  represented,  nevertheless,  a 
rapid  progress  in  trade.  On  my  return  to  the  capital, 
I  laid  the  facts  before  the  collector  of  customs. 

"In  the  following  year,  1836,  symptoms  of  revolu 
tion  were  noticed  in  the  country,  arising  from  the 
greatly  disturbed  condition  of  Mexico.  The  result 
was  a  revolution  in  this  country,  caused  by  the  differ 
ences  of  opinion  between  the  inhabitants  of  the  south 
and  the  north,  and  during  which  period  Yerba  Buena 
affairs  remained  unchanged. 

"In  1839,  when  the  authorities  of  Mexico  sent  me 
the  commission  of  governor,  and  there  was  appointed, 
agreeably  to  the  central  constitution,  a  sub-prefect  for 
the  northern  district,  this  officer  was  ordered  to  reside 
at  the  mission  Dolores.  The  sub-prefect's  name  was 
Don  Francisco  Guerrero,  to  whom  I  gave  orders  to 
lay  out  Yerba  Buena,  measuring  first  a  public  plaza, 
and  to  divide  the  rest  of  the  level  ground  into  streets, 


730  FOUNDING  OF  TEE  GREAT  METROPOLIS. 

thus  giving  to  the  place  the  character  and  form  of  a 
regular  town.  Guerrero  appointed  for  this  purpose  a 
person  named  Bioche,  a  resident  of  the  place,  formerly 
a  ship-master,  a  native  of  Switzerland,  and  considered 
as  the  only  person  competent  to  effect  the  measure 
ment.  It  was  done ;  the  plaza  was  laid  out  as  now 
existing  under  the  name  of  Portsmouth  square,  or 
.  plaza.  The  rest  was  laid  out  in  streets,  which  em 
braced  the  ground  within  Pacific,  Pine,  and  Stockton 
streets,  and  to  the  bay,  the  rest  of  the  ground  being- 
then  .considered  unfit  to  build  on. 

"  I  may  be  mistaken  about  the  exact  time  when  I 
issued  this  order,  but  you  can  easily  ascertain  it.  I 
am  quite  sure  that  the  present  city  government  has 
my  original  order.  I  .also  ordained  that  grants  of 
fifty  vara  lots  should  be  made,  binding  the  grantees 
to  fence  their  lots  and  to  build  on  them." 

This  is  the  history  of  Yerba  Buena;  thus  organized 
and  arranged,  it  was  found  by  the  Americans.  As 
Yerba  Buena  was  a  newly  created  town,  the  Mexican 
authorities  had  not  time  to  organize  and  incorporate 
it,  so  that  all  that  it  lawfully  occupied  was  the  ground 
laid  out  in  streets  and  plazas  under  Bioche's  plan. 
During  Alvarado's  administration,  by  request  of  the 
inhabitants  of  Contra  Costa,  he  detached  that  region 
from  the  municipal  jurisdiction  of  San  Francisco,  and 
appointed  a  justice  of  the  peace,  who  had  his  residence 
on  the  rancho  San  Lorenzo. 

Thus  came  about  the  beginning  of  Yerba  Buena, 
which  was,  indeed,  the  beginning  of  the  great  metro 
polis,  though  the  site  of  the  latter  was  not  yet  deter 
mined.  Indeed,  few  troubled  themselves  about  the 
future  greatness  of  the  country,  though  there  were 
some  whose  minds  occasionally  were  accustomed  to 
dwell  thereon — men  of  healthy  imagination  and  sage 
counsel,  notably  Robert  Semple,  Thomas  O.  Larkin, 
and  M.  G.  Vallejo,  who  thought  upon  and  believed 
in  the  future  of  the  country,  and  were  of  opinion  that 
the  time  had  come  when  a  spot  should  be  selected  the 


SITE  FOR  AN  EMPERIAL  CITY  731 

most  favorable  for  a  great  commercial  emporium. 

And  having  looked  about  them  for  the  best  place, 
and  having  found  it,  Vallejo  said  to  the  others,  "You 
shall  select  the  site,  and  I  will  furnish  you  such  land 
as  you  require,  only  your  great  city  shall  bear  the 
name  of  my  beloved  wife,  Francisca."  This  was  in 
the  autumn  of  1846.  The  two  men  who  thereupon 
accepted  this  trust,  in  practical  sagacity,  business  abil 
ity,  wealth,  and  political  influence  combined,  were 
second  to  none  then  upon  the  coast.  Moreover,  they 
were  honest  men,  something  akin  to  patriots;  and  al 
though  not  above  the  consideration  of  money  in  the 
premises,  yet,  while  thinking  to  do  the  best  for  them 
selves,  they  thought  to  do  the  best  for  the  present 
public,  and  for  posterity. 

Glance  round  the  bay;  for  it  is  not  necessary  to 
consider  if  by  the  bay  of  San  Francisco,  or  at  some 
other  point,  the  metropolitan  city  of  the  west  coast  of 
North  America  should  be  planted ;  from  Panama  to 
Sitka  there  is  no  other  place.  Glance  round  it  then, 
and  place  your  finger  if  you  can  on  another  spot  so 
suitable  as  the  one  selected  by  these  three  wise  men. 
Easy  enough  of  access  to  the  ocean,  easy  of  access  to 
the  great  valley  of  California,  with  deep  waters,  good 
anchorage,  bluff  banks,  and  soft  healthful  airs,  round 
all  the  globe  nature  nowhere  laid  out  the  grounds  of 
a  large  city  more  beautifully  or  with  greater  care. 
An  imperial  place  men  could  have  made  of  it.  Front 
ing  on  either  side  of  the  strait  of  Carquinez,  and  ex 
tending  backward  and  eastward  as  far  as  they  might 
choose  to  go,  there  would  be  no  restriction,  neither  in 
land  nor  water  facilities.  With  nature  seconded,  and 
not  wholly  subdued,  in  laying  out  a  city  there,  the 
streets  winding  gracefully  over  and  about  the  smooth 
round  hills,  and  not  pitched  at  them  in  straight  lines 
and  angles,  as  the  mad  bull  goes;  with  spacious  urban 
parks,  and  suburban  homestead  plats  measured  not  by 
inches  but  by  acres ;  with  the  strait  and  river  spanned 
by  costly  and  substantial  bridges,  the  whole  taking  in 


732  FOUNDING  OF  THE  GREAT  METROPOLIS. 

what  now  comprises  Benicia,  Martinez,  Yallejo,  and 
Mare  Island,  Collinsville  and  Antioch,  and  as  much 
more  as  might  be  required,  I  venture  once  more  to 
assert,  that  taken  as  a  whole  there  is  no  spot  on  earth 
superior  to  it.  Well  and  artistically  laid  out,  artisti 
cally  and  well  built,  well  and  honestly  governed,  and 
with  men  of  ability  and  integrity  for  citizens,  and 
graced  by  virtuous  and  intelligent  women  withal,  the 
place  would  have  been  as  nearly  paradise  as  this  earth 
shall  ever  produce.  Athens,  Rome,  Paris,  London, 
Venice,  Vienna,  St  Petersburg,  and  the  rest  of  them 
do  not  surpass  what  this  could  be. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  cold,  bleak,  circumscribed, 
sand-blown,  and  fog-soaked  peninsula  on  which  the 
city  of  San  Francisco  is  actually  placed,  was  about  as 
ill-chosen  as  possible.  And  for  it  let  the  names  of 
those  who  thwarted  the  purposes  of  better  men  be 
anathematized.  I  regard  it  a  base  act,  beside  which 
ordinary  infamy  were  tame,  an  act  imposing  endless 
expense,  inconvenience,  discomfort,  and  disease  upon 
millions  of  men  for  probably  thousands  of  years,  that 
two  or  three  persons  happening  to  possess  the  power 
should  for  petty  and  personal  motives  have  so  treated 
California,  her  present  generation,  and  her  posterity. 
Washington  A.  Bartlett,  alcalde,  worked  upon  by 
some  half  dozen  persons  who  had  invested  a  few  hun 
dred  dollars  in  Yerba  Buena  lots  and  shanty-building, 
and  Joseph  L.  Folsom,  quartermaster,  and  large  lot- 
holder,  who  died  early  and  derived  little  benefit  there 
from,  are  those  to  whom  we  are  principally  indebted 
for  this  mistake.  That  in  early  times  it  was  the 
custom  of  ocean  steamers  after  landing  their  passen 
gers  at  San  Francisco  to  proceed  at  once  to  Benicia, 
and  there  remain  until  again  required  for  service,  and 
that  the  United  States  established  in  the  same  place 
its  depot  of  arms  and  supplies  for  the  military  stations 
on  the  Pacific  coast,  together  with  their  barracks, 
storehouses,  magazines,  and  shops,  and  also  reserved 
Mare  Island  for  a  navy -yard,  assuredly  were  proofs 


FRANCISCA  BENICIA.  733 

sufficient  as  to  the  relative  natural  advantages  of  the 
peninsula  of  San  Francisco  and  the  strait  of  Car- 
quinez. 

An  exceedingly  brilliant  stroke  of  circumvention 
the  lot  holders  of  the  Cove  thought  it,  and  it  pleased 
them  none  the  less  because  it  displeased  Semple, 
Larkin,  and  Vallejo,  to  change  the  unknown,  local, 
and  village  name  of  Yerba  Buena  to  the  world  re 
nowned  appellation  of  San  Francisco ;  so  that  vessels 
clearing  from  foreign  ports,  as  was  their  custom,  to 
San  Francisco  bay,  local  names  being  to  distant  parts 
unknown,  on  arrival,  there  at  Yerba  Buena  cove  was 
San  Francisco  town.  That  settled  the  matter.  The 
place  was  convenient  to  ship-masters,  however  incon 
venient  to  Californians ;  it  suited  those  who  possessed 
the  power  to  make  the  change ;  and  now  throughout 
all  time,  while  moulder  the  bones  of  Bartlett  and 
Folsom,  the  people  may  sit  upon  the  fence  and 
whistle  for  a  remedy.  They  may  spend  thousands  of 
years,  and  millions  upon  millions  of  money  in  a  useless 
and  enforced  crossing  and  recrossing  of  the  bay  for 
an  infinitely  worse  spot  than  was  there  awaiting  them 
on  the  other  side. 

It  was  in  January,  1847,  that  by  the  alcalde's  order 
the  name  Yerba  Buena  was  changed  to  San  Francisco, 
too  nearly  like  Francisca  for  both  to  remain ;  and  the 
latter  being  not  yet  laid  out,  while  the  former  was 
already  a  hamlet  of  lively  pretensions,  Carquinez 
strait  must  yield  and  the  sandy  peninsula  prevail. 
Thus  the  three  wise  men  were  thrown  back  upon  the 
other  name  of  Mrs  Vallejo,  Benicia,  by  which  to  call 
their  now  doomed  metropolis.  And  with  a  firm 
reliance  on  providence,  which  in  this  instance  sadly 
failed  them,  they  went  on,  and  the  following  June 
laid  out  Benicia  city,  in  dimensions  one  mile  by  five 
miles.  The  first  house  was  begun  the  27th  of 
August,  and  by  March,  1848,  two  hundred  lots  had 
been  sold  at  an  average  price  of  eighteen  dollars  each, 
and  fourteen  buildings  of  wood  and  adobe  had  been 


734  FOUNDING  OF  THE  GREAT  METROPOLIS. 

erected,  one  being  a  two-story  house  twenty  by  fifty- 
six  feet. 

I  will  insert  here,  as  most  pertinent,  a  description 
of  Yerba  Buena  and  the  peninsula,  taken  from  the 
California  Star  of  January  30,  1847,  being  part  of  an 
editorial  written  while  the  name  Yerba  Buena  yet 
graced  the  head  of  its  columns.  As  a  literary  com 
position  it  does  not  compare  very  favorably  with  our 
editorials  of  the  present  day;  indeed,  it  would  scarcely 
take  a  premium  in  one  of  our  Chinese  schools;  never 
theless,  it  is  worth  as  much  to  us  as  any  of  the 
stanzas  of  Childe  Harold.  I  odve  it  verbatim;  orthog- 

O  '  O 

raphy,  syntax,  and  punctuation. 

"  Yerba  Buena,  the  name  of  our  town  which  means 
GOOD  HER,BS,  is  situated  on  the  southwest  side  of  the 
principle  arm  of  San  Francisco  bay,  about  five  miles 
from  the  ocean,  on  a  narrow  neck  of  land  varying 
from  four  to  ten  miles  in  width.  The  narrowest  place 
being  sixteen  miles  south  west  of  the  town.  It  is  in 
latitude  37°  45'  north.  This  narrow  slip  of  land  is 
about  sixty  miles  in  length,  extending  from  the  point 
formed  by  the  bay  and  the  ocean,  to  the  valley  of  San 
Jose.  The  site  of  the  town  is  handsome  and  com 
manding — being  an  inclined  plain  of  about  a  mile  in 
extent  from  the  water's  edge  to  the  hills  in  the  rear. 
Two  points  of  land, — one  on  each  side,  extending  into 
the  bay  form  a  crescent  or  small  bay  in  the  shape  of 
a  crescent  in  front,  which  bears  the  name  of  the  town. 
These  points  afford  a  fine  view  of  the  surrounding 
country — the  snow  capped  mountains  in  the  distance 
—the  green  valleys  beneath  them  the  beautifull, 
smooth  and  unruffled  bay  in  front  and  on  either  side, 
at  once  burst  upon  the  eye.  There  is  in  front  of  the 
town  a  small  Island,  rising  high  above  the  surface  of 
the  bay,  about  two  miles  long,  and  one  wide,  which  is 
covered  the  greater  part  of  the  year  with  the  most 
exuberant  herbage  of  untrodden  freshness.  This 
little  island  is  about  three  miles  from  the  shore. 
Between  it  and  the  town  is  the  principle  anchorage. 


SPECIMEN  OF  EARLY  LITERATURE.  735 

t 

Here  the  vessels  of  all  nations  rest  in  safety  and 
peace,  and  their  flags  are  displayed  by  the  aromatic 
breeze.  Two  hundred  yards  from  the  shore,  there  is 
twenty  four  feet  water,  and  a  short  distance  beyond 
that,  as  many  fathoms.  The  beach  in  front  of  the 
now  business  part  of  the  town,  is  shelving ;  but  it  will 
no  doubt  in  a  short  time  become  filled  up  and  become 
the  most  valuable  part  of  the  place. 

"  The  climate  here  is,  in  the  winter,  which  is  the 
rainy  season,  damp  and  chilly.  During  the  balance 
of  the  year  it  is  dry,  but  chilly,  in  consequence  of 
the  continual  strong  winds  from  the  north  and 
north  west.  There  is  but  little  variation  in  the 
atmosphere  throughout  the  year; — the  thermometer 
ranging  from  fifty  five  to  seventy  degrees  Fahrenheit. 

"Yerba  Buena  is  one  of  the  most  healthy  places  on 
the  whole  coast  of  the  Pacific.  Sickness  of  any  kind 
is  rarely  known  among  us.  The  salubrity  of  the  cli 
mate — beauty  of  the  site  of  the  town — its  contiguity 
to  the  mouth  of  the  bay — the  finest  harbor  on  the 
whole  coast  in  front — the  rich  and  beautiful  country 
around  it,  all  conspire  to  render  it  one  of  the  best 
commercial  points  in  the  world. 

"  The  town  is  new,  having  been  laid  off  in  1839  by 
Captain  John  Yioget;  and  notwithstanding  all  the 
troubles  in  the  country,  has  gradually  increased  in 
size  and  importance.  It  now  contains  a  population 
of  about  five  hundred  permanent  citizens.  Two  years 
ago  there  were  but  about  two  hundred. 

"  Three  miles  south  is  the  mission  Dolores  on  Mis 
sion  creek,  surrounded  by  a  small  valley  of  rich  beau 
tiful  land.  The  water  from  this  creek  can  easily  be 
brought  by  means  of  aqueducts  to  any  point  to  supply 
vessels.  For  the  supply  of  the  citizens  the  best  of  well 
water  is  obtained  in  every  part  of  the  town  by  boring 
the  distance  of  forty  feet. 

"In  going  south  from  Yerba  Buena,  the  traveller 
passes  over  this  narrow  neck  of  land ;  a  most  delight 
ful  region  interspersed  with  hills,  valleys,  and  moun- 


736  FOUNDING   OF  THE  GREAT  METROPOLIS. 

tains — the  valleys  rich  and  beautiful — the  hills  covered 
with  tall  pines,  red- wood  and  ceder  that  have  with 
stood  the  tempests  and  whirlwinds  of  a  century,  and 
the  mountains  rising  in  majestic  grandeur  to  the  clouds. 
In  passing  out,  the  valley  of  San  Jose  opens  to  the 
view  in  all  the  loveliness  of  the  climate  of  Italy  and 
beauty  of  the  tropics.  This  valley  is  about  sixty 
miles  in  length  and  ten  in  width.  The  Pueblo  which 
means  an  incorporated  town  is  the  principal  place  of 
business  for  the  valley,  and  is  about  five  miles  from 
Santa  Clara,  the  landing  of  the  bay,  or  as  it  is  termed 
here  "the  embarcadaro."  Passing  on  from  here 
north  east,  the  traveller  in  a  few  hours  ride  reaches 
the  Straits,  which  seperate  the  Suisun  bay,  formed 
by  the  confluence  of  the  Sacramento  and  San  Joa- 
quin  Rivers,  from  that  of  San  Pablo.  Here  it  seems 
that  the  accumulated  waters  of  a  thousand  years  had 
suddenly  rent  the  opposing  mountain  asunder  and 
flowed  with  tremendous  force  to  the  great  basin  of 
the  deep. 

"  On  the  north  side  of  the  bay  from  the  straits  to 
Sousilito  is  one  of  the  finest  districts  of  country  in 
all  upper  California. 

"  Next  to  Yerba  Buena,  Sousilito  is  the  best  point 
on  the  whole  bay  for  a  commercial  town, — It  is  seven 
miles  a  little  east  of  north  from  this  place  on  the 
opposite  side  of  the  bay,  and  has  long  been  a  water 
ing  point  for  vessels. 

"An  attempt  has  recently  been  made  to  lay  off  and 
build  up  a  town  at  the  straits  to  supersede  the  two 
last  mentioned  places.  It  will  no  doubt,  however 
be  an  entire  failure. 

"San  Francisco  bay  being  the  safest  and  most 
commodious  harbor  on  the  entire  coast  of  the  Pacific, 
some  point  on  it  must  be  the  great  mart  of  the  west 
ern  world.  We  believe  Yerba  Buena  is  the  point, 
commanding  as  it  does  now,  all  the  trade  of  the  sur 
rounding  country,  and  there  being  already  a  large 
amount  of  capital  concentrated  here, 


CHANGE  OF  NAME.  737 

"  The  town  of  Yerba  Buena  is  called  in  some  of 
the  old  maps  of  the  country  San  Francisco.  It  is 
not  known  by  that  name  here  however. 

"The  town  takes  its  names  from  an  herb  to  be 
found  all  around  it  which  is  said  to  make  good  tea  ; 
and  possessing  excellent  medicinal  qualities,  it  is 
called  good  herb  or  Yerba  Buena." 

The  prediction  concerning  the  crescent  is  fulfilled  ; 
the  aromatic  breeze  which  displays  the  flags  of  the 
vessels  of  all  nations  that  rested  in  safety  and  peace 
before  the  town  is  now,  alas  1  sadly  diluted  with  coal 
smoke  and  foul  effluvia.  I  find  San  Francisco  on 
several  old  maps,  drawn  even  before  the  town  of 
Yerba  Buena  was  laid  out,  before  there  was  a  house 
there,  but  the  name  invariably  designates  either  the 
old  northern  mission,  or  the  bay,  both  of  which  were 
called  San  Francisco.  When  this  article  was  printed 
in  the  California  Star  gold  had  riot  been  discovered, 
the  valley  of  California  was  unsettled;  any  distance 
back  from  the  shores  of  San  Francisco  bay,  except  in 
the  direction  of  San  Diego,  seemed  almost  out  of  the 
world.  When  therefore  it  was  proposed  to  plant  the 
metropolis  on  the  straits  of  Carquinez  and  Suisun 
bay,  it  seemed  like  going  far  out  of  the  way.  To 
select  a  site  convenient  to  ships  was  then  much  more 
thought  of  than  the  convenience  of  an  interior  popu 
lation.  When  the  valley  of  California  began  to 
swarm  with  gold-seekers,  and  travellers  thence  from 
San  Francisco  must  either  go  south  sixty  miles  to 
clear  the  bay  before  going  north,  or  else  cross  the  bay 
in  a  barge,  some  San  Franciscans  saw  their  mistake, 
though  few  of  them,  having  their  dearest  interests 
at  stake,  would  ever  acknowledge  it. 

In  the  eleventh  number  of  its  issue,  which  was  on 
the  20th  of  March  01  this  Fame  year,  the  California 
Star  took  down  the  name  of  Yerba  Buena  and  hoisted 
that  of  San  Francisco.  "  Our  readers  will  perceive 
that  in  our  present  number,"  says  the  editor,  "  we 
have  conformed  to  the  change  recently  made  in  the 

CAL.  PAST.    47 


738  FOUNDING  OF  THE  GREAT  METROPOLIS. 

name  of  our  town,  by  placing  at  the  head  of  our 
paper  San  Francisco  instead  of  Yerba  Buena.  The 
change  has  now  been  made  legally,  and  we  acquiesce 
in  it,  though  we  prefer  the  old  name,  the  one  by 
which  the  place  has  always  been  known  in  this  coun 
try.  When  the  change  was  first  attempted,  we 
viewed  it  as  a  mere  assumption  of  authority,  with 
out  law  or  precedent,  and  therefore  adhered  to  the 
old  name  of  Yerba  Buena.  It  was  asserted  by  the 
late  alcalde,  Washington  A.  Bartlett,  that  the  place 
was  called  San  Francisco  in  some  old  Spanish  paper, 
which  he  professed  to  have  in  his  possession." 

Let  us  glance  now  at  the  business  pretentions  of 
the  new  town.  In  the  same  journal  of  April  17th 
following,  W.  A.  Leidesdorff  advertises  lumber  from  the 
Bodega  steam-mills ;  Ward  and  Smith  offer  for  sale 
the  schooner  Commodore  Shubrick;  Stout,  Sirrine,  and 
Meader  agree  to  fill  orders  for  Santa  Cruz  lumber ; 
B.  R.  Buckelew  establishes  himself  as  a  jeweller.  In 
May  W.  W.  Scott  opens  a  store  at  Sonoma,  and  E. 
Walcott  takes  the  smith  shop  of  J.  C.  Davis  &  Co. 
James  Biddle,  commanding  the  Pacific  squadron,  in 
June  prohibits  the  exportation  of  quicksilver  from 
California ;  Ward  and  Smith  desire  to  sell  ten  thous- 
sand  pounds  fine  navy  bread,  also  drygoods,  groceries, 
and  California  wines  and  brandies.  The  general  busi 
ness  firms  of  Geltron  and  Company,  Robert  A.  Parker, 
adobe  store,  Dickson  and  Hay,  Mellus  and  Howard, 
William  H.  Davis,  Pearson  B.  Shelly,  and  Shelly 
and  Norris  appear  in  the  columns  of  the  Californian 
and  the  Star  in  July,  together  with  William  Pettet  as 
house  and  sign  painter,  L.  Everhart  as  tailor,  and 
Jasper  O'Farrell  as  civil  engineer  and  survey  or;  John 
Cousens  informs  all  persons  that  the  sheep  on  Yerba 
Buena  island  belong  to  him,  and  that  they  must  not 
be  molested.  E.  P.  Jones,  lawyer  and  late  editor  of 
the  Star,  in  August,  assumes  the  management  of  the 
Portsmouth  house,  now  enlarged  and  having  a  bar 
and  a  billiard  table.  George  M.  Evans,  at  the  house 


PRE-AURIFEROUS  BUSINESS  MEN.  739 

of  H.  Harris,  above  the  slaughter-house  of  Cousens, 
says  in  September  that  he  will  to  order  make  adobes 
for  houses,  chimneys,  and  ovens.  Edward  F.  Folger, 
corner  Montgomery  and  Washington  streets,  adver 
tises  the  bark  Whitton,  R.  Geltron  master,  to  sail  for 
Panama"  the  1st  of  October.  C.  L.  Ross,  corner  of 
Washington  and  Montgomery  streets,  offers  fifty 
barrels  of  potatoes  from  the  islands,  and  grapes  from 
Sonoma.  W.  H.  Davis  has  eighty-one  thousand  feet 
of  Oregon  lumber  landing  from  the  bark  Janet.  Rose 
and  Reynolds  want  some  men  to  dig  a  foundation 
and  race  for  a  mill  in  Napa  valley.  The  buildings 
and  other  improvements  at  the  junction  of  the  San 
Joaquin  and  Stanislaus  are  offered  for  sale.  Mr  and 
Mrs  Skinner  assume  the  management  of  Brown's 
hotel,  changing  the  name  to  that  of  City  hotel.  J. 
Vioget  offers  for  sale  the  Portsmouth  house.  An 
drew  Hoeppener  has  a  warm  spring  one  mile  from 
Sonoma  that  will  cure  rheumatism.  Such  were  some 
of  the  business  indications  at  San  Francisco  during 
the  year  1847.  This  year,  on  the  20th  of  October,  and 
about  the  same  time  for  several  subsequent  years,  a 
severe  north  wind  did  serious  damage  to  shipping. 

Robert  Semple  establishes  a  ferry  across  Carquinez 
strait  in  May.  He  announces  his  new  ferry  house 
at  Benicia  in  two  notices  in  the  Californian,  dating 
one  Benicia  city,  September  1847.  In  this  first 
notice  he  states  that  he  is  then  "  building  a  house  on 
the  opposite  side  of  the  strait,  for  the  comfort  and 
accommodation  of  persons  wishing  to  pass  from  the 
south  side."  A  boat  was  to  be  kept  always  on  either 
side  to  avoid  detention,  and  barley  and  corn  would  be 
found  there  for  sale.  For  crossing,  horses  must  pay 
one  dollar,  men  fifty  cents,  horse  and  man  one  dollar. 
There  were  good  roads  from  Benicia  city  to  Santa 
Clara,  to  Amador's  rancho,  and  to  New  Helvetia. 
"  It  will  be  perceived,"  concludes  the  proprietor,  "that 
this  is  the  nearest  and  much  the  best  road  from  Santa 
Clara  to  New  Helvetia,  and  from  Santa  Cruz  to 


740  FOUNDING  OF  THE  GREAT  METROPOLIS. 

Bodega."  Before  the  travel  to  the  mines,  the  ferry 
paid  a  profit  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  dollars  a  month, 
and  was  deemed  one  of  the  best  properties  of  the 
kind  in  California.  With  high  magnanimity  the  pro 
prietors  donated  the  whole  proceeds,  together  with 
several  lots,  for  the  benefit  of  schools,  which  conduct 
was  in  marked  contrast  to  the  slow  and  narrow  policy 
prevailing  at  San  Francisco. 

For  many  years  prior  to  Anglo-American  occupa 
tion,  war  and  trading  vessels  entered  the  bay  of  San 
Francisco,  whalers  lay  in  Sauzalito  bay,  and  ships  of 
circumnavigation  anchored  off  the  presidio.  There 
was  no  inland  commerce,  for  we  can  hardly  call  Sut- 
ter's  occasional  visits  such.  But  in.  1847,  besides 
Sutter's  twenty-ton  sloop,  manned  by  six  Indians,  ply 
ing  somewhat  regularly  the  round  trip  in  three  weeks 
between  San  Francisco  and  New  Helvetia,  there  was 
a  smaller  sloop  used  occasionally,  and  another  vessel 
of  similar  construction  running  to  the  Mormon  settle 
ment  on  the  Stanislaus.  The  22d  of  August,  a  square- 
rigged  vessel,  the  brig  Francisca,  100  tons,  entered 
San  Pablo  bay  with  a  load  of  lumber  for  Benicia. 

The  total  exports  for  the  quarter  ending  December 
31,  1847,  according  to  J.  L.  Folsom,  collector  of  the 
port  of  San  Francisco,  amounted  to  $49,597.53,  of 
which  $30,353.85  were  for  products  of  California, 
shipped  $320  to  the  Islands,  $21,448.35  to  Peru,  $560 
to  Mazatlan,  $7,285.50  to  Sitka,  and  $700  to  Tahiti. 
Of  the  $19,343.68  foreign  products,  $2,060  worth 
went  to  the  United  States,  $12,442.18,  of  which  $11,- 
340  were  gold  and  silver  coin,  went  to  the  Hawaiian 
Islands,  and  $4,831.50  to  Mazatlan.  The  imports 
were  $53,589.73,  of  which  $6,790.54  came  from  the 
United  States,  $7,701.59  from  Oregon,  $3,676.44 
from  Chili,  $31,740.73  from  the  Islands,  $2,471.32 
from  Sitka,  $492.57  from  Bremen,  and  $710.54  from 
Mexico.  Quite  a  commerce,  and  far-reaching  withal, 
and  one  of  which  the  embryo  metropolis  might  well 
be  proud,  even  if  its  collector's  statement,  if  reported 


COMMERCE  AND  NAVIGATION.  741 

correctly,  does  show  a  discrepancy  of  $100  in  one 
place,  $40  in  another,  $10  in  another,  and  $6  in  an 
other. 

On  the  1st  of  January,  1848,  was  started  a  so-called 
regular  packet  for  Sonoma.  For  this  purpose  the 
management  employed  the  sloop  Stockton,  Briggs, 
master,  agent  at  Sonoma,  A.  Hoeppener,  leaving  San 
Francisco  on  Mondays,  and  Sonoma  on  Wednesdays. 
The  craft  called  launches  had  been  for  some  time  ply 
ing  between  the  Napa  embarcadero  and  San  Francisco, 
when,  on  the  1st  of  February,  the  clipper-built  prize 
schooner,  Malek  Adliel,  crossed  San  Pablo  bay,  and 
entering  Napa  creek,  anchored  in  four  and  a  half 
fathoms  of  water  at  half  tide.  T.  Cordua  gives  notice 
in  the  Calif ornian  of  April  26,  1848,  that  he  will  run 
a  monthly  launch  from  San  Francisco  to  New  Meck 
lenburg,  in  the  Sacramento  valley,  touching  at  Nicho 
las,  Algeirs,  the  embarcadero  of  Bear  creek,  Hardy's, 
at  the  mouth  of  Feather  river,  Sutterville,  Brazoria, 
Montezuma,  and  Benicia  city;  in  connection  with 
which  a  horse  and  wagon  would  run  regularly  between 
New  Mecklenburg  and  Daniel  Silles',  in  the  upper 
Sacramento  valley.  Here  was  river  and  stage  navi 
gation, — quite  a  stretch  of  it. 

The  beginning  of  1848  saw  at  the  Cove  a  thriving 
seaport  town,  which,  with  the  surrounding  shrub-clad 
hills  and  valleys,  presented  from  Signal  Hill  a  view  of 
35  adobe  public  buildings,  well-stocked  warehouses, 
stores,  and  dwellings,  and  160  snug  frame  buildings, 
with  their  respective  outhouses  and  enclosures,  glit 
tering  in  whitewash  and  fresh  paint.  Builders  now 
began  to  think  of  permanence,  and  put  heavier  timbers 
and  better  material  into  their  houses.  More  wharves 
were  built,  on  which,  as  well  as  on  the  beach  and 
temporary  landings,  were  stacked  and  strewn  bales, 
boxes,  and  barrels  of  merchandise,  and  the  usual  para 
phernalia  of  commercial  industry.  Barges  with  white 
sails  skirted  the  bay  for  hides  and  tallow,  and  as 
cended  the  streams  with  goods.  Whalers,  and  Oregon 


742  FOUNDING  OF  THE  GREAT  METROPOLIS. 

and  California  coasting  vessels,  entered  and  departed 
through  the  Golden  Gate.  The  election  of  school 
trustees  was  ordered  by  the  town  authorities.  Nor 
were  these  preparations  made  a  day  too  soon. 

With  its  American  population,  its  commercial  char 
acter,  and  its  two  newspapers,  being  all  that  were 
printed  within  the  territory,  San  Francisco  now  began 
to  assume  that  supremacy  destined  to  be  perpetual 
among  the  cities  of  the  coast.  Its  growth,  though 
rapid,  was  irregular.  A  spasm  of  advancement  was 
followed  by  a  period  of  comparative  quiet.  So  full  of 
energy  were  the  people,  so  eager  to  become  immedi 
ately  rich,  that  in  regard  to  increase  in  values  and 
volume  of  business,  the  future  was  anticipated;  if 
prices  doubled,  they  must  double  again  shortly,  and 
when  the  reaction  came,  which  event  was  certain, 
people  complained.  During  the  Mexican  war  period, 
business  had  been  good.  Troops  had  been  landed, 
immigrants  by  sea  had  arrived,  and  town  lots  had 
rapidly  advanced.  In  the  absence  of  these  stimulants, 
the  year  1848  opened  dull,  and  the  citizens  deemed  it 
advisable  to  make  better  known  to  the  people  of  the 
eastern  states  the  capabilities  and  prospects  of  Cali 
fornia.  To  this  end  the  California  Star  was  engaged 
to  print  an  account  of  the  resources  of  the  country,  to 
be  written  by  V.  J.  Fourgeaud. 

It  will  be  remembered  that  the  governor,  Juan  B. 
Alvarado,  in  1839  directed  the  alcalde  of  Yerba 
Buena,  Francisco  de  Haro,  to  have  the  Cove  surveyed, 
so  that  the  lots  which  were  then  being  given  to  any 
who  would  build  on  them  should  not  be  granted  at 
random,  and  this  work  was  given  to  Jean  Vioget. 
In  1841  came  officers  and  servants  of  the  great  Hud 
son's  Bay  Company,  and  added  its  influence  upon  the 
hamlet.  After  a  brief  breathing  spell,  appeared  upon 
the  plaza  the  spirit  of  1776,  in  the  form  of  the  Amer 
ican  flag,  wafted  thither  over  subdued  Mexican  domain, 
and  set  up  in  1846  by  John  B.  Montgomery,  com 
mander  of  the  sloop  Portsmouth,  who  appointed  Wash- 


PORTSMOUTH  SHIP  AND  SQUARE.  743 

ington  A.  Bartlett,  one  of  his  lieutenants,  alcalde  of 
Yerba  Buena  ;  the  name  of  the  ship  was  given  to  the 
square,  and  that  of  the  commander  to  the  principal 
street.  Bartlett  likewise  showed  design,  and  that  not 
for  good,  when  he  changed  the  name  from  Yerba 
Buena  to  San  Francisco,  as  did  also  Folsom,  the 
quartermaster,  when  he  selected  this  place  as  the  point 
where  should  be  kept  tho  military  stores  of  the 
United  States. 

San  Francisco  was  early  active  in  deeds  of  hospital 
ity  and  benevolence  as  well  as  of  enterprise.  The 
first  use  to  which  the  first  house  was  put  was  feasting. 
The  occasion  was  the  day  of  American  independence, 
when  some  sixty  guests  danced  all  night,  and  all  the 
next  day,  so  that  Mr  Leese's  Fourth,  as  he  remarks, 
ended  on  the  fifth.  Thanksgiving  was  celebrated  the 
18th  of  November,  1847.  And  it  was  a  liberal  sum, 
$1,500,  for  a  town  of  300  inhabitants,  to  give  to  the 
survivors  of  the  Donner  party  in  February  1847. 
The  28th  of  May,  the  town  was  illuminated  in  honor 
of  Taylor's  victory  at  Buena  Vista.  And  patriotic 
was  the  village  withal.  Every  tenement  pretending 
to  the  dignity  of  dwelling,  whether  of  cloth,  mud,  or 
boards,  was  lighted ;  bonfires  were  lighted,  and  guns 
fired.  July  gave  two  gala  days,  the  4th  and  the  7th, 
the  latter  being  the  anniversary  of  the  hoisting  of  the 
United  States'  flag  by  Commodore  Sloat  at  Monterey. 
A  second  illumination  occurred  the  1 1th  of  August, 
1848,  celebrating  peace  between  the  United  States 
and  Mexico.  In  January  1848,  there  was  a  masked 
ball  at  the  American  House.  Between  forty  and  fifty 
participants  attended  in  costume;  the  refreshments 
were  excellent,  and  dancing  continued  nearly  all  night. 
A  yet  grander  affair  of  the  kind  occurred  the  follow 
ing  22d  of  February.  T.  W.  Perry,  house  and  sign 
painter,  corner  of  Montgomery  and  Jackson  streets, 
furnished  the  masks. 

Presently  times  became  dull,  some  of  the  merchants 
said,  and  the  depression,  indeed,  must  have  been  seri- 


744  FOUNDING  OF  THE  GREAT  METROPOLIS. 

ous  when  such  firms  as  W.  A.  Leidesdorff,  Mellus  and 
Howard,  Robert  A.  Parker,  and  Ward  and  Smith, 
discontinue  in  March  not  only  their  advertisements, 
but  their  subscriptions,  from  the  Calif ornian.  The 
publication  of  this  newspaper,  which  had  been  started 
in  Monterey  by  Chaplain  Colton  and  Robert  Semple 
in  July  1846,  using  the  same  materials  employed  by 
the  Californians  for  printing  since  1834,  and  issued 
during  the  rest  of  that  year  in  the  old  capital,  was 
continued  in  San  Francisco  from  the  beginning  of 
January  1847.  On  the  other  hand,  Dickson  and  Hay, 
Shelly  and  Norris,  and  W.  H.  Davis  announced  busi 
ness  extension,  with  increased  facilities,  to  which  was 
coupled  the  complaint  that  half  the  community  were 
going  wild  into  land  and  other  speculations.  Proper 
ties  shifted  from  one  person  to  another,  and  none 
thought  sufficiently  of  improving.  "One  million  of 
hardy,  industrious  persons  are  wanted  to  drive  these 
money-gathering  drones  out  of  the  country,"  cries  the 
editor  of  the  Californian.  How  few  of  us  know  of 
what  we  complain,  or  how  should  be  the  remedy ! 
Here  is  an  editor  at  this  early  day  railing  at  capital 
in  California,  and  in  the  same  issue,  without  being 
aware  of  the  inconsistency,  is  complaining  of  the  ef 
fects  of  the  absence  of  it.  The  gold,  and  coal,  and 
copper,  and  silver  thrusting  their  notice  every  day 
upon  him,  he  does  not  know  what  to  do  with,  and  yet 
he  wishes  all  who  do  not  work  with  their  hands  well 
out  of  the  country. 

During  the  early  part  of  1848  there  are  not  many 
business  changes.  C.  C.  Smith  and  Company  open  a 
store  at  New  Helvetia  in  January;  at  Sonoma,  M. 
J.  Haan  and  L.  G.  Blume  dissolve,  and  Victor 
Prudon  and  M.  J.  Haan  form  a  copartnership.  In 
its  issue  of  the  22nd  of  January  three  columns  of  the 
Star,  or  nearly  one-fifth  of  its  entire  space  is  occupied 
by  an  advertisement  of  Brandreth's  pills  in  Spanish 
and  English,  C.  L.  Ross,  agent.  Dickson  and  Hay 
removed  from  next  door  to  Leidesdoff.  and  opened 


BUSINESS  MEN  OF  '48.  745 

their  Bee  Hive  store  opposite  the  lumber  yard  of 
C.  L.  Ross,  beside  Mr  Ellis.  Wm  Becre  began  a 
cabinet  manufactory  in  the  rear  of  the  adobe  store  on 
Clay  street. 

The  18th  of  February  C.  V.  Gillespie  appears  with 
an  assortment  of  Chinese  goods,  embroidered  shawls, 
handkerchiefs,  lacquered  ware,  vases,  and  gunpowder 
from  Canton  direct  by  the  ship  Eagle.  The  Colon 
nade  House  was  opened  on  Kearny  street,  a  few  doors 
from  Portsmouth  square,  in  March,  by  Conway  and 
Westcott,  and  with  a  restaurant  and  reading  room 

/  o 

became  a  leading  house.  William  S.  Clark  announces 
in  the  Californian  the  15th  of  March,  that  he  has  a 
new  warehouse,  at  the  stone  pier  foot  of  Broadway,  to 
let.  On  Sacramento  street  between  Montgomery 
street  and  the  beach  William  Foster  opens  a  furniture 
establishment.  He  is  shortly  succeeded  by  McLean 
and  Osburn.  Shelly  and  Norris  advertise  in  the 
Californian  as  wholesale  and  retail  merchants,  corner 
of  Kearny  and  Clay  streets.  Lazarus  Everhart  is  a 
fashionable  tailor  o.i  Montgomery  street.  Henry 
Hart  man  establishes  a  tinsmith's  shop  on  Pacific 
street  between  Dupont  and  Stockton  streets.  David 
Ramsay  could  find  no  name  for  the  place  where  his 
store  stood,  and  so  advertised  in  the  Californian,  the 
1 5th  of  March,  a  stock  of  teas,  sugars,  silks,  preserves, 
blankets,  matting,  cordage,  rice,  and  the  like  on 
the  street  nearly  opposite  the  custom  house. 
George  Denecke  is  a  baker.  Beside  publishing  the 
Californian,  B.  R.  Buckelew  continued  his  watch, 
clock,  and  jewelry  business.  Folsom,  the  quarter 
master,  asked  for  sealed  proposals  for  180  tons  of  hay 
for  the  United  States.  It  must  be  of  oats  and  clover, 
cut  and  cured  while  the  oats  are  in  the  milk  and  the 
clover  in  the  bloom,  pressed  into  bales  and  delivered 
at  some  embarcadero  on  the  bay.  Robert  T.  Ridley 
would  pasture  animals  throughout  the  year  at  his 
rancho  three  miles  from  mission  San  Francisco  de 
Dolores.  Isaac  Williams,  rancho  del  Chino,  will  pay 


746  FOUNDING  OF  THE  GREAT  METROPOLIS. 

$1,000  or  $1,500  in  cattle  and  wild  mares  for  the 
building  of  an  adobe  fence. 

William  Atherton,  in  April  1848,  established  him 
self  in  the  leather  business  at  San  Francisco,  his  tan 
nery  and  shop  being  on  the  corner  of  Shubrick  and 
Vallejo  streets.  The  Calif ornian  of  April  5th  com 
plains  that  John  Couzens,  the  butcher, — Cozens  he 
should  have  written  it — had  left  town  without  paying 
his  advertising  and  subscription  bill.  By  the  26th  of 
April  Jacob  Harlan  had  established  "a  livery  stable 
and  horse  bazar  "  near  Washington  Square ;  house  and 
ship  carpenters,  corner  of  Kearny  and  Pacific  streets, 
were  Hood  and  Wilson.  The  Shades  Tavern,  by  T. 
and  H.  Smith,  corner  of  Pacific  and  Stockton  streets, 
advertised  the  1 2th  of  April,  shows  how  the  business 
portion  of  the  town  was  extending  in  that  direction. 
Oliver  Mag;nent  wishes  to  sell  his  new  flouring  mill 

O  O 

near  the  San  Jose  embarcadero.  Dickson  and  Hay 
advertises  in  the  Calif  ornian  of  April  26th  one  case 
of  stationery  for  sale.  T.  Cordua  offers  to  supply 
overland  travellers  to  the  east  at  San  Francisco  prices, 
with  good  flour,  hams,  bacon,  and  smoked  beef;  also 
working  and  beef  cattle ;  all  at  his  farm,  New  Mecklen 
burg,  centre  of  the  Sacramento  valley,  and  near  where 
the  road  branches  off  to  the  United  States.  So  C.  C. 
Smith,  at  New  Helvetia,  offers  to  supply  persons  wish 
ing  to  return  to  the  States  with  horses,  mules,  pack- 
saddles,  picket-ropes,  and  provisions. 

Over  Mr  Parker's  new  meat  and  vegetable  stand, 
called  Washington  market,  George  Eggleston,  this 
same  month,  set  up  a  new  sign,  the  sign  of  the  bleed 
ing  pig ;  and  it  bled  so  perfectly  in  the  picture  that 
the  editor  of  the  Californian,  who  had  been  asked  to 
drink  on  the  occasion,  and  who  had  drank  several 
times  at  the  expense  of  Eggleston,  as  he  was  about  to 
retire  to  his  home,  turned,  and  regarding  the  work  of 
art  attentively  for  a  time,  at  length  exclaimed: — "I 
am  so  damned  deaf  that  I  cannot  hear  it  squeal." 

A  more   complete   list  of  the   principal   business 


MORE  BUSINESS    HOUSES.  747 

houses  in  San  Francisco  during  the  winter  of  1848-9 
would  embrace  C.  L.  Ross;  Mellus  and  Howard; 
Dickson  and  Hay ;  Ward  and  Smith,  No.  3  Mont 
gomery  street;  J.  Bawden,  wholesale  commission 
merchant,  foot  of  Broadway;  Sherman  and  Ruckel, 
general  commission  merchants,  corner  Clay  and  Mont 
gomery  streets;  Starkey,  Janion,  and  Company, 
commission  merchants;  A.  J.  Grayson,  general  mer 
chandise,  north-east  corner  of  City  Hotel  building; 
Davis  and  Carter,  general  merchants,  corner  Clay  and 
Montgomery  streets ;  William  S.  Clark,  auction  and 
commission,  at  the  ship  wharf,  foot  of  Broadway ;  R. 
A.  Parker,  general  merchant,  Clay  street;  I.  Mont 
gomery,  keeper  of  the  Shades  tavern  and  bowling 
alleys,  corner  of  Pacific  and  Stockton  streets,  and 
dealer  in  general  merchandise ;  De  Witt  and  Harrison, 
Sansome  street ;  Finley,  Johnson  and  Co.,  commission 
merchants,  Portsmouth  House,  Clay  street ;  Wet- 
more  and  Oilman,  jobbing  and  commission;  Cross, 
Hobson  and  Co.,  commission  merchants;  Leighton, 
Swasey,  and  Co.,  general  merchants,  Clay  street ; 
Robert  Wells  and  Co.,  dry -goods  and  groceries;  J. 
Angelo,  varieties,  opposite  the  Shades ;  beside  B.  R. 
Buckelew's  shop,  George  Storey  established  himself 
as  a  watch-maker  at  C.  Russ'  corner  Montgomery 
and  Pine  streets.  Candy  men  were  E.  Wehler  and 
Schlotthauer.  Anthony  Walter  made  boots  and 
shoes.  Naglee  and  Sinton  advertise  town  lots.  Dring 
kept  the  adobe  store.  There  was  the  firm  of  E.  and 
H.  Grimes,  dissolved  by  the  death  of  the  senior  part 
ner.  C.  V.  Gillespie  was  notary  public;  and  bought 
gold-dust.  Among  the  attorneys  were  L.  W.  Has 
tings;  T.  R.  Per  Lee;  E.  P.  Jones;  and  Francis  J. 
Lippitt.  The  name  of  J.  Henry  Poett  was  added  to 
the  physicians ;  also  A-  D.  Noel.  On  the  south  side 
of  Portsmouth  square  stood  the  City  Hotel,  kept  by 
J.  H.  Brown.  On  the  corner  of  Pacific  and  Sansome 
streets,  opposite  the  ship  anchorage  was  a  public 
house  kept  by  George  Denecke.  Beside  the  Wash- 


748  FOUNDING  OF  THE  GREAT  METROPOLIS. 

ington  market  of  George  W.  Eggleston  and  Co., 
there  was  the  Central  market  of  which  Edmonson  and 
Anderson  were  proprietors ;  for  sale  there  were  meat 
and  vegetables,  and  a  schooner  was  kept  constantly 
plying  to  all  parts  of  the  bay  for  supplies.  Later  the  firm 
was  dissolved,  Edmonson  continuing.  Karl  Shlottour 
kept  a  bakery  in  the  rear  of  Washington  market;  one 
was  kept  by  John  Bowden,  on  Broadway  near  the 
ship  wharf.  Willliam  Hood  and  Charles  Wilson 
were  house  and  ship  carpenters.  John  Weyland,  Clay 
street,  furnished  tents  for  the  gold  mines.  N.  K. 
Benton  joined  C.  L.  Eoss  the  1st  of  January  under 
the  firm  name  Eoss,  Benton,  and  Co.  In  the  new 
cream-colored  house  of  Mr  Wetmore,  just  above  the 
quatermaster's  office,  Eichard  Carr  took  daguerreo 
type  portraits.  The  Shades  tavern  was  burned  the 
15th  of  January. 

Sales  by  auction  began  early,  and  later  as 
sumed  large  proportions.  Dickson  and  Hay  adver 
tised  in  the  California  Star,  Febuary  6,  1847,  an 
auction  sale  of  a  variety  of  merchandise  by  the 
schooner  Currency  Lass  from  the  Hawaiian  Islands. 
Howard  and  Mellus  the  1st  of  March  sold  the  prize 
goods  of  the  U.  S.  ship  Cyane,  consisting  of  dry-goods, 
hardware,  and  groceries.  The  Sarmiento,  a  vessel  of 
twenty  tons,  was  sold  by  Ward  and  Smith,  Mont 
gomery  street,  the  4th  of  September.  William  E. 
Garner  offered  the  brig  Primavera  at  auction  the  9th 
of  November.  Wm  McDonald  gave  notice  to  sell  by 
auction  part  of  the  cargo  of  the  Chilian  ship  Confed 
eration,  consisting  of  dry-goods,  provisions,  and 
liquors,  the  10th  of  November. 

In  January  1848  McDonald  and  Buchanan  formed 
a  copartnership,  and  opened  an  auction  and  commis 
sion  business  at  the  north-east  corner  of  Portsmouth 
Square.  W.  M.  Smith  offered  miscellaneous  mer 
chandise  at  auction  the  22nd.  The  seizure  of  the 
cargo  of  the  schooner  Mary  Ann  for  breach  of  cus 
toms  regulations  gave  McDonald  and  Buchanan  a 


THE  MORMONS.  749 

sale  the  4th  of  February.  A  double-planked,  cedar- 
built  and  copper-fastened  launch  was  sold  at  auction 
by  W.  S.  Clark  at  the  foot  of  Clay  street  wharf  the 
22nd  of  February.  McDonald  and  Buchanan  held 
an  auction  sale  of  general  merchandise  the  26th  of 
February.  In  the  Calif ornian  of  March  15th,  Wil 
liam  S.  Clark  announces  himself  established  as  a  com 
mission  merchant  and  general  auctioneer,  near  the 
ship  anchorage  foot  of  Broadway. 

Religions  become  somewhat  entangled  in  the  new 
community,  as  well  as  nationalities.  The  catholic  of 
course  was  the  orthodox  creed,  the  best  for  business, 
as  well  as  for  social  and  spiritual  advancement ;  yet 
Samuel  Brannan  made  Mormonism  pay,  as  long  as  he 
could  secure  for  himself  a  tenth  of  all  the  earnings  of 
the  saints.  In  his  manipulations  of  piety  and  property 
which  followed,  Sam  well  understood  the  power  of 
printer's  ink.  He  had  brought  out  with  him,  on  the 
Brooklyn,  a  printing  press,  and  material  for  a  news 
paper,  which  he  started,  calling  it  the  Star.  This 
journal  being  accused  of  Mormon  proclivities,  the 
Calif  ornian  of  April  26,  1848,  would  like  to  know 
whether  headlong  fanaticism,  urged  by  designing 
leaders,  may  not  endanger  the  peace  of  communities ; 
and  that  when  the  doctrines  of  any  sect  or  society  in 
terfere  with  the  wholesome  operation  of  the  laws 
under  which  they  live,  if  means  should  not  be  taken 
for  the  suppression  of  such  pretended  religion.  Thus 
early  at  the  Cove  the  sects  begin  to  snarl. 

It  may  truthfully  be  said,  however,  that  when  the 
times,  the  trials,  the  discomforts,  the  harassing  anx 
iety  and  oftentimes  suffering  are  taken  into  account 
there  was  wonderfully  little  snarling  either  among 
saints  or  sinners.  It  speaks  volumes  for  humanity, 
for  the  young  and  adventurous  humanity  here  con 
gregated  in  particular,  that  there  was  so  little  fighting, 
so  few  murders  or  robberies  in  California  during  the 
first  flush  of  the  gold  discovery,  or  until  professional 
cut-throats  had  arrived  from  the  British  penal  colonies, 


750  FOUNDING  OF  THE  GREAT  METROPOLIS. 

I  will  rest  here  with  my  narrative  of  the  progress 
of  the  young  metropolis,  to  be  taken  up  again  in  my 
Inter  Pocula,  as  what  follows  properly  belongs  to  the 
gold-digging  era. 

At  the  close  of  Hesiod's  golden  age,  the  men  then 
living  were  made  demons  or  genii;  some  became 
angels,  and  moved  invisibly  in  air.  Thus  it  was  when 
the  Age  of  Gold  terminated  the  Golden  Age  of  Cali 
fornia,  the  missionaries,  their  associates,  and  convicts, 
rapidly  were  sublimated ;  some  of  them  became  angels, 
more  of  them  became  demons,  a  few  remain  to  this 
day  as  they  were  before  the  fall — manly  men. 


CHAPTER  XXIII. 

BIBLIOGRAPHY  OF  PASTORAL  CALIFORNIA. 

Car  1'occasion  a  tous  ses  cheveux  £  front;  quancl  elle  est  oultre  passee, 
vous  ne  la  pouvez  plus  revocquer;  elle  est  chauve  par  le  derriere  de  la  teste, 
et  jamais  plus  ne  retourne.  — Rabelais. 

FOR  a  country  and  a  period  so  little  known  as  Pas 
toral  California,  nothing  can  be  of  greater  interest  to 
a  lover  of  literature  than  a  description  of  the  books 
and  manuscripts  containing  information  upon  the  sub 
ject.  Particularly  is  this  the  case  when  so  few  of 
the  sources  of  information  are  in  print,  or  are  known 
to  students  of  history.  It  is  safe  to  say  that  of  the 
six  volumes  of  this  series  devoted  to  Pastoral  Cali 
fornia,  not  more  than  one  tenth  of  the  information 
contained  in  them  was  ever  before  in  print,  or  even  in 
the  English  language.  Mission  and  government 
archives,  and  state  and  family  papers  furnished  some 
material;  but  more  than  half  of  all  that  has  been 
gathered  relating  to  this  interesting  epoch,  or  which 
is  now  in  existence  concerning  it,  was  taken  by  me 
or  by  my  agents  from  the  mouths  of  living  witnesses. 

The  bibliography  of  California  is  naturally  divided 
into  two  periods  by  the  change  from  Mexican  to 
Anglo-American  occupation,  which  was  effected  almost 
simultaneously  with  the  gold  discovery.  The  first 
period  has  something  over  1,600  titles,  and  the  latter, 
which  is  constantly  increasing  in  number,  some  2,100. 
The  authorities  given  in  the  list  at  the  beginning  of  the 
first  volume  of  my  History  of  California  contain  vir 
tually  the  history  of  California  from  the  earliest  days 
of  its  settlement  to  the  present  time.  Every  scrap 

(751) 


752  BIBLIOGRAPHY  OF  PASTORAL  CALIFORNIA. 

of  paper  existing  in  the  public  archives,  secular  or 
ecclesiastical,  or  in  private  hands,  to  within  the  last 
twenty  years,  is  in  the  list;  the  papers  being  either 
original,  or  copied,  or  in  the  form  of  an  epitome  of 
the  original ;  to  which  must  be  added  the  recollec 
tions  of  Californians,  Mexicans,  or  foreigners  who 
lived  in  the  country  prior  to  its  becoming  a  part  of 
the  United  States. 

The  first  bibliographical  period  of  California,  being 
that  of  California  Pastoral,  may  be  again  divided 
into  two  parts,  one  being  before  and  the  other  after 
Spanish  occupation  in  1769.  What  is  known  of  the 
country  before  this  date  is  mostly  in  printed  form; 
on  Alta  California  between  the  years  1769  and  1848 
I  have  over  eleven  hundred  manuscripts,  not  to  men 
tion  many  thousand  papers  and  documents  of  from 
one  to  several  pages  each,  which  have  no  distinguish 
ing  titles,  and  are  not  quoted  separately  in  the  history. 

For  the  period  preceding  1769,  California  is  not  the 
exclusive  nor  even  the  chief  subject  of  any  book; 
and  yet,  no  less  than  fifty-six  treat  of  this  distant 
region,  and  of  the  voyages  hither.  This  number 
might  be  augmented  or  lessened  without  laying  my 
self  open  to  the  charge  of  inaccuracy.  Four  of  them, 
namely,  Acosta,  Historia  Natural  y  Moral ;  Apostolicos 
Afanes  de  la  Compania  de  Jesus ;  Bernal  Diaz  del  Cas 
tillo,  Historia  Verdadera  de  la  Conquista  de  Nueva 
Espana ;  and  Yillasenor,  Theatro  Americano,  merely 
allude  to  California  as  a  part  of  the  vast  dominions 
of  the  Spanish  crown  in  America ;  and  one,  Sergas  of 
Esplandian,  is  a  romance  giving  the  name  California 
to  the  province  before  this  region  was  discovered.  A 
large  number  of  the  books  are  cosmographical,  or 
once  popular  collections  of  voyages  and  travels. 
There  are  eight  works  of  voyages.  Cabrera  Bueno, 
Drake,  Hakluyt,  Herrera,  Linschoten,  Purchas,  Torque- 
mada,  and  Venegas,  whose  books  contain  the  actual 
knowledge  then  existing  in  print.  The  rest  were  of 
interest  chiefly  because  of  their  quaint  cosmographical 


VOYAGES  AND  COSMOGRAPHIES.  753 

notions  or  conjectures  on  the  name  of  California. 
There  were  sixteen  descriptive  cosmographical  works 
of  the  old  type,  namely,  America,  Blaeu,  D'Avity, 
Gottfriedt,  Heylyn,  Laet,  Low,  Lniyt,  Mercator,  Montanus, 
Morelli,  Ogilby,  Ortelius,  West  Indische  Spieghel,  and 
Wytfliet.  To  these  may  be  added  four  English 
records  of  a  somewhat  different  class,  Camden,  Camp- 
bell,  Coxe,  and  Davis.  Then  there  are  sixteen  of  the 
once  popular  collections  of  voyages  and  travels,  of 
which  A  a,  HacJce,  Harris,  Sammlung,  Ramusio,  and 
Voyages  are  the  most  notable.  We  must  notice,  be 
sides,  six  works  which  treat  of  voyages — none  of  them 
actually  to  California — or  the  lives  of  especial  navi 
gators,  the  authors  being,  Burton,  Clark,  Dampier, 
Rogers,  Shelvocke,  and  Ulloa.  To  these  may  be  added 
a  number  of  important  documents  relating  to  this 
primitive  epoch,  which  appeared  in  print  only  in  mod 
ern  times  ;  they  are  to  be  found  in  Ascension,  Cabrillo, 
Cardona,  Demarcaciovi,  Evans,  Niel,  and  Salmeron. 
California,  as  I  said  before,  was  but  incidentally  al 
luded  to  in  such  books,  a  few  of  which  contain  what 
visitors  had  ascertained  regarding  this  coast.  The 
rest  are  full  of  errors,  and  of  superficial  repetitions, 
drawn  out  of  the  writers'  brains  upon  the  mythical 
strait  of  Anian.  And  there  may  be  other  minor 
documents  which  mention  California  in  connection 
with  the  Northern  Mystery.  Between  1769  and 
1824  was  the  period  of  inland  exploration,  and  of  the 
establishment  of  Spanish  domination  in  California, 
which  was  effected  by  means  of  missions,  and  mili 
tary  posts,  called  presidios,  and  a  little  later  of  pue 
blos  or  incorporated  towns.  For  this  epoch  I  have 
four  hundred  titles,  sixty  of  the  works  being  in  print. 
Among  the  latter  are  three  which  treat  exclusively 
of  California ;  two  Costans6,  Diario  Historico  de  los 
Viages  de  Mar  y  Tierra  hechos  al  norte  de  California, 
and  Monterey,  Extracto  de  Noticias,  Mexico,  1770,  fur 
nishing  important  records  of  the  first  expeditions  to 
San  Diego  and  Monterey  in  1769-70;  the  third; 

CAL.  PAST.    48 


754  BIBLIOGRAPHY  OF  PASTORAL  CALIFORNIA. 

Palou,  Vida  de  Junipero  Serra,  being  the  standard 
history  of  California  down  to  1784. 

Miguel  Costanso,  an  alferez,  or  sub-lieutenant  of 
royal  engineers,  was  the  cosmographer  of  the  first 
expedition  despatched  from  Mexico  to  California,  and 
his  Diario  Historico  was  published  in  Mexico  in  1776. 
In  later  years  he  acquired  distinction  as  an  engineer, 
and  his  reports  of  1794-5  on  defences  of  California, 
fortifications  of  Yera  Cruz,  and  drainage  of  the  valley 
of  Mexico,  stamped  him  as  an  accomplished  officer. 
It  is  satisfactory  to  know  that  his  merits  were  both 
appreciated  and  rewarded.  In  1811  he  was  still  liv 
ing  as  a  mariscal  de  campo,  or  major-general,  a  rank 
more  sparingly  bestowed  at  that  time  than  at  present, 
and  therefore  more  significant  of  merit. 

Francisco  Palou,  a  Franciscan  friar  of  the  college  of 
San  Fernando,  in  Mexico,  is  a  prominent  figure  in 
connection  with  the  first  fifteen  years  of  California 
history.  He  was  the  senior  priest,  next  to  the  father- 
president,  Junipero  Serra,  and  during  a  temporary 
absence  of  the  latter  in  Mexico,  held  the  position  for 
a  few  months  during  1773  and  1774  of  acting  presi 
dent,  which  he  reluctantly  accepted,  in  deference  to 
the  unanimous  wish  of  his  companions,  and  the  request 
of  the  commandant  of  the  new  settlements.  Father 
Palou  was  a  native  of  Palma,  in  the  Balearic  island 
of  Mallorca,  and  born  probably  about  1722.  In  1740 
he  became  a  pupil  of  Father  Serra,  with  whom,  and 
with  Father  Juan  Crespi,  another  Californian  priest, 
he  contracted  a  life-long  friendship,  forming  a  saintly 
trinity  who  devoted  all  their  powers,  physical 
and  mental,  to  the  apostolic  work  of  converting  and 
civilizing  the  natives.  Palou  came  to  Mexico  with 
Serra,  joined  the  college  of  San  Fernando,  and  being- 
assigned  to  the  Sierra  Gorda  missions,  served  there 
from  1750  to  1759,  after  which  he  resided  several 
years  at  his  college.  After  the  expulsion  of  the  Jes 
uits  from  New  Spain,  the  missions  of  Lower  California 
being  entrusted  to  the  priests  of  San  Fernando,  Palou 


WORKS  OF  FRANCISCO  PALOU.  755 

was  sent  there  under  President  Serra,  and  in  1768 
took  charge  of  San  Francisco  Javier.  Under  a 
subsequent  arrangement  with  the  Dominicans,  the 
Lower  California  missions  were  transferred  to  that 
order.  President  Serra  departed  for  Upper  Califor 
nia  in  1769,  and  Palou,  as  acting  president,  made  the 
formal  delivery  of  the  missions  in  1773,  and  started 
for  San  Diego  and  Monterey.  After  serving  some 
time  in  the  San  Cdrlos,  he  went  to  found  the  San 
Francisco  bay  establishments.  Finally,  ill  health 
compelled  him  to  ask  for  permission  to  return  to  his 
college,  which  was  granted  him  in  a  royal  order  of 
October  1784.  Meanwhile,  Serra  having  died  in 
August  of  the  same  year,  Palou  succeeded  him  ad 
interim  in  the  presidency,  and  acted  until  Father 
Lasuen  was  appointed  to  the  office,  in  September 
1785.  He  was  now  free  to  leave  California,  and  did 
so,  arriving  at  his  college  in  February  1786.  In  July 
he  was  chosen  guardian  of  his  college,  his  brethren 
thus  showing  their  great  regard  for  him.  His  death 
occurred  probably  in  1790,  although  some  assert  it 
was  a  few  years  later. 

Palou's  memory  should  always  stand  high  in  Cali 
fornia.  He  was  not  only  a  founder  of  missions,  an 
exemplary  priest,  and  a  man  with  a  liberal  mind  and 
of  broad  practical  views,  but  to  him  we  owe  the  first 
history  of  Alta  California.  His  fame  will  live  through 
his  Vida  de  Junipero  Serra,  and  Noticias  de  Calif ornias. 
In  the  preface  of  the  former,  issued  in  Mexico  in 
1787,  he  solemnly  declares  that  all  his  statements  are 
truthful.  "  Como  el  alma  de  la  Historia  es  la  verdad 
sencilla,  puedes  tener  el  consuelo,  que  casi  todo  lo  que 
refiero  lo  he  presenciado,  y  lo  que  no,  me  lo  han  re- 
ferido  otros  padres  misioneros  mis  compaiieros  dignos 
de  fe."  The  other  work,  bearing  the  title  Noticias  de 
la  (Antigua  y)  Nueva  California,  in  two  volumes,  was 
concluded  in  1783,  this  being  the  last  year  mentioned 
therein.  There  is  good  reason  to  believe  that  some 
portion  of  it  was  written  as  early  as  1773,  at  San  Car- 


756  BIBLIOGRAPHY   OF  PASTORAL  CALIFORNIA. 

los  mission.  His  original  manuscript  at  the  college 
of  San  Fernando  has  disappeared,  but  under  a  royal 
order  of  1790  a  copy  was  prepared  in  1792,  the  accu 
racy  of  which  was  duly  attested.  This  work  is  divided 
into  four  parts.  Part  I.  gives  the  annals  of  Lower 
California  under  the  Franciscans,  from  1768  to  1773, 
and  forms  forty  chapters  of  the  first  volume ;  part  II. 
describes  the  expedition  to  Monterey,  and  the  foun 
dation  of  the  first  five  missions,  covering  the  period 
from  1769  to  1773,  and  occupying  fifty  chapters  of 
the  same  volume ;  part  III.  is  a  collection  of  docu 
ments — not  arranged  in  chapters — on  events  of  1773- 
4;  and  part  IV.  continues  in  forty-one  chapters  the 
narrative  from  1775  to  1783.  The  author  clearly  in 
dicates,  in  a  preface  headed  Jesus,  Maria,  y  Jose,  his 
object  in  undertaking  this  laborious  task,  namely,  to 
provide  a  full  record,  for  the  future  use  of  the  chroni 
cler  of  his  religious  order,  of  the  apostolic  labors  of 
the  priests  of  San  Fernando  college  in  the  two  Cali- 
fornias  which  had  passed  under  his  observation,  with 
out  suppressing  any  facts,  not  even  those  which  pru 
dence  and  religious  piety  would  counsel  the  chronicler 
"dejar  para  el  secreto  del  archivo,  las  que  solo  s'e  es- 
criben  para  lo  que  pueda  convenir  para  tapar  la  boca 
a"  los  emulos  del  ministerio  apostolico."  He  concludes 
with  the  following  assurance  as  to  the  manner  he  in 
tended  to  narrate  events,  "  todo  lo  cual  con  toda  sin- 
ceridad  y  verdad  referire  en  esta  recopilacion." 

Next  in  importance  to  the  writings  of  Palou  come 
the  works  of  navigators  who  visited  California  and 
other  parts  of  the  western  coast,  and  gave  descriptions 
of  these  countries.  Such  were  Chamisso,  Choris,  Kot- 
zebue,  Langsdorff,  La  Perouse,  Marchand,  Maurelle, 
Roquefeuil,  Relation  del  Viage  hecho  por  las  goletas 
Sutil  y  Mexwana,  and  Vancouver.  La  Perouse,  Van 
couver,  and  a  few  others  do  not  confine  themselves  to 
their  own  personal  observations,  but  furnish  other  ma 
terial  on  the  earliest  history  of  the  country,  which 
thus  became  known  to  the  world  for  the  first  time. 


SPANISH  AND  ENGLISH  WORKS.  757 

Fleurieu  and  Navarrete,  competent  editors,  added  to 
two  of  the  voyage-narratives  many  data  on  earlier  ex 
plorations.  There  are,  moreover,  the  general  works 
on  America  of  Alcedo,  Anquetil,  Bonnycastle,  Birney, 
Forster,  Humboldt,  and  Raynal;  a  number  of  Mexican 
works,  Arricivita,  Clavigero,  Cortes,  Gvia,  Presidios, 
and  Rosignon,  which  contain  matter  on  California; 
and  as  many  collections  of  voyages  and  travels,  such 
as  those  of  Berenger,  Kerr,  Laharpe,  Pinkerton,  Viagero 
Universal,  and  Voyages,  furnish  some  information  on 
the  country  for  that  period. 

The  Gaceta  de  Mexico  is  the  only  Mexican  newspaper 
for  this  period  which  calls  for  mention  here.  There 
are  only  seven  printed  documents  or  articles  of  the 
Spanish  government  on  the  subject,  though  possibly 
many  documents  mention  California  as  a  province  of 
New  Spain.  Two  essays  appear  with  the  books  of 
voyages  already  named,  which  were  contributed  by 
visitors.  William  Shaler,  a  shipmaster,  was  the  first 
American  visitor  whose  narrative  appeared  in  print  in 
the  United  States.  This  man  was  later  United  States 
consul  in  one  of  the  Barbary  states, -and  afterward  at 
Habana,  where  he  died  of  cholera  in  1834.  Sola,  the 
last  Spanish  governor,  made  a  report  on  California, 
which  was  printed  in  Mexico,  and  was  the  basis  of 
another  by  Deputy  M.  M.  Castanares,  toward  the 
end  of  the  Mexican  domination.  Two  instructions 
for  Californians  were  put  in  type ;  one  of  the  Spanish 
voyage-collections  gave  an  account  of  the  history  and 
condition  in  reference  to  affairs  of  the  peninsula.  Some 
papers  of  this  time,  not  printed  till  many  years  later, 
are  quite  important,  especially  those  given  in  Palou, 
Noticias,  and  the  Documentos  para  la  Historia  de  Mexico. 
There  are  some  nineteen  titles  of  this  class. 

The  period  from  1824  to  1848  embraces  the 
Mexican  rule  till  1846,  and  the  conquest  and  military 
rule  of  the  United  States  to  the  Q-old  discovery. 

O  «/ 

This  might  properly  be  made  a  division,  historically, 
but  bibliographically  it  would  be  inconvenient,  for 


753  BIBLIOGRAPHY  OF  PASTORAL  CALIFORNIA. 

which  reason  I  treat  it  all  as  one  epoch.  My  list 
presents  seven  hundred  titles.  With  reference  to 
history,  we  have  the  narratives  of  fifteen  voyagers 
who  visited  this  coast :  Beachy,  Belcher,  Cleveland,  Coul 
ter,  Dana,  Duhaut-Cilly,  Huisli  (not  a  visitor),  Kotze- 
bue,  Laplace,  Mofras,  Morrell,  Petit-Tfiouars,  Ruschen- 
berger,  Simpson,  and  Wilkes.  For  the  merits  of  the 
productions  I  would  place  Petit-Thouars  at  the  head 
of  the  list,  and  Coulter  at  the  foot.  Mofras  and 
Wilkes  are  pretentious,  but  by  no  means  the  most 
valuable.  We  must  add  some  scientific  works,  which 
resulted  from  some  of  these  voyages, — Hinds,  Richard 
son,  and  several  productions  in  United  States  Exploring 
Expedition, — two  official  accounts  of  exploring  jour 
neys  across  the  continent, — Emory  and  Fremont; 
with  these  may  be  classed  several  accounts  of  California 
by  different  persons,  namely,  Bidwell,  Bilson,  Boscana, 
Bryant,  Farnham,  Kelley,  Pattie,  and  RoHnson,  gener 
ally  furnishing  also  a  narrative  of  the  trip  by  land  or 
sea.  There  are  four  compiled  historical  accounts  by 
foreigners  who  had  not  visited  the  country,  Cutts, 
Forbes,  Greenhow,  and  Hughes;  that  of  Forbes  deserves 
the  credit  it  has  always  enjoyed  as  a  standard  work. 
Forbes  obtained  much  of  his  information  from  resi 
dents  of  California  whose  original  manuscripts  have 
been  for  several  years  past  on  the  shelves  of  my 
library.  Then  there  were  half  a  dozen  or  more  works 
on  Oregon  which  briefly  mention  California,  and  sev 
eral  speeches  in  the  United  States  congress  or  else 
where  in  pamphlet  form,  among  which  are  notably 
those  of  Clark,  Hall,  TJiompson,  and  Webster.  This 
number  might  be  greatly  increased  by  taking  in  every 
printed  paper  in  which  California  is  mentioned  in 
connection  with  the  Oregon  question  or  the  Mexican 
war.  To  all  such  titles  may  be  added  those  of  the 
general  works  of  Beyer,  Blagdon,  Barrow,  Combier. 
D'Orbigny,  Irving,  Lafond,  Lardner,  Murray,  and 
Tytler,  which  contain  allusions  to  the  province  of 
California. 


FIRST  PRINTING  IN  CALIFORNIA.  759 

Among  the  Spanish  works  for  this  period  six  hold 
the  first  position.  Their  titles  are  Botica,  Figueroa, 
Reglamento,  Ripalda,  Romero,  and  Vallejo.  These  are 
the  first  books  printed  in  California,  and  most  of 
them  were  entirely  unknown  until  I  alluded  to  them 
in  my  first  volume  on  California.  Historically  speak 
ing  Figueroa' s  Manifesto  is  the  only  important  one  of 
them.  The  Reglamento  contains  the  by-laws  of  the 
territorial  deputation  or  legislature  of  California,  and 
was  printed  in  Monterey  in  1834.  This  copy  was 
kindly  presented  me  by  Carlos  Olvera  of  Monterey 
county,  whose  father  had  been  a  member  of  the  Cali 
fornia  assembly.  I  know  of  no  other  copy  in  exist 
ence.  There  may  be  named  in  connection  with  these 
books  several  pamphlets,  printed  in  Mexico,  but  treat 
ing  of  California  affairs.  There  titles  are  Carrillo 
(Carlos  Antonio),  Castanares  (Manuel),  Fondo  Piadoso, 
Garcia  Diego  (first  bishop  of  the  Californias),  Junta 
de  Fomento,  and  San  Miguel.  There  are,  moreover, 
sixteen  documents  of  the  Mexican  government,  under 
the  heading  of  Mexico,  which  give  valuable  data  on 
California,  and  if  those  in  which  the  province  or  de 
partment  is  merely  mentioned  are  also  reckoned,  the 
number  would  be  greatly  enlarged.  Finally,  I  have 
thirty-five  general  works  on  Mexico,  all  of  which 
have  information,  often  very  valuable ;  such  are  those 
of  Alaman,  Ayala,  Bermudez,  Bustamante,  Cancelada, 
Escudero,  Fonseca,  Guerrero,  Iriarte,  Muhienpfordt, 
Oajaca,  Rejon,  Riesgo,  Sales,  San  Miguel,  Semblanzas, 
Thompson,  Unzueta,  and  Willie;  about  one  dozen  of 
these  are  the  writings  of  Carlos  Maria  Bustamante, 
which  I  have  still  more  complete  in  the  original 
authograph  manuscript. 

Proceeding  now  to  speak  of  documents,  the  pro 
ductions  of  the  California  press  are  entitled  to  the 
first  place.  There  are  fifty -five  of  them  separately 
printed;  some  titles  being  Alvarado,  California,  Castro, 
Chico,  Diputacion,  Doctrwa,  Figueroa,  Gutierrez,  Hi  jar, 
Mason ,  Miclieltorena,  Plan,  Pronunciamiento,  Rlley, 


760  BIBLIOGRAPHY  OF  PASTORAL  CALIFORNIA. 

8hubricfc,  Vallejo,  and  Zamorano.  Three  or  four  of 
these  are  proclamations  of  United  States  officials,  one 
is  a  commercial  paper,  one  a  poetical  effusion,  and  an 
other  an  advertisement;  the  great  mass  of  them, 
however,  are  documents  which  emanated  from  the 
Hispano-Californian  government.  I  next  take  note 
of  a  series  of  documents  of  the  Mexican  government  in 
collections  or  newspapers,  and  seven  semi-official  ones. 

Some  of  the  titles  are  Ayuntamiento,  Compania, 
Decreto,  Dictamen,  Iniciativa,  Jones,  Mexico,  Plan,  Ban- 
dim,  '  C,'  Castanares,  Chico,  Flores,  Iniestra,  and  Sina- 
loa.  There  are  seventeen  topic  collections  or  sepa 
rate  reports  emanating  from  United  States  officers, 
most  of  which  relate  to  the  acquisition  of  California 
and  printed  by  their  government.  They  appear  under 
the  following  titles :  California  and  New  Mexico,  Con 
quest,  Cooke,  Expulsion,  Fremont,  Johnson,  Jones, 
Kearny,  Kelley,  Marcy,  Mason,  Monterey,  Shubrick, 
Slacum,  Sloat,  Stockton,  War  with  Mexico.  Some  of 
these  are  the  president's  messages  with  documents 
containing  a  large  number  of  important  papers. 
Three  titles  refer  to  matters  inserted  in  the  books  of 
navigators  already  named,  Botta,  Documens,  and  San 
chez;  six  to  articles  or  documents  appearing  in  the 
Nouvelles  Annales  des  Voyages,  to  wit,  Fages,  Galit- 
zin,  Le  Netrel,  Morineau,  Scala,  and  Smith ;  and  twelve 
are  articles  in  American  or  English  periodicals,  such 
being  Americans,  Campaign,  Coulter,  Evans,  War  West, 
Fourgeaud,  History  of  the  Bear  Flag,  Larkin,  Peirce, 
Reynolds,  Squier,  and  Warner. 

I  have  in  my  library  about  twenty  periodicals  or 
publications  containing  information  about  California 
before  1848 ;  namely,  American  Quarterly  Register, 
American  Quarterly  Review,  American  Review,  Ameri 
can  State  Papers,  Annals  of  Congress,  Arrillaga,  Colo 
nial  Magazine,  Congressional  Debates,  Congressional 
Globe,  Edinburgh  Review,  Hansard's  Parliamentary  De 
bates,  Home  Missionary,  Hunt's  Merchants'  Magazine, 
-London  Mechanics'  Magazine,  North  American  Review, 


PERIODICALS.  761 

i 

Nouvelks  Annales  des  Voyages,  Quarterly  Review,  Revista 
Scientifica,  and  Southern  Quarterly  Review.  My  cata 
logue  shows  about  seventy  newspapers,  of  which  forty 
are  printed  in  Mexico ;  a  much  larger  number  con 
tained  mention  of  California  at  some  time.  I  give 
here  the  names  of  only  those  which  are  valuable 
sources  of  information.  In  California,  the  Monterey 
Californian,  San  Francisco  Californian,  San  Francisco 
Star,  and  San  Francisco  Star  and  Californian;  in 
Honolulu,  the  Friend,  Hawaiian  Spectator,  Sandwich 
Island  Gazette,  Sandwich  Island  News,  and  Polynesian ; 
in  Oregon,  the  Spectator.  Niles  Register  has  been 
found  most  useful  among  the  eastern  periodicals. 

I  have  about  one  hundred  and  fifty  titles  of  books, 
documents,  and  articles  relating  to  Californian  history 
prior  to  1848,  though  printed  later.  Of  this  number, 
seventy-five  are  in  book  form,  and  include  some  im 
portant  monographs  on  early  affairs  of  the  country, 
several  collections  of  documents,  reprints  and  transla 
tions  of  early  works,  treatises  on  Mexican  law  affect 
ing  California,  many  briefs  in  land  cases,  official  papers 
of  the  United  States  government  on  the  conquest  and 
military  rule,  but  printed  after  1848,  Russian  papers 
on  the  Ross  and  Bodega  colony,  several  narratives  of 
visitors,  and  several  works  on  the  Mexican  war.  Some 
of  these  in  alphabetical  order  are,  Abbott,  Bigeloui,  Cali 
fornia,  California  Land  Titles,  California  and  North 
Mexico,  Calvo,  Cavo,  Colton,  Cooke,  Diccionario,  Docu- 
mentos,  Doyle,  Drake,  Dunbar,  Dwindle,  Fic/ueroa, 
Flagg,  Fremont,  Furber,  Gomez,  Guerra,  Hale,  Halleck, 
Hartmann,  Hawes,  Hoffman.  Homes.  Ide,  Jay,  Jenkins, 
Jones,  Lancey,  Marcou,  McGlashan,  Mansfield,  Mexican 
War,  Palou,  Phelps,  Ramsay,  Randolph,  Revere,  Ripley, 
Rivera,  Stockton,  Taylor,  Upham,  Vallejo,  Velasco, 
Vischer,  Tilchm^enef,  Materialui,  Rezanof,  Markof,  and 
Klilebnikof,  the  most  important  being  those  appearing 
under  the  names  of  Dwinelle,  Ide,  Larkin,  McGlashan, 
and  Palou.  About  the  same  in  number  are  the  doc 
uments  and  articles  of  this  class,  and  quite  similar  in 


762  BIBLIOGRAPHY  OF  PASTORAL  CALIFORNIA. 

their  character  and  variety  to  the  books,  including 
also  titles  of  pioneer  reminiscences  in  newspapers, 
which  might  be  multiplied  ad  infinitum.  Such  are 
Archibald,  Arroyo,  Assembly,  Biographical  Sketches, 
Boggs,  Bowers,  Brooklyn,  Brown,  Buchanan,  Clark,  Doll, 
Daubenbiss,  Degroot,  Dwindle,  Dye,  Elliot,  Espinosa, 
Folsom,  Foster,  Fremont,  Hale,  Halleck,  Hecox,  Hittell, 
Hopkins,  Jones,  Kern,  Kearny,  King's  Orphan,  Kip, 
Leese,  McDougall,  McPherson,  Marcou,  Marsh,  Mason, 
Mexico,  Micheltorena,  Peckham,  Reed,  Sherman,  Steven- 
son,  Stillman,  Stockton,  Suiter,  Taylor,  Toomes,  Trask, 
Vallejo,  Veritas,  Victor,  Warren,  Wiggins,  and  Wolskill 
Of  the  three  hundred  titles  of  works  quoted  in  my 
History  of  California,  which  were  printed  after  1848, 
but  containing  attempts  at  historical  research  em 
bracing  the  periods  prior  and  subsequent  to  that  year, 
there  are  two  of  a  general  nature  entitled  to  especial 
consideration.  I  refer  to  TuthiWs  History  of  California, 
San  Francisco,  1866,  8vo,  xvi.,  657  pages,  and  Glee- 
sons  History  of  the  Catholic  Church  in  California,  San 
Francisco,  1872,  8vo,  2  vol.,  xv.,  446,  351  pages. 
The  former  is  the  work  of  a  clever  and  honest  writer, 
and  deserves  more  credit  than  the  public  has  awarded 
it.  Without  claims  to  exhaustive  research,  it  has 
been  intelligently  prepared,  and  is  certainly  a  good 
popular  history.  About  one  third  of  it  treats  of  the 
period  preceding  the  gold  discovery.  The  author  was 
a  journalist,  and  died  shortly  after  the  publication  of 
his  book.  Gleeson,  a  less  able  writer  than  Tuthill, 
and  religiously  biassed,  was  not  wholly  free  from  in 
accuracies.  As  a  catholic  priest,  he  had  facilities  for 
consulting  authorities,  which  he  did  as  appears  in  his 
many  details.  He  had  also  free  access  to  my  library. 
His  picture  of  mission  life  and  annals  is  pleasant,  and 
tolerably  accurate.  Sketches  found  under  the  head 
ings  of  Capron,  Cronise,  Frost,  and  Hastings  contain  no 
original  material,  and  their  authors  made  only  an  in 
adequate  and  partial  use  of  that  which  was  easily 
accessible  to  them. 


LOCAL  ANNALS.  763 

My  list  contains  some  seventy  titles  of  local  histo 
ries,  which  possess  considerable  importance.  Some 
of  them  are  the  centennial  sketches  prepared  at  the 
suggestion  of  the  United  States  government,  such  as 
those  of  Los  Angeles,  by  Warner  and  Hayes,  and  of 
San  Francisco,  by  John  S.  Hittell.  The  latter  is  in 
cidentally  a  history  of  California,  and  like  the  earlier 
Annals  of  San  Francisco,  by  Soule  and  others,  has 
much  merit.  Hall's  History  of  San  Jose  is  also  a  cred 
itable  work.  There  are  likewise  many  county  histo 
ries,  several  of  them  in  atlas  form,  copiously  illustrated 
with  portraits,  maps,  and  views,  each  containing  a 
preliminary  sketch  of  California  history,  with  more 
details  respecting  the  county  which  is  the  subject  of 
the  work.  Most  of  these  books  have  been  prepared 
mainly  as  a  speculation,  but  in  some  of  them  good 
material  was  furnished.  Few  are  reliable  on  matters 
of  early  history,  but  afford  in  the  aggregate  consider 
able  data  on  local  annals  after  1840,  as  well  as  bio 
graphical  details.  Without  being  properly  history, 
they  supply  some  useful  material  for  history. 

I  will  now  proceed  to  speak  of  the  thousand  and 
more  remaining  titles  of  manuscript  authorities  in 
my  collection,  from  which  alone  the  history  of  Cali 
fornia  could  be  written  more  completely  than  from 
all  other  sources  combined.  These  authorities  have, 
for  the  most  part,  never  been  consulted  by  any  other 
writer,  and  essentially  exist  only  on  my  shelves. 

First :  Thirteen  collections  of  California!*  public 
archives,  the  originals  of  which  are  about  350  bound 
volumes  of  from  300  to  1,000  documents  each,  and 
an  immense  quantity  of  unbound  papers  from  San  Fran 
cisco,  Los  Angeles,  Salinas,  San  Jose,  Santa  Cruz, 
San  Luis  Obispo,  Santa  Barbara,  and  Sacramento,  all 
of  which  have  been  transferred  in  full  or  epitomized 
copies  to  my  library.  These  copies  or  extracts  are 
more  useful  for  historical  purposes  than  the  originals, 
because  they  are  more  legible,  and  free  from  repeti- 


764  BIBLIOGRAPHY  OF  PASTORAL  CALIFORNIA. 

tioris  and  verbiage.  As  to  the  nature  of  these  docu 
ments,  it  is  enough  to  say  that  they  are  the  originals, 
blotters,  or  certified  copies  of  the  records  of  the  Span 
ish  and  Mexican  governments  for  the  respective  period 
of  their  domination  over  California,  national,  provin 
cial,  territorial,  departmental,  as  well  as  municipal. 
Among  them  are  many  for  the  time  the  country  was 
under  military  rule,  after  its  occupation  by  the  United 
States.  They  embrace  from  the  year  1768  to  that  of 
1850.  In  these  collections,  containing  over  250,000 
documents,,  about  200  have  been  quoted  in  my  history 
under  distinct  titles. 

Second :  In  the  nature  of  public  archives,  we  have 
also  the  missionary  records.  As  the  missions  became 
secularized,  their  records  of  baptisms,  marriages,  and 
interments  naturally  went  into  the  possession  of  the 
secular  priests  in  charge  of  the  several  parishes. 
Other  mission  papers,  gathered  in  collections,  are  held 
by  the  archbishop  of  San  Francisco,  the  bishop  of 
Monterey  and  Los  Angeles,  and  the  Franciscan  con 
vent  at  Santa  Barbara,  the  last  named  being  much 
the  largest.  All  these  papers,  as  well  as  the  old  mis 
sion  records,  have  been  at  my  disposal  for  taking 
extracts,  by  the  courtesy  of  the  respective  ecclesiastical 
authorities,  and  of  the  parish  priests  having  the  records 
in  charge. 

Third:  I  have  seven  collections  of  public  archives, 
similar  to  those  above  named,  with  this  difference:  that 
they  are  originals  collected  by  me  from  private 
persons. 

Fourth  :  Some  scattering  papers  which  were  found 
at  a  few  of  the  missions,  yielded  me  a  volume  of  ex 
tracts  and  statistics ;  and  from  private  sources  I  ob 
tained  fifteen  originals  of  similar  nature. 

Neither  the  secular  nor  mission  archives  are  com 
plete.  Large  numbers  of  the  former  had  been  de 
stroyed,  even  before  the  last  change  of  flag,  and  many 
others  had  not  been  surrendered  to  the  United  States' 
authorities,  or  to  those  of  the  catholic  church,  and  re- 


MANUSCRIPT  ARCHIVES.  7G5 

mained  in  private  hands.  My  efforts  to  gather  these 
scattered  papers  were  rewarded  beyond  my  most  san 
guine  expectations,  the  results  being  shown  in  : — 

Fifth:  fifty  collections  of  Documentos  para  la  His- 
toriade  California,  in  110  volumes  with  not  less  than 
40,000  documents,  thousands  of  which  are  very  val 
uable,  containing  records  to  be  found  nowhere  else. 
One-half  of  them  are  originals,  and  of  the  same  char 
acter  as  those  in  the  public  and  mission  archives; 
while  the  other  half  is  even  of  greater  worth,  being 
largely  private  correspondence  of  prominent  citizens 
and  officials  on  current  affairs,  and  affording  an  almost 
unbroken  record.  Twenty-nine  of  these  collections 
bear  the  names  of  the  Californian  families  whose  rep 
resentatives  presented  them  to  me;  each  heading  is 
followed  by  Documentos  or  Papeles.  The  following  is 
a  list  of  them:  Alviso,  Arce,  Avila,  Bandini,  Bonilla, 
Carrillo,  Castro,  Coronel,  Cota,  Estudillo,  Fernandez, 
Gomez,  Gonzalez,  Guerray  Noriega,  Marron,  Moreno, 
Olvera,  Pico,  Pinto,  Requena,  Sober anes,  Voile,  and 
Vallejo.  Of  these,  the  most  valuable  is  that  of 
Mariano  G.  Vallejo,  in  37  large  volumes  with  not  less 
than  20,000  original  papers.  Vallejo,  one  of  the 
most  enlightened  of  the  Hispano-Californians,  was 
born  in  Monterey  in  1808.  After  receiving  the 
scanty  rudimentary  education  which  the  country  then 
afforded,  he  entered  the  military  service  in  1823  as 
a  cadet  of  the  Monterey  presidial  cavalry  company. 
He  received  his  promotions  in  regular  order,  and 
when  a  lieutenant  commanding  the  company  and  post 
of  San  Francisco,  he  was  commissioned  to  securalize 
the  San  Francisco  Solano  mission.  In  1834  he  car 
ried  out  the  instructions  of  Governor  Figueroa,  and 
installed  a  civil  government  in  San  Francisco.  In 
1835  he  founded  Sonora,  holding  the  double-commis 
sion  of  comandante,  and  director  of  colonization 
on  the  frontier  north  of  San  Francisco.  In  1836  he 
joined  the  revolutionary  movement  which  ousted  the 
jefe-politico  and  comandante-general,  Gutierrez,  from 


766  BIBLIOGRAPHY  OF  PASTORAL  CALIFORNIA. 

his  position.  Prom  this  time  until  1842,  the  two  au 
thorities  were  separated,  Vallejo  holding  that  of 
comandante-general,  which  was  recognized  in  1838  by 
the  government  in  Mexico.  In  1842  he  surrendered 
the  office  of  comandante-general,  and  was  appointed 
commandant  of  the  northern  line  from  Sonoma  to  Santa 
Ines. 

The  next  collection  in  extent  is  that  of  the  Guerra 
y  Noriega  family  of  Santa  Barbara.  The  founder  of 
this  family  in  California,  Jose  Antonio  de  la  Guerra 
y  Noriega,  occupied  during  his  long  life  a  position 
hardly  second  to  any  other  individual  for  his  ability, 
independence,  sterling  character,  and  generally  ac 
knowledged  merits.  He  was  a  native  of  Spain,  of 
gentle  parentage,  and  of  high  family  connections,  and 
came  to  California  as  a  cadet  in  1801.  He  rose 
gradually  until  he  attained  the  rank  of  captain,  in  1818. 
During  his  long  military  career,  he  filled  the  positions 
of  habilitado,  or  paymaster  of  military  companies, 
commanded  several  posts,  that  of  Santa  Barbara  being 
the  last.  He  was  also  chosen  habilitado-general  in 
Mexico,  and  deputy  to  the  Mexican  congress.  He 
retired  from  the  service  of  1842,  though  he  continued 
to  wield,  as  he  had  wielded  before,  a  powerful  influence 
in  Santa  Barbara,  which,  to  his  credit  be  it  said,  was 
always  for  the  general  weal.  In  Santa  Barbara  he 
was  called  the  patriarch,  to  whom  the  people  generally 
applied  to  settle  controversies.  His  charities,  and 
those  of  his  wife,  nee  Maria  Antonia  Carrillo,  were 
almost  unbounded.  Probably  his  Spanish  birth  pre 
vented  his  reaching  a  high  political  and  military  rank 
under  the  Mexican  rule.  Captain  de  la  Guerra  died 
in  1858,  leaving  several  sons  and  daughters,  some  of 
whom  have  held  honorable  positions.  His  two 
daughters,  Mrs  Hartnell  and  Mrs  Ord,  have  also 
contributed  to  the  information  contained  in  this  vol 
ume.  For  extended  biographical  information  on  the 
late  captain,  I  refer  to  the  pioneer  register  and  index 
of  my  History  of  California. 


COLLECTIONS  OF  DOCUMENTS.  7G7 

Of  course,  the  value  of  a  collection  must  not  be 
judged  solely  by  its  bulk ;  for  some  of  the  smaller 
ones,  containing  all  the  papers  which  the  donor  had 
to  give,  such,  for  instance,  as  those  of  Moreno,  Olvera, 
and  Pinto,  are  quite  as  important  as  some  of  the  larger 
ones. 

Sixth :  There  are  twenty  collections  under  foreign 
names,  in  some  cases  that  of  the  pioneer  family  who 
owned  them,  and  in  others  that  of  the  collector  or 
donor.  Such  appear  under  the  headings  of  Ashley, 
Documentos,  Fitch,  Griffin,  Grigsby,  Hayes,  Hittell,  Lar 
kin,  Janssens,  Mclnstry,  Monterey,  Murray,  Pinart,  Sav 
age,  Sawyer,  and  Spear.  Most  of  the  documents  in 
these  collections  are  in  English,  but  aside  from  this, 
they  are  of  the  same  nature  as  the  others.  At  the 
head  of  this  class  stand  Thomas  O.  Larkin's  nine  vol 
umes  of  Documents  for  the  History  of  California,  pre 
sented  to  me  by  Mr  Larkin's  family,  through  his 
son-in-law,  Mr  Sampson  Tarns.  This  collection,  be 
yond  a  doubt,  exceeds  all  the  others  in  value  for  the 
history  of  California  in  1845-6,  for  without  its  con 
tents,  the  history  of  that  eventful  period  could  be  but 
imperfectly  given.  Larkin,  a  native  of  Massachusetts, 
was  the  consul,  and  confidential  agent  of  the  United 
States  government,  as  well  as  a  leading  merchant  at 
Monterey.  His  correspondence  and  relations  with 
the  leading  men  of  California,  both  native  and  foreign, 
were  extensive.  He  was  constantly  in  contact  with 
traders  and  visitors  at  the  department's  seat  of  gov 
ernment.  The  letters  regularly  passing  between  him 
and  certain  prominent  foreigners,  mostly  Americans, 
at  San  Diego,  Los  Angeles,  and  San  Francisco,  con 
tain  almost  all  that  was  worth  recording  of  the  coun 
try's  political,  social,  commercial,  and  industrial  affairs 
in  those  years  and  several  preceding  ones.  Larkin 
was  also  intimate  with  the  masters  of  vessels  trading 
on  the  coast,  and  with  merchants  at  the  Hawaiian 
islands.  This  collection  contains  letters  from  Fremont, 
Sutter,  Sloat,  and  other  prominent  actors  in  the  events 


768  BIBLIOGRAPHY  OF  PASTORAL  CALIFORNIA. 

of  California,  not  to  speak  of  the  despatches  to  and 
from  the  United  States  government,  and  commanders 
of  war  ships.  There  are,  from  the  same  source,  a  large 
mass  of  commercial  papers,  which  have  supplied  me 
with  pioneers'  names,  dates,  and  prices  ofcommodities. 

Seventh :  I  have  in  my  list  five  hundred  and  fifty 
titles  of  separate  manuscript  documents,  and  could 
properly  extend  their  number  to  thousands ;  but  pos 
sessing  such  vast  material,  I  have  found  much  con 
venience  in  condensation.  Of  diaries,  journals,  and 
log-books  of  expeditions  by  sea  and  land,  there  are  no 
less  than  eighty  which  I  place  in  the  first  class.  The 
second  class  is  composed  of  government  documents, 
numbering  163,  of  which  27  are  orders,  instructions, 
and  reports  emanating  from  Spanish  or  Mexican  offi 
cials  in  Mexico ;  75  are  similar  parts  from  high 
authorities  in  California,  34  like  documents  from 
commandants  and  other  inferior  officers  in  California, 
and  27  are  Mexican  and  Californian  reglamentos,  pro 
vincial  and  municipal.  The  third  class  consists  of 
104  mission  documents  of  various  kinds,  emanating 
from  the  guardians  of  the  San  Fernando  college,  and 
from  other  high  ecclesiastical  authorities  in  Spain  and 
Mexico;  52  are  papers  from  mission  presidents  and 
prefects,  and  from  the  bishop,  and  47  reports,  letters, 
etc.,  of  the  missionary  fathers.  The  fourth  arid  last 
class  is  composed  of  miscellaneous  papers,  numbering 
nearly  200  titles,  which  are  very  important,  but  too 
numerously  subdivided  to  be  detailed  here ;  some  of 
them  are  old  diaries,  narratives,  personal  records,  ac 
counts  of  battles,  treaties,  papers  connected  with  civil 
and  criminal  trials,  with  the  Russian  settlement  at 
Ross,  etc. 

Eighth :  The  scattered  correspondence  of  about  two 
hundred  of  the  most  prominent  men,  forming  a  like 
number  of  titles.  The  author's  name  is  followed  by 
some  word  significant  of  the  document's  character, 
such  as  carta,  correspondencies,  escritos,  etc.  Seventy  of 
these  were  men  who  wrote  prior  to  1824,  and  130 


MANUSCRIPT  DOCUMENTS.  769 

flourished  later.  Of  the  whole  number,  20  were  Span 
ish  or  Mexican  officials  who  wrote  out  of  California, 
20  were  Franciscan  friars  of  the  Californian  missions, 
48  foreign  pioneer  residents  in  California,  and  111 
were  native,  Mexican,  or  Spanish  citizens  and  officials 
of  California.  Several  of  these  collections  in  each 
class  would  form  singly  a  thick  volume. 

Ninth:  There  is  still  one  more  class  of  manuscript 
material  to  be  noticed,  namely,  the  recollections  I  have 
taken  of  men  living  at  the  time  I  began  my  re 
searches,  which  in  many  cases  include  those  of  their 
fathers ;  altogether  covering  the  history  of  California 
from  its  settlement.  Besides  those  contained  in  other 
volumes,  I  have  the  reminiscences  of  160  old  residents, 
half  of  whom  were  natives  or  of  Spanish  blood,  and 
the  other  half  foreign  pioaeers  who  came  to  the  coun 
try  prior  to  1848.  Of  the  former  class  a  considera 
ble  number  occupied  prominent  public  positions 
equa7ly  divided  between  the  north  and  south.  Treat 
ing  of  these  men  in  alphabetical  order,  I  begin  by 
Jose  Abrego,  a  Mexican  who  came  to  California  in 
1834.  Being  young,  intelligent,  and  of  good  charac 
ter,  as  well  as  of  attractive  manners,  he  soon  attained 
influence  among  all  classes,  leading  to  his  preferment 
in  political  life,  and  his  holding  offices  of  trust  con 
tinuously  from  1836  to  the  end  of  the  Mexican  domi 
nation,  notably  that  of  treasurer  of  the  department 
from  1839  to  1846.  No  man  was  more  highly  re 
spected,  or  had  better  opportunities  to  be  posted  on 
the  affairs  of  California  than  Abrego. 

Of  Juan  Bautista  Alvarado,  governor  of  California 
from  1836  to  the  end  of  1842,  I  need  give  here  no 
biographical  details,  as  I  have  done  so  elsewhere. 
Suffice  it  to  say  that  he  possessed  the  brightest  mind 
of  any  Californian  of  his  time.  He  has  been  accused, 
mainly  through  church  influence,  of  having  plundered 
the  missions.  He  was  responsible  for  their  destruc 
tion  simply  because  he  was  the  governor ;  but  no  one 
could  justly  charge  him  with  having  appropriated 

CAL.  PAST.    49 


770  BIBLIOGRAPHY  OF  PASTORAL  CALIFORNIA. 

to  his  private  uses  any  portion  of  the  mission  prop 
erty.  Other  accusations,  chiefly  that  of  hostility  to 
foreigners,  were  greatly  exaggerated,  and  in  the  main, 
false.  In  my  list  of  authorities  are  many  of  Alvara- 
do's  writings.  His  original  letters  from  1836  to  1842 
are  extremely  interesting,  and  reliable,  as  well  as  the 
best  authority  extant  on  the  history  of  those  years. 
Indeed,  they  alone  furnish  the  true  inwardness  of  that 
eventful  period.  Alvarado  also  dictated  for  my  use 
in  1876  an  Historia  de  California  in  five  volumes, 
which  in  the  preface  he  calls  California  antes  del  '48. 
"Civilization  down  to  the  preceding  century/'  he 
writes,  "  recognized  only  the  rights  of  the  stronger 
and  more  cunning.  The  Indians  were  more  numer 
ous  than  the  Spaniards,  but  the  latter  were  artful,  and 
by  crafty  means  subjugated  the  natives.  The  poor 
natives  were  reduced  by  the  friars  to  such  a  state  of 
servility  that  they  dared  not  entertain  even  a  thought 
without  the  consent  of  the  priest.  Mofrds,  Gleeson, 
and  others  have  tried  to  throw  a  stain  upon  my  name, 
and  to  misrepresent  my  executive  acts,  because  I 
struck  the  death-blow  to  the  worm-eaten  system  of 
education  which  the  friars  practised  toward  the  In 
dians.  But  I  want  the  church  and  the  world  to  know 
that,  prompted  by  motives  of  humanity,  I  resolved  to 
free  the  Indians  from  that  thraldom.  My  republican 
education  revolted  against  their  being  any  longer 
made  the  victims  of  men  w^hose  gowns  and  cowls 
were  gray,  but  whose  souls  were  black,  and  insensible 
to  the  sufferings  of  thousands  of  unfortunates,  who, 
deprived  of  their  freedom,  were  mere  puppets  in  the 
hands  of  those  coarse  priests,  who,  while  preaching 
purity  of  soul  and  body,  were  steeped  in  every  species 
of  vice.  ...I  am  satisfied  of  having  done  my  duty, 
have  faith  in  divine  justice,  and  am  ready  to  render 
an  account  to  my  creator  of  my  acts  in  the  premises." 
Alvarado  in  this  diatribe  refers  not  only  to  the  sys 
tem,  but  to  some  of  the  friars,  whom  he  names,  whose 
conduct  was  anything  but  praiseworthy. 


MANUSCRIPT  HISTORIES.  771 

There  was  a  peculiar  vein  of  generosity  in  Alva- 
rado's  character.  He  was  not  rancorous  toward  his 
opponents,  nor  did  he  visit  upon  their  families  any 
responsibility  for  hostile  acts.  Very  often,  while  his 
political  opponents  were  working"  in  the  south  to  oust 
him  from  power;  he  was  protecting  and  providing  for 
their  families  in  the  north.  One  of  these  men,  a 
prominent  officer,  noted  for  his  bitter  hostility  to 
Governor  Alvarado,  left  his  family  in  Monterey  with 
out  provisions.  His  party  having  been  defeated,  he 
preferred  to  abandon  California;  and  had  it  not  been 
that  Alvarado,  through  a  third  party,  provided  for 
the  wife  and  children  during  two  years,  they  would 
have  suffered  for  the  necessaries  of  life.  I  have  also 
a  manuscript  by  Alvarado  entitled  Primitivo  Descubri- 
miento,  which  is  an  interesting  account  of  the  discov 
ery  of  gold  placers  in  the  San  Fernando  valley  in 
1841. 

Jose  Antonio  Alviso  gave  me  at  Salinas  his  inter 
esting  Campana  de  Natividad.  Valentin  Alviso,  edu 
cated  in  Massachusetts,  and  who  has  occupied  several 
local  offices  in  Livermore,  furnished  me  valuable 
Documentos  para  la  Historia,  forming  the  Alviso  family 
records ;  he  has  also  rendered  me  aid  in  other  ways, 
besides  contributing  to  the  Livermore  papers. 

Jose  Maria  Amador,  a  son  of  Pedro  Amador,  one 
of  the  first  soldiers  that  came  to  California,  was  also 
during  many  years  of  his  life  a  soldier,  first  in  the 
artillery,  and  next  in  the  presidial  company  of  San 
Francisco.  After  him  was  named  Amador  county  in 
California,  and  he  has  been  credited,  though  this  is 
doubtful,  with  the  naming  of  Mount  Diablo  in  1814. 
There  have  been  few  men  in  California  about  whom  so 
many  stories  have  been  told  by  the  newspapers  as 
this  old  Californian.  He  was  often  spoken  of  as  a 
centenarian,  a  Spanish  officer,  the  first  child  born  in 
San  Francisco,  founder  of  Sonoma,  etc.,  all  of  which 
were  untrue.  Even  he  had  come  to  represent  him 
self  as  older  than  he  really  was,  saying  that  he  was 


772  BIBLIOGRAPHY  OF  PASTORAL  CALIFORNIA. 

born  in  1781,  when  his  birthday  was  the  18th  of 
December,  1794.  In  1877  he  was  living  in  pov 
erty,  and  a  cripple,  with  his  youngest  daughter,  near 
Watsonville;  but  his  memory  was  unimpaired,  and  he 
cheerfully  dictated  for  my  use,  within  about  a  week, 
some  two  hundred  pages  of  his  recollections  of 
early  times.  His  Memorias  contain  a  fund  of  anec 
dotes  on  events  and  men,  as  well  as  information  on  the 
manners  and  customs  of  Californians  from  his  youth, 
followed  by  his  experiences  in  the  gold  placers  after 
1848.  Some  of  his  stories  must  be  taken  with  allow 
ance,  for  like  most  old  soldiers  he  was  a  little  given 
to  exaggeration.  Nevertheless,  the  book  is  both  use 
ful  and  entertaining.  I  will  insert  some  examples. 
Relating  how  his  father  brought  his  family  to  Cali 
fornia,  he  said,  that  the  sergeant  had  three  children  of 
his  second  marriage  when  he  was  assigned  to  the  San 
Francisco  company:  "los  condujo  en  alforjas,  dos  en 
una,  y  otro  en  la  otra  alforja,  y  para  emparejar  el  peso, 
puso  una  piedra  en  la  ultima.  Mi  madre  'arreaba  la 
rnula  en  que  venian  los  ninos,  y  mi  padre  la  tiraba." 
Once  in  1837  a  party  of  Cosumnes  raided  his  rancho, 
San  Ramon,  and  carried  away  about  one  hundred 
animals.  In  the  attempt  to  recover  the  property,  he, 
the  alferez  Prado  Mesa,  and  two  Englishmen,  Robert 
Livermore  and  another,  were  wounded,  Amador  re 
ceiving  four  flints  in  his  body,  which  were  afterward 
extracted.  A  n  expedition  of  70  soldiers  and  citizens, 
with  200  auxiliary  Mokelumnes,  started  out  to  avenge 
the  outrage.  About  200  Cosumnes,  half  of  them 
Christian  Indians  and  the  other  half  gentiles,  were 
captured  by  treachery  at  the  Stanislaus,  and  brought 
away  in  a  collera.  The  auxiliaries  demanded  the  sur 
render  to  them  of  the  Christian  prisoners,  to  be  put 
to  death,  and  the  demand  was  granted.  At  intervals 
of  a  mile  or  so,  six  of  the  Christians  were  made  to 
kneel,  and  after  a  prayer  were  shot  with  arrows.  Then 
it  was  resolved  to  kill  the  gentiles,  after  baptizing  them. 
Says  Amador:  "I  ordered  Nazario  Galindo  to  take  a 


MANUSCRIPT  MEMOIRS.  773 

bottle  with  water;  I  took  another;  he  began  at  one 
end  of  the  collera,  and  I  at  the  other.  We  baptized 
all  the  Indians,  and  they  were  afterward  shot  through 
the  back.  One  of  the  men  escaped,  and  swam  across 
the  river.  He  was,  however,  killed  the  next  day 
together  with  some  23  other  men,  in  an  assault 
against  his  rancheria  by  the  Mokelumnes ;  when  they 
captured  the  women  and  children,  about  160  in  num 
ber,  all  of  whom  were  brought  to  the  mission  San 
Jose  and  baptized."  Captain  Jose  de  Jesus  Vallejo 
reprimanded  Mesa  for  the  execution  of  the  Indians. 
Mesa  laid  the  blame  on  Amador,  from  whom  Vallejo 
demanded  an  explanation,  receiving  for  an  answer 
that  "las  tortillas  sabrosas  se  comen  en  la  casa,  y  las 
amargas  en  la  sierra."  With  Amador  s  Mernorias 
are  several  pages  contributed  by  Asisara,  an  ex- 
neophyte  of  Santa  Cruz  on  important  events  and 
matters  connected  with  that  mission. 

Francisco  Arce,  a  native  of  Loreto,  came  to  this 
California  when  a  boy,  and  held  office  during  many 
years,  his  last  positions,  prior  to  the  American  annex 
ation,  having  been  chief  clerk  in  the  office  of  the 
government  secretary,  and  lastly  secretary  ad  interim 
of  Comaiidante-general  Castro.  He  thus  had  every 
opportunity  to  be  informed  on  the  inwardness  of 
public  affairs.  Being  also  a  lieutenant  of  auxiliary 
militia,  he  was  captured  with  a  lot  of  horses  for  the 
Californian  cavalry,  by  a  squad  of  the  Bear  party, 
at  the  beginning  of  their  revolt  in  1846.  He  went 
with  Castro  to  Mexico,  and  served  in  the  Mexican 
valley  against  the  United  States  forces,  part  of  the 
time  in  the  San  Patricio  legion  of  Irish  deserters. 
Taken  prisoner,  he  barely  escaped  being  shot  owing  to 
his  resemblance  to  O'Leary,  a  deserter  from  the 
American  army.  He  finally  abandoned  the  service, 
and  returned  in  1848  to  Lower  California,  and  in  the 
next  year  to  Monterey.  In  1877  I  obtained  from 
him  a  collection  of  historical  documents,  and  a  dicta 
tion  of  seventy-one  pages  of  his  Memorias  Histdricas. 


774  BIBLIOGRAPHY  OF  PASTORAL  CALIFORNIA. 

Arce  states  that  Juan  Caballo,  a  soldier  thus  named 
because  of  his  horse-like  features,  had  stolen  some 
poultry  from  a  woman,  whereupon  the  general  caused 
him  to  appear  and  answer  to  the  complaint.  Striking 
a  military  attitude,  the  man  said:  "It  was  not  I,  my 
general,  but  my  gossip  Coyote  " — another  soldier,  who 
for  his  resemblance  to  a  fox  was  nicknamed  Coyote— 
uque  hace  algun  tiempo  que  le  ha  dado  por  la  pluma" 
(who  for  some  time  past  has  taken  to  the  pluma,  which 
word  means  both  feather  and  pen).  The  general  re 
plied  "Get  out  of  here,  you  knave;"  and  laughing 
wondered  if  Coyote  was  writing  a  book;  he  paid 
the  woman  for  her  poultry.  Arce  added  that  these 
things  were  of  daily  occurrence,  and  the  general  never 
was  out  of  humor.  His  wife,  however,  complained, 
saying  that  she  did  not  like  to  see  her  husband  penni 
less  because  of  the  rascalities  of  his  soldiers. 

Jose  Arnaz,  a  native  of  Spain,  came  to  California 
as  the  supercargo  of  a  Mexican  trading  vessel  in 
1840,  and  pursued  the  same  occupation  for  about 
three  years,  when  he  retired  and  went  into  business 
for  himself  at  Los  Angeles.  His  name  has  appeared 
in  the  events  in  connection  with  the  ex-mission  of  San 
Buenaventura,  which  he  claimed  to  have  purchased  in 
1846.  In  1877  I  found  him  to  be  a  genial,  intelligent 
person  in  comfortable  circumstances,  and  with  an  in 
teresting  family  living  at  his  rancho  Santa  Ana  near 
San  Buenaventura.  In  1878  he  furnished  me  one 
hundred  pages  of  his  valuable  Recuerdos,  mainly  on 
the  life  and  customs  of  the  traders  and  rancheros  of 
California  in  the  fourth  decade  of  the  present  century. 
His  information  on  the  mode  of  carrying  on  trade  on 
the  coast  of  California  at  this  period  is  extremely  in 
teresting.  He  also  has  supplied  much  important  in 
formation  on  social  customs  at  Los  Angeles,  Mon 
terey  and  San  Francisco  early  in  the  forties.  Of 
the  Polin  spring,  at  the  presidio  of  San  Francisco, 
then  famous  for  its  supposed  effects  on  barren  women, 
he  says :  "Women  used  to  come  from  all  parts  of  the 


MANUSCRIPT  BOOKS  AND  PAPERS.  775 

coast  to  drink  of  and  bathe  in  the  Polin  water.  The 
wife  of  Captain  Spear,  who  was  a  native  of  the 
Hawaiian  Islands,  after  several  years'  marriage,  had 
no  children.  One  day  Juana  Briones,  a  laundress, 
asked  the  captain  if  he  would  like  offspring,  and  be 
ing  answered  affirmatively,  guaranteed  that  if  Mrs 
Spear  were  entrusted  to  her  care,  he  should  have  his 
desire.  "Take  her,"  said  Spear,  whereupon  the  two 
women  marched  off  together.  In  one  year  from  that 
day  Mrs  Spear  had  twins,  all  owing  to  a  free  use  of 
the  Polin  water. 

Jose  and  Juan  Bandini  were  father  and  son.  The 
former,  a  Spanish  master  mariner,  came  the  first  time 
to  California  in  1819,  with  military  reinforcements 
and  supplies,  and  after  taking  the  oath  of  allegiance 
to  independent  Mexico,  settled  with  his  son  Juan,  a 
Peruvian  by  birth,  soon  after  1822,  at  San  Diego.  In 
1827  he  wrote  a  long  Carta  Historicay  Descriptiva  de 
California  for  Eustace  Barron,  of  which  I  have  the 
blotter  copy.  I  have  also  a  manuscript  Historia  de 
California,  left  by  Juan  Bandini  at  his  death,  together 
with  many  of  his  original  letters  and  other  papers. 
Nearly  all  the  papers,  as  well  as  the  two  long  writings 
were  placed  in  my  library  several  years  ago  by  Don 
Juan's  widow,  then  residing  at  Los  Angeles.  These 
writings,  being  full  of  data  on  the  affairs  of  California, 
have  been  thoroughly  utilized  in  my  history.  For 
biographical  sketches  of  these  two  important  men  of 
southern  California,  the  reader  is  referred  to  the 
Pioneer  Register,  volume  II  of  my  History  of  Cali 
fornia. 

Narciso  Botello,  a  Sonoran  by  birth,  came  to  Cali 
fornia  in  1833.  Being  a  man  of  good  abilities  and 
fair  education,  his  services  were  soon  in  demand  in 
various  quarters.  He  became  secretary  of  the  ayun- 
tarniento  of  Los  Angeles,  and  clerk  of  the  court  of 
first  instance.  Later  he  occupied  a  seat  in  the  de 
partmental  assembly.  In  the  political  dissensions  be 
tween  Mexicans  and  Californians,  he  invariably  sided 


776  BIBLIOGRAPHY  OF  PASTORAL  CALIFORNIA. 

with  the  former,  and  in  the  difficulties  between  the 
southern  and  northern  Californians,  his  sympathies 
were  with  the  south.  He  was  well  acquainted  with 
the  affairs  that  agitated  the  country,  and  no  one  was 
better  informed  than  he  upon  every  event  which  oc 
curred  in  the  southern  section.  The  value  of  his 
Anales  del  &ur,  dictated  for  me  in  San  Diego  in  Janu 
ary  1878,  is  a  narrative  of  the  political  and  other  com 
plications  of  California  from  1836  to  1847,  in  most  of 
which  he  was  personally  concerned.  His  experiences 
are  related  with  clearness  and  precision,  though  not 
always  without  bias.  That  portion  which  touches 
upon  events  resulting  from  the  American  occupation 
in  1846-7,  is  full  of  interesting  details.  Other  valua 
ble  parts  of  the  Anales  are  those  referring  to  social 
customs,  public  instruction,  and  the  administration  of 
justice.  After  the  annexation  of  California  to  the 
United  States  became  a  fixed  fact,  Botello  was  for  a 
time  a  justice  of  the  peace  in  1858—9,  and  a  notary 
public  in  Los  Angeles.  At  the  time  he  dictated  the 
Anales  he  was  in  poor  circumstances,  and  living  in  the 
Santa  Maria  rancho  near  San  Diego. 

The  next  in  the  list  of 'my  original  authorities  en 
titled  to  more  than  a  passing  notice,  is  Manuel  de  J. 
Castro.  This  able  Hispano-Californian  played  an  im 
portant,  and  sometimes  an  honorable  part  in  Californian 
affairs,  during  the  latter  part  of  Mexican  domination. 
Fully  informed,  both  on  the  events  that  passed  before 
him,  and  on  the  men  who  figured  in  them,  his  testi 
mony,  when  not  driven  by  necessity  from  the  truth, 
is  of  the  highest  importance.  From  him,  in  1875,  I 
was  able  to  secure  three  volumes  of  Documentos  para  la 
Historia  de  California,  a  most  important  collection  of 
original  papers.  A  few  years  later  I  managed  to  get 
—how,  is  told  in  my  Literary  Industries — another  col 
lection  of  similar  documents,  together  with  valuable 
Lower  California  material.  And  finally  I  obtained 
his  Relation  de  la  Alia  California,  which  was  dictated 
to  a  copyist  in  my  service.  This  narrative,  whatever 


MORE  ORIGINAL  DOCUMENTS.  777 

the  personal  character  of  the  author  may  be,  I  place 
among  my  most  valuable  material,  down  to  the  time 
when  were  healed  the  dissensions  between  Governor 
Pico  and  Comandante-general  Castro,  immediately 
after  the  revolt  of  the  so-called  Bear  party.  In  con 
nection  with  this  revolt  he  eloquently  speaks  of  the 
execution  of  old  Sergeant  Berreyesa  and  the  Haro 
twins,  near  San  Kafael,  and  of  the  effect  such  an 
event  had  on  the  Californians.  "  This  news  filled 
with  consternation  our  whole  camp,"  he  writes.  "  It 
was  a  night  of  profound  meditation.  It  was  till  then 
unknown  whether  the  Californians  would  have  to 
struggle  against  savage  hordes  organized  under  the 
bear  flag  which  the  foreign  rebels  had  adopted,  or 
whether,  in  the  event  of  a  declaration  of  war  between 
Mexico  and  the  United  States,  they  would  have  to 
fight  against  civilized  soldiers;  inasmuch  as  Captain 
Fremont,  an  officer  of  the  regular  army,  and  under 
the  protection  of  the  United  States  government,  had 
become  the  leader  of  an  invading  band  of  adventurers 
or  pirates."  In  regard  to  the  reconciliation  between 
the  two  chief  authorities  of  the  department,  he  says : 
"  Prefect  Castro," — that  is  himself — "had  the  satis 
faction  of  mediating  at  the  private  interview  of 
Comandante-general  Castro  and  Governor  Pico,  which 
took  place  on  the  arroyo  of  the  Santa  Margarita 
rancho,  and  of  prevailing  on  the  two  rulers,  to  warm 
ly  embrace  one  another  as  an  earnest  of  their  sincere 
reconciliation,  and  of  their  desire  to  work  in  unison  in 
the  defence  of  their  country."  Don  Manuel,  I  believe, 
holds  rank  in  the  Mexican  military  service,  never 
having  discarded  his  original  allegiance,  though  he 
has  lived  in  California  many  years  since  the  country 
became  a  part  of  the  American  union. 

Another  authority  which  I  consider  of  the  highest 
value  is  Antonio  Franco  Coronel's  Cosas  de  California. 
The  author  came  with  his  parents  to  this  distant 
territory  of  Mexico  when  a  lad,  in  1834.  His  father, 
Ignacio  Coronel,  had  been  a  soldier,  first  of  the  Span- 


778  BIBLIOGRAPHY  OF  PASTORAL  CALIFORNIA. 

ish  army  in  Mexico,  and  later  served  under  Iturbide. 
He  came  with  the  colony  of  Hijar  and  Padres  engaged 
as  a  public  instructor,  a  position  that  he  did  not  finally 
obtain  because  of  the  failure  of  the  colony.  He  was 
in  subsequent  years  occupied  most  of  the  time  as  the 
principal  of  a  school  in  Los  Angeles,  and  also  con 
nected  with  the  city  council,  and  the  courts.  Botello, 
on  speaking  of  public  instruction  in  Los  Angeles,  fur 
nishes  the  following  testimony  respecting  him:  "  Don 
Ignacio  Coronel  was  a  man  of  sound  judgment,  and 
of  fair  education,  and  without  doubt  the  town  of  Los 
Angeles  is  indebted  to  him  for  much  good  service  in 
this  branch,  to  which  he  devoted  himself  with  great 
earnestness,  aided  by  his  elder  daughter  Josefa,  and 
even  at  times  by  his  wife.  His  was  the  only  school 
existing  in  the  town." 

Antonio,  his  son,  held  several  positions  of  trust 
under  Mexican  rule.  During  the  military  opera 
tions  in  the  south  in  1846-7,  he  contributed  his  ser 
vices  against  the  American  invaders,  and  while  on  his 
way  to  Mexico  with  despatches  and  a  flag  taken  from 
Commander  Mervine  at  San  Pedro,  narrowly  escaped 
capture  by  General  Kearny's  troops.  After  Califor 
nia  became  a  portion  of  the  American  union,  Coronel 
accepted  the  situation  in  good  faith,  and  afterward 
held  a  respectable  standing  both  socially  and  politi 
cally  in  Los  Angeles,  near  which  city  he  has  a  vine 
yard  and  orange  orchard.  He  held  the  positions  as 
an  American  citizen  of  county  assessor,  mayor,  member 
of  the  city  council,  and  state  treasurer,  and  was  placed 
on  the  board  of  agriculture.  He  is  a  man  of  ac 
knowledged  ability,  as  well  as  a  useful  citizen.  From 
him  I  obtained  several  valuable  papers  regarding  his 
father  and  himself,  and  in  1877  he  dictated  for  me  his 
Cosas  de  California.  This  is  a  folio  volume  of  265 
pages,  full  of  valuable  material.  The  first  140  pages 
treat  of  historical  events  in  California,  and  biographi 
cal  notes  on  men  who  took  part  in  them  from  early  in 
the  third  decade  of  the  present  century  to  the  consoli- 


COSAS  DE  CALIFORNIA  779 

dation  of  American  power.  The  next  4G  pages  con 
tain  the  author's  experiences  in  the  gold  placers,  with 
many  interesting  anecdotes  which  I  have  utilized  in 
another  volume.  Following  are  several  pages  on  re 
lations  with  the  Indians  of  the  frontier.  The  narra 
tive  is  full  of  interest.  There  are  several  pages 
devoted  to  the  annals  of  crime  in  the  vicinity  of  Los 
Angeles  during  the  four  or  five  years  which  imme 
diately  succeeded  the  discovery  of  gold  in  California. 
From  page  211  to  the  end  the  narrative  furnishes 
copious  information  on  missions,  population,  public 
instruction,  mode  of  life,  occupations,  food,  dress,  and 
amusements  of  the  Californians.  The  whole  book  is 
full  of  valuable  matter  related  in  a  clear  and  pleasant 
style,  free  from  exaggeration  or  bias. 

Another  voluminous  and  most  valuable  contribu 
tion  is  that  of  Victor  E.  A.  Janssens,  a  resident  of 
Santa  Biirbara,  under  the  title  of  Vida  y  Aventuras  en 
California,  dictated  by  him  for  my  use  in.  1878.  A 
Belgian  by  birth,  Janssens,  while  still  a  lad  came 
from  Mexico  with  the  Hijar  and  Padres  colony  in 
1834.  It  is  unnecessary  to  detail  here  his  career, 
which  has  been  set  forth  in  the  Pioneer  Register  of 
the  fourth  volume  of  the  History  of  California,  this 
series.  He  had  good  opportunities  for  observation,  and 
seems  to  have  improved  them.  He  was  well  informed 
regarding  everything  that  took  place  before  and  after 
the  American  annexation ;  his  statements  are  entitled 
to  high  consideration.  The  book  begins  with  an  ex 
cellent  narrative  of  colony  affairs,  which  is  followed 
by  a  detailed  and  clear  account  of  later  events,  namely, 
political  disturbances  almost  from  the  beginning  of 
Colonel  Chico's  rule  to  the  end  of  the  war  between 
the  factions  of  Alvarado  and  Carrillo  in  1838.  In 
continuation  are  several  pages  giving  a  vivid  account 
of  Indian  raids  and  other  troubles  on  the  frontier  of 
Lower  California  and  at  San  Diego.  There  is  also 
valuable  information  on  mission  affairs,  agriculture 
and  other  industries,  social  matters,  etc.  He  next 


780  BIBLIOGRAPHY  OF  PASTORAL  CALIFORNIA. 

relates  the  trouble  betweed  Pico  and  Castro,  and  the 
military  operations  of  the  Californians  and  Ameri 
cans  during  the  war  of  1846-7  ;  his  adventures  and 
successes  in  the  gold  diggings,  Indian  assaults  against 
his  rancho,  criminal  annals  and  other  matters  of  great 
interest.  The  whole  forms  a  folio  of  two  hundred 
and  twenty -three  pages,  every  one  of  which  affords 
both  entertaining  and  instructive  reading.  Besides  this, 
I  had  copied  for  my  library  his  collection  of  Docwmen- 
tos  para  la  Historia  de  California,  containing  several 
important  records.  As  a  specimen  of  the  author's 
descriptive  powers,  I  will  insert  here  the  manner  in 
which  the  Coronel  and  Olvera  families  were  treated 
in  1836,  simply  because  they  were  from  Mexico. 
This  affair  took  place  immediately  after  the  revolution 
which  drove  out  of  the  country  Comandante-general 
Gutierrez.  Janssens  was  in  the  company  of  those 
families  at  the  time.  "  On  reaching  the  rancho  of 
the  Verdugos,  almost  opposite  Cahuenga,  near  Los 
Angeles,  they  saw  a  gathering  of  people  as  if  for  a 
ball.  Opposite  the  large  mansion  was  a  small  adobe 
house  occupied  by  an  old  woman  who  kindly  afforded 
shelter  to  the  wearied  travellers.  Many  persons  at 
the  large  house  were  drinking  liquor,  and  every  now 
and  then  was  heard  the  cry  'Down  with  Mexico!' 
'  Death  to  the  Mexicans  I '  This  state  of  things  grew 
more  and  more  alarming  as  the  night  advanced.  One 
of  the  hostile  Californians  came  to  me  and  asked  who 
I  was.  Not  liking  his  looks  I  represented  myself  to 
be  a  Frenchman.  At  every  moment  was  heard  the 
same  cry  of  '  Mueran  los  Mejicanos!'  Don  Ignacio 
Coronel  and  his  family,  and  the  rest  of  the  party,  in 
cluding  myself,  Rojas,  and  Ortiz,  became  greatly 
alarmed,  and  there  was  good  reason  for  it.5'  He  goes 
on  detailing  the  continued  insults  they  were  the  ob 
jects  of  during  that  night,  and  concludes  the  nar 
rative  as  follows:  "On  the  next  morning  we  started 
for  San  Gabriel.  These  infamous  people,  not  satisfied 
with  the  injury  and  insults  they  had  inflicted,  followed 


JANSSENS,   ORD,   AND  OSIO.  781 

after  us,  lassoed  a  wild  bull,  and  on  passing  the 
Arroyo  Seco,  almost  opposite  the  town  of  Los  An 
geles,  they  let  the  brute  loose.  It  rushed  madly 
upon  us,  and  attacked  the  cart.  The  men  in  charge 
of  the  cart  succeeded  in  driving  the  bull  away,  and 
we  passed  the  arroyo.  Nothing  could  of  course  be 
done  against  such  persons,  who  made  us  think  that 
we  were  passing  midst  tribes  of  wild  Indians."  The 
travellers  were  relieved  from  further  insult  by  Lieu 
tenant  Rocha,  a  Mexican  who  had  charge  of  the  mis 
sion.  The  immigrants  called  this  unhappy  espisode 
their  Noche  Triste. 

To  Mrs  Prudenciana  Lopez  Moreno,  widow  of 
Jose  Matias  Moreno,  the  last  secretary  of  Pio  Pico's 
government,  I  am  indebted  for  having  permitted  me 
in  1878  to  examine  her  late  husband's  papers,  and 
make  copies,  resulting  in  a  volume  of  Documentos  para 
la  Historia  de  California,  among  which  are  also  some 
important  records  of  the  frontier  district  of  Lower 
California. 

Mrs  A.  Ord,  nee  de  la  Guerra,  and  whose  first 
husband  was  Don  Manuel  Jimeno  Casarin,  who  held 
several  high  positions  in  California,  among  them 
those  of  member  of  the  assembly,  government  secre- 
tary,  and  several  times  acting  governor,  dictated  for 
me  at  Santa  Barbara  in  1878,  her  Ocurrencias  de  Cali 
fornia,  a  manuscript  of  one  hundred  and  fifty-six 
pages,  which  is  beyond  a  doubt  one  of  the  most  reli 
able  and  fascinating  narratives  in  my  collection,  treat 
ing  as  it  does  not  only  of  political  affairs,  about 
which  she  was  fully  informed,  but  of  social  life  and 
the  missions. 

Antonio  Maria  Osio's  Historia  de  California  manu 
script,  a  copy  of  which  I  obtained  through  the  cour 
tesy  of  John  T.  Doyle,  is  a  work  of  much  merit,  and 
with  those  of  Vallejo,  Alvarado,  and  Bandini,  makes 
the  collection  for  this  period  most  complete.  Like 
the  others,  however,  it  is  very  uneven  as  a  record  of 
facts,  and  could  not  be  held  as  a  safe  guide  in  the  ab- 


782  BIBLIOGRAPHY  OF  PASTORAL  CALIFORNIA. 

sence  of  the  original  records.  A  biographical  sketch 
of  Osio  is  given  in  volume  IV.  of  my  History  of 
California. 

A  special  notice  is  due  to  the  thirty  pages  of  a 
narrative  under  the  title  of  Una  Vieja  y  sus  Recuerdos, 
dictated  in  1877  by  Eulalia  Perez,  Widow  Marine, 
the  famous  centenarian  of  San  Gabriel,  and  which  is 
full  of  interesting  items,  particularly  on  mission  life 
and  daily  routine. 

The  last  Mexican  governor  of  California,  Pio  Pico, 
dictated  for  me  in  1878  some  of  his  recollections 
which  appear  on  my  shelves  entitled  Historia  de  Cali 
fornia.  In  interest  and  accuracy  this  contribution 
favorably  compares  with  other  statements  by  pioneers. 
Don  Pio  also  gave  me  at  the  same  time  two  volumes 
of  original  Documentos  para  la  Historia  de  California, 
which  contain  many  important  papers.  His  relative, 
Ramon  Pico,  added  to  my  collection  three  volumes 
of  Documentos  para  la  Historia  de  California  which  be 
longed  to  his  late  father  Antonio  Maria  Pico,  who 
was  a  prominent  man  both  before  and  after  the  ac 
quisition  of  this  country  by  the  United  States.  Jose 
de  Jesus  Pico  of  San  Luis  Obispo,  in  Acontecimientos 
en  California,  seventy-eight  pages,  has  given  his 
personal  experiences,  which  seem  to  be  pretty  well 
authenticated  by  official  records.  To  this  narrative 
lie  appended  two  original  documents  of  the  highest 
importance. 

Three  others  of  the  citizens  of  California,  Rafael 
Pinto,  Florencio  Serrano  and  Estevan  de  la  Torre, 
residing  here  previous  to  the  American  occupation, 
have  contributed  very  extensive  and  varied  data 
of  the  most  desirable  kind  about  the  country.  Pinto, 
a  native  Californian,  and  an  honorable  man,  in  his 
Apuntaciones  para  la  Historia  de  California,  one  hun 
dred  and  six  folio  pages,  dictated  for  me  at  Hollister 
in  1878,  furnished  a  narration  of  political  events  both 
north  and  south,  in  most  of  which  he  was  a  partici 
pant  as  a  military  officer.  Here,  as  well  as  in  the 


ORIGINAL  CUSTOMS  RECORDS.  783 

description  of  social  customs,  his  narrative  is  truthful 
and  entertaining. 

Pablo  de  la  Guerra  was  collector  of  customs  ad  in 
terim  in  Monterey,  and  the  superior  officer  of  Pinto, 
who  was  receiver  of  revenue  at  San  Francisco.  The 
former  ordered  the  latter  to  present  himself  in  Mon 
terey,  but  the  order  was  not  obeyed.  The  two  offi 
cers  were  friends,  but  duty  must  be  placed  before 
friendship  among  honorable  men.  Hence  it  was 
when  the  tardy  Pinto  at  length  appeared  at  Mon 
terey,  the  superior  Pablo  frowned. 

"  How  now,  sir,"  he  said,  "whose  time  is  this  you 
squander  ? " 

"I  was  ill,"  replied  Pinto. 

"  111,  were  you!  "I  have  heard  of  such  sickness, 
and  have  a  sure  cure  for  it, — fifteen  days'  confinement 
under  arrest." 

Pinto  went  dolefully  to  prison,  though  not  un 
happy  at  heart ;  for  he  carried  there  the  image  of  the 
young  wife  for  whose  sweet  society  he  had  postponed 
his  going.  Pablo  knew  all  about  it,  and  went  every 
day  to  visit  his  friend  in  prison.  Pinto's  penitence  so 
worked  upon  him,  that  on  thi  fifth  day  the  prisoner 
was  free.  Again  among  his  comrades,  Pinto  turned 
ti  his  superior,  and  said  :  "Sir,  I  impeach  you  for  de 
reliction  of  duty,  and  as  I  cannot  commit  you,  I  im 
pose  a  fine;  a  bottle  of  champagne." 

"How  is  that?"  asked  Pablo,  as  he  ordered 
the  wine  brought  on. 

"Did  not  your  love  for  me  cheat  justice  out  often 
of  the  fi  fteen  days  demanded  for  my  disobedience  ?" 
asked  Pinto. 

From  the  same  source  I  received  the  original 
records  of  the  San  Francisco  custom-house  down  to 
1846,  which  were  still  in  Pinto's  possession.  Why  they 
had  not  fallen  with  California  and  her  lands  and  gold 
—all  for  fifteen  millions — into  the  hands  of  the 
United  States  officers,  when  the  American  flag  was 
hoisted  over  Yerba  Buena,  and  the  custom-house  was 


784  BIBLIOGRAPHY  OF  PASTORAL  CALIFORNIA. 

seized,  I  will  relate.  When  news  arrived  of  the  cap 
ture  of  Monterey  by  Commodore  Sloat,  Pinto  re 
solved  to  depart  before  San  Francisco  should  also  be 
taken.  Before  going  he  packed  his  trunks,  placing  in 
them  the  custom-house  papers  and  flag,  and  sent  them 
to  the  house  of  William  A.  Leidesdorff,  the  American 
vice-consul.  Commander  Montgomery,  after  taking 
possession  of  the  town  and  the  custom-house,  learning 
that  Leidesdorff  had  Pinto's  trunks,  demanded  that  they 
should  be  opened.  This  the  consul  refused  to  do;  and 
as  the  commander  did  not  press  the  matter,  the  trunks 
in  due  time  were  delivered  to  their  owner.  The  flag 
Pinto  presented  years  after  to  Philip  Roach  for  the 
Pioneer  Society,  arid  the  papers  finally  came  to  me, 
and  now  figure  on  my  shelves  under  the  title  of  Pinto, 
Documentos  para  la  Historia  de  California. 

Florencio  Serrano  had  held  judicial  positions  under 
Mexican  rule,  and  after  the  American  occupation  he 
succeeded  Colton  as  alcalde  at  Monterey.  A*  man 
of  pure  European  blood,  of  fair  education,  and  good 
repute,  he  was  somewhat  superior  to  his  associates. 
In  his  old  age  he  was  blind  and  poor,  though  not  in 
want,  as  his  sons  cared  for  him  and  their  mother. 
Before  his  death  he  dictated  his  Apuntes  para  la  His 
toria  de  California,  in  which  he  gives  a  full  statement 
of  his  life,  and  recollections  of  Californian  affairs, 
throwing  light  upon  many  important  topics,  in  excel 
lent  language  and  entertaining  style.  The  manuscript 
is  a  voluminous  one,  and  I  look  upon  it  as  one  of  the 
most  valuable  in  my  collection. 

Estevan  de  la  Torre,  a  son  of  the  secretary  under 
Sola  the  last  Spanish  governor,  unlike  his  brothers 
Joaquin  and  Gabriel,  never  allowed  himself  to  figure 
in  politics,  though  he  did  take  part  in  the  last  two 
years'  military  movements  for  the  defence  of  his 
country.  He  preferred  the  peaceful  pursuits  of  agri 
culture,  commerce,  and  other  honest  occupations,  and 
was  noted  as  an  industrious,  hard-working  man.  In 
1877,  he  was  in  comfortable  circumstances,  had  a  wife 


DIVERS  MANUSCRIPTS.  785 

and  children^  and  enjoyed  the  respect  of  all  who  knew 
him.  That  year  he  dictated  to  my  secretary  at  Mon 
terey  material  for  a  volume  of  234  folio  pages,  ap 
pearing  in  my  collection  with  the  title  of  Reminiscencias. 
This  excellent  contribution  has  been  often  quoted  in 
my  History  of  California,  being  particularly  valuable 
as  a  picture  of  manners  and  customs  in  Mexican 
times,  as  well  as  a  trustworthy  record  of  public  events 
passing  under  his  observations.  He  also  relates  his 
experiences  in  the  gold  placers. 

I  must  mention  more  briefly  some  others,  who  are 
none  the  less  worthy,  as  I  am  warned  that  I  am  n^ar 
the  end  of  this  volume. 

Catarina  Avila  de  Bios,  widow  of  Sergeant  Petro- 
nilo  Bios  of  the  artillery,  dictated  her  Recuerdos  His- 
toricos,  being  mainly  an  account  of  the  massacre  of 
the  Beed  family  and  others,  at  San  Miguel  in  1849. 

Antonio  Berreyesa,  Relation,  is  an  account  of  the 
murder  of  Sergeant  Berreyesa,  his  uncle,  and  of  the 
Haro  twins,  by  Fremont's  men  in  1846,  and  of  his 
own  troubles  with  squatters  and  land-lawyers. 

Juan  Bojorges,  Recuerdos,  are  his  reminiscences  on 
Indian  campaigns. 

Jose  Canuto  Boronda,  Notas,  are  notes  on  his  old- 
time  adventures.  He  was  a  soldier,  and  long  served 
as  the  orderly  of  Sola,  the  last  Spanish  governor. 

Felix  Buelna,  Narration,  comprises  some  of  his 
recollections. 

Domingo  and  Jose  Antonio  Carrillo ;  to  the  wid 
ows  of  these  once  prominent  Californians  I  am  in 
debted  for  many  valuable  papers  connected  with  the 
history  of  their  country,  including  among  them  no 
less  a  paper  than  the  original  convention  of  Cahuenga 
between  Andres  Bico  and  Fremont,  in  January  1847, 
which  put  an  end  to  hostilities  between  the  Ameri 
cans  and  Californians. 

Agustin  Escobar,  Campana  de  '46,  and  Clemente 
Espinosa,  Apuntes,  contain  brief  notes  on  especial 
topics. 

CAL.  PAST.    50 


786  BIBLIOGRAPHY  OF  PASTORAL  CALIFORNIA. 

Jose  M.  Estudillo,  Datos  Historicos:  consisting 
mainly  of  a  narrative  of  events  in  the  San  Diego 
region,  and  data  on  the  coasting  trade  in  pre- American 
times. 

Ignacio  Ezquer,  Memorias,  dictated  in  1878,  being 
a  few  of  his  recollections  on  early  events. 

Henry  D.  Fitch  was  an  American  shipmaster,  mer 
chant,  and  land-owner  who  came  to  California  before 
1827.  His  widow  Josefa  Carrillo  de  Fitch  presented 
me  in  1875  a  large  number  of  documents  of  interest 
for  Californian  history,  including  her  marriage  certifi 
cate,  and  her  husband's  Mexican  naturalization  papers. 
She  also  dictated  an  interesting  Narracion.  I  have 
likewise  in  the  Vallejo  and  Cooper  collections,  hun 
dreds  of  Captain  Fitch's  business  and  personal  letters. 

Jose  Fernandez,  a  Spaniard  who  came  to  California 
in  1817,  and  served  in  Argiiello's  expedition  to  the 
north  in  1821.  In  the  course  of  his  life,  during  the 
Mexican  rule,  he  filled  several  local  offices,  besides 
holding  the  rank  of  captain  in  the  militia.  After  the 
American  occupation  he  was  a  town  councilman.  In 
1874  he  dictated  for  me  his  Cosas  de  California,  a 
most  interesting  narrative.  Fernandez  was  held  in 
respect  and  esteem  by  all  who  knew  him. 

Miguel  Flores,  gave  me  at  San  Jose  in  1877,  Re- 
cuerdos  Historicos,  relating  only  to  a  short  period  of 
Californian  history,  but  not  devoid  of  interest. 

Eusebio  Galindo,  born  in  1802,  and  many  years  a 
soldier  of  the  San  Francisco  presidial  company,  in 
1877  contributed  his  Apuntes,  which  contain  much 
matter  worthy  of  preservation. 

Inocente  Garcia  in  his  Hechos  Historicos  gives  de 
tails  of  the  old  soldier's  life,  his  experiences  as  a  mis 
sion  administrator,  observations  of  a  general  nature, 
and  a  few  specimens  of  his  poetical  compositions. 

Jose  E.  Garcia,  Episodws,  and  M.  Garcia,  Apuntes 
sobre  Micheltorena.  The  latter  is  a  brief  account  of 
the  Batallon  Fijo  de  California  brought  by  Michel 
torena  to  this  country  in  1842.  Nicanor  de  J.  Cas- 


DOCUMENTS   AND  MANUSCRIPTS.  787 

tillo  Garnica  writes  Recuerdos  of  events  in  1844-G. 

Josd  de  los  S.  and  Luis  C.  German,  brothers,  of 
Tres  Pinos,  under  the  title  of  Sucesos  related  what 
they  knew  of  California  events  in  1844-7,  which  on 
several  points  proved  valuable  material  for  history. 

Vicente  P.  Gomez  in  a  thick  folio  volume  under  the 
title  of  Lo  que  Sabe,  contributed  a  large  stock  of  in 
formation  upon  almost  all  subjects  connected  with 
California  history  and  social  life.  His  vein  of  anec 
dote  seemed  inexhaustible,  and  many  were  the  stories 
he  told  while  working  in  my  library  and  in  the  various 
archives. 

Teodoro  Gonzalez  who  lived  in  California  since  1825, 
held  several  municipal  and  judicial  offices,  and  became 
a  man  of  wealth,  was  placed  where  he  could  under 
stand  the  causes  and  effects  of  the  several  revolutions 
which  disturbed  the  country.  Though  his  memory 
was  failing  in  1877  he  related  many  important  details 
which  are  preserved  in  his  Revoluciones  de  California. 
Mauricio  Gonzalez,  a  pioneer  of  1840,  gave  in  his 
Memorias  on  the  revolution  and  campaign  against 
Micheltorena  in  1844-5,  and  also  a  collection  of  ori^- 

Q 

inal  papers  that  had  belonged  to  his  father,  the  first 
collector  of  customs  of  Monterey.  Rafael  Gonzalez, 
of  Santa  Barbara,  in  his  Experiencias  relates  what 
passed  before  him,  in  most  of  which  he  was  a  partici 
pant. 

William  Edward  Petty  Hartnell  was  a  highly  edu 
cated  and  honorable  Englishman,  who  resided  in 
California  since  1822,  and  married  Seiiorita  Teresa  de 
la  Guerra.  A  detailed  account  of  his  career  is 
given  in  the  Pioneer  Register,  volume  III,  of  my 
History  of  California.  I  possess  hundreds  of  letters 
and  papers  which  emanated  from  or  belonged  to 
him.  Indeed,  his  family  documents  form  more  than 
one  volume  of  the  Vallejo  collection,  and  should  be 
under  his  own  name.  Among  these  were  the  original 
records  of  the  Convention  of  '49,  and  the  valuable 
Diario  del  Visitador  General  de  Jlisiones,  1839-40. 


788  BIBLIOGRAPHY  OF  PASTORAL  CALIFORNIA. 

Cdrlos  N.  Hijar's  California  en  '34  contains  mainly 
data  on  the  colony  of  Hijar  and  Padres.  The  author 
came  with  his  uncle  Jose  M.  Hijar,  who  had  a  com 
mission  as  jefe-politico  and  director  of  colonization  of 
California. 

Julio  Cesar,  an  intelligent  ex-neophyte  of  San 
Luis  Rey  living  at  Tres  Pinosin  1878,  dictated  to  my 
secretary  Cosas  de  Indias,  a  really  good  account  of 
mission  affairs. 

Cayetano  Juarez,  a  soldier  of  the  San  Francisco 
company  in  1828,  alcalde  of  Sonoma  in  1845,  and  in 
later  years  a  wealthy  ranchero  of  Napa  county,  gave 
in  some  rambling  Notas.  This  is  the  man  who  planned 
the  rescue  of  the  Sonoma  prisoners  in  1846  from 
the  Bear  party,  and  swam  about  nine  miles  to  escape 
capture. 

Justo  Larios,  Convulsiones  de  California,  is  an  in 
teresting  account  of  the  political  disturbances.  Esto- 
lano  Larios,  gives  Vida  y  Aventuras,  not  of  himself 
but  of  his  father,  a  famous  b?ar  hunter. 

Of  Jacob  P.  Leese,  pioneer  of  1833,  I  have  a 
biographical  sketch,  and  the  Bear  Flag  Revolt,  which 
is  the  best  narrative  on  the  subject  extant.  His  wife 
furnished  me  an  Historia  de  los  Osos  to  which  I  ascribe 
no  special  value. 

Apolinaria  Lorenzana  was  one  of  the  foundling 
children  sent  to  California  by  the  viceroy  of  Mexico 
in  1800,  and  who  were  here  distributed,  as  she  ex 
pressed  it  "  como  perritos,  entre  las  familas,"  Living 
at  Santa  Barbara  in  1878,  blind  and  indigent,  she 
related  in  a  volume  entitled  Memorias  de  la  Beata 
many  interesting  items  on  early  times,  especially  in 
regard  to  San  Diego. 

Jose  del  C.  Lugo,  of  Los  Angeles,  who  at  one  time 
was  in  affluent  circumstances,  and  occupied  a  promi 
nent  position,  in  Vida  de  un  Ranchero  treats  of  political 
and  other  events,  manners  and  customs,  etc.,  in  the 
years  preceding  and  immediately  succeeding  the 
American  annexation. 


OTHER  MANUSCRIPTS.  789 

Then  we  have  by  Juana  Machado  Ridington,  of  San 
Diego,  Tiempos  Pasados  de  California;  by  Felipa 
Osuna  Marron,  also  of  San  Diego,  Recuerdos,  and  the 
Papeles  Originates  of  her  late  father,  an  old  alcalde  of 
that  town  and  mission  administrator. 

Juan  B.  Moreno's  Vida  Militar  consists  of  a  few 
facts  on  military  operations  during  the  American 
war.  Francisco  Palom ares'  Memorias  are  chiefly  his 
adventures  as  an  Indian  fighter,  which  are  supposed 
to  be  truthfully  related. 

Manuel  Torres'  Peripetias  de  la  Vida  en  California 
is  a  readable  manuscript,  devoted  to  manners  of  life, 
and  remarks  on  early  men,  rather  than  a  narrative  of 
events.  The  author,  a  Peruvian,  and  at  one  time  a 
member  of  the  state  legislature,  came  to  California 
in  1843. 

Ignacio  del  Valle,  a  native  of  Mexico  and  a  mili 
tary  officer,  figured  largely  in  the  political  affairs  of 
California.  After  the  American  occupation  he  held 
several  offices  of  honor,  and  served  also  in  the  state 
legislature  in  1852.  His  record  has  been  that  of  a 
good  officer  and  honorable  citizen.  In  1877  he  con 
tributed  with  the  title  of  Lo  Pasado  de  California  a 
few  pages  of  his  recollections,  which  are  quite  inter 
esting,  and  also  presented  me  a  number  of  documents, 
among  which  are  some  important  ones.  They  appear 
on  my  shelves  in  his  name  as :  Valle,  Docfiimentos  para 
la  Historia  de  California.  I  may  mention  further, 
Victoriano  Vega,  Vida  Calif orniana,  62  pages.  Pablo 
Vejar,  Recuerdos  de  un  Viejo,  90  pages.  Vejar  led  an 
adventurous  life,  and  vividly  records  it.  He  was 
the  only  prisoner  taken  by  Kearny's  army  at  San 
Pascual. 

To  the  above  array  of  original  authorities  I  might 
add  many  other  contributors,  whose  narratives, 
though  less  voluminous,  are  not  on  this  account  less 
worthy  of  being  quoted  in  my  work  on  California. 
Their  names  have  been  duly  presented  in  its  pages. 

Of  the  foreign  pioneers  who  have  given  their  tes- 


790  BIBLIOGRAPHY  OF  PASTORAL  CALIFORNIA. 

timony  upon  California!!  affairs,  prior  to  1848,  being 
87  in  number,  12  wrote  on  particular  subjects;  20 
were  residents  of  California  earlier  than  1840 ;  35  came 
overland  as  emigrants,  hunters,  soldiers,  and  settled 
previous  to  1845-8,  and  20  over  the  seas,  as  traders 
or  sea-faring  men.  Of  these  numerous  contributors, 
the  follow ino-  are  entitled  to  hio*h  commendation,  the 

O  O 

first  place  belonging  by  all  rights  to  William  Heath 
Davis'  Glimpses  of  the  Past,  which  furnish  most  de 
tailed  and  accurate  records  of  early  events  and  men. 
Davis  first  came  to  California  when  a  boy,  again  in 
1833,  and  a  third  time  in  1838,  from  which  year  he 
has  been  a  permanent  resident  here,  and  engaged  in 
commercial  enterprises.  These  facts  are  mentioned 
only  to  make  patent  the  favorable  opportunities 
he  has  had,  making  use  of  his  naturally  bright  in 
tellectual  powers,  to  acquaint  himself  with  and  retain 
in  his  memory  all  events,  and  traits  of  personal  char 
acter  which  were  brought  under  his  observation. 

O 

A  biographical  sketch  of  him  may  be  seen  in  the 
the  Pioneer  Register  of  volume  IT.  of  my  History 
of  California.  His  Glimpses  of  the  Past  cover  hun 
dreds  of  pages  containing  not  only  his  personal  expe 
riences,  but  thousands  of  items  of  early  men  and 
times,  especially  on  commerce,  and  the  customs  of 
the  natives  and  foreign  pioneers.  His  memory  is 
fresh,  but  his  recollections  are,  in  many  instances, 
based  on  memoranda  made  years  ago. 

Other  foreign  contributors  deserving  especial  men 
tion  are  the  following  :  William  Baldridge,  a  pioneer 
of  1843,  for  his  Days  of  '46,  written  in  1877,  and.  for 
several  papers  given  by  him  at  various  times  for 
newspapers  and  books,  which  are  noted  for  their  com 
mendable  accuracy.  Josiah  Belden,  Historical  State 
ment,  of  70  pages ;  a  narrative  such  as  a  man  of  his 
clear  head  would  produce.  I  have  also  a  number  of 
his  letters.  John  Bidwell  of  Chico.  His  printed 
Journey  to  California  is  now  among  rare  books.  For 
the  particulars  of  Bidwell's  early  life  I  must  refer  to 


PIOKKER   MANUSCRIPTS.  791 

the  Pioneer  Register  in  vol.  II.  of  ray  History  of  Cali 
fornia,  and  confine  my  remarks  here  to  his  California 
in  1841-8,  a  manuscript  of  233  pages  dictated  by  hin: 
for  me,  and  which  I  regard  as  one  of  the  most  valuable 
in  my  collection  of  pioneer  reminiscences.  Aside  from 
that  I  have  many  of  his  letters,  and  other  papers, 
throwing  light  on  California  events.  Henry  W.  Big- 
ler,  Diary  of  a  Mormon,  an  excellent  narrative  of  the 
march  of  the  Mormon  battalion  to  California  in  1847, 
as  well  as  on  details  of  the  gold  discovery  in  1848. 
Joseph  B.  Chiles,  Visit  to  California  in  '41.  This 
person  made  several  overland  journeys  to  this  country 
after  that  year.  John  Forster,  Pioneer  Data,  besides 
other  contributions  respecting  his  experiences  since 
he  first  came  to  California  early  in  the  thirties. 
Walter  Murray's  Narrative  of  a  California  Volunteer  is 
a  copy  of  his  original  diary,  which  his  widow  placed 
at  my  disposal.  It  is  one  of  the  best  authorities  on 
the  history  of  Stevenson's  regiment,  to  which  the 
author  belonged,  especially  on  the  operations  of  the 
same  in  Lower  California,  in  which  Murray  par 
ticipated.  It  will  be  well  to  observe  that  Murray 
was  afterward  a  lawyer,  journalist,  and  district  judge, 
having  also  served  as  a  member  of  the  legislature.  It  Js 
said  of  George  Nidever,  a  Tennessean  hunter  who 
came  to  California  in  1833,  that  he  killed  200  grizzly 
bears.  His  Life  and  Adventures  is  a  long  and  most 
valuable  narrative.  In  1878,  at  the  age  of  76,  he  put 
into  a  target  three  rifle-balls  in  succession  within  the 
space  of  a  square  inch  at  the  distance  of  sixty  paces. 
Nidever  died  at  Santa  Barbara  in  1883.  Of  John 
Augustus  Sutter  I  give  an  extensive  biographical 
notice  in  the  Pioneer  Register  of  vol.  V.  of  the 
History  of  California.  His  Personal  Recollections  I  took 
from  his  lips  at  his  home  in  Pennsylvania. 

Jonathan  T.  Warner,  a  pioneer  of  1831,  and  one  of 
the  men  most  conspicuous  in  California  since  the 
American  annexation,  contributed  to  newspapers  and 
to  different  parties  important  items  on  early  history 


792  BIBLIOGRAPHY  OF  PASTORAL  CALIFORNIA. 

of  this  country,  which  have  been  made  known  to  the 
public  by  the  press.  His  contributions  to  the  cen 
tennial  history  of  Los  Angeles  is  of  great  value.  He 
has  furnished  me  a  brief  Biographical  Sketch,  and  a 
more  extended  book  of  Reminiscences,  which  I  have 
often  quoted  in  the  History  of  California.  He  is 
recognized  as  one  of  the  best  authorities. 

Benjamin  Davis  Wilson,  a  Tennessean  trapper  and 
trader  who  came  to  California  in  1841,  and  who  occu 
pied  a  position  of  prominence  before  and  after  the 
United  States'  acquisition  of  California,  in  his  Observa 
tions,  dictated  late  in  1877,  a  few  months  before  his 
death,  at  his  estate  called  Lake  Vineyard,  near  San 
Gabriel,  has  contributed  data  on  historical  events  of 
considerable  value,  but  in  some  parts  inaccurate. 

The  testimony  of  foreigners,  taken  all  in  all,  I  re 
gard  as  of  less  value  than  that  of  the  native  Califor- 
nians;  for  although  the  latter  may  be  the  superior  of 
the  former  in  native  mendacity,  foreigners  have  in 
many  cases  taken  but  little  interest  in  the  subject. 

As  might  be  expected,  while  the  contributions  of 
both  native  and  foreign  pioneers  have  been  in  the  ag 
gregate  of  much  value,  I  have  found  in  many  cases, 
as  the  result  of  defective  memory,  a  strange  and  often 
inexplicable  mixture  of  truth  and  fiction.  Fortu 
nately  I  have  not  been  put  to  the  necessity  of  basing 
the  history  of  California  wholly  on  this  kind  of  evi 
dence.  Original  documents  have  been  at  hand  in 
abundance  to  guard,  corroborate,  and  correct. 


GLOSSARY. 


For  the  benefit  of  those  among  my  American  and  English  readers  who 
may  not  be  conversant  with  the  Spanish  language,  I  append  a  list  of  the 
more  common  words  used  in  Mexico  and  Hispano-California,  and  con 
tained  in  my  Histoi-y  of  California  and  in  this  volume,  together  with  their 
corresponding  significations  in  our  vernacular. 


A 


Abadesa.     Abbess. 

Abajenos.  Inhabitants  of  southern 
California. 

Abismo.     Bottomless  pit. 

A  boca  llena.     Perspicuously,  openly. 

Abortos  del  infierno.  Hellish  abor 
tions. 

Aburrido.     Disgusted. 

Acoiitecimiento.     Event. 

Acuerdos.     Decisions. 

Acusador.     Accuser. 

Agiotistas.  Money-changers,  stock 
brokers,  bill-brokers,  discounters  of 
govt  warrants. 

Agregados.     Attaches,  added. 

Agugeros.     Holes. 

Alabado.     Praised  be. 

Alaineda.     Grove  of  trees. 

Alcabala.  Excise;  also  customs  du 
ties. 

Alcaldadas.     Alcalde's  blunders. 

Alcalde  mayor.  Magistrate  of  a  dis 
trict  inferior  to  a  governor's. 

Alcahueteria.  Bawdry,  trickery, 
concealment. 

Alcatraz.     Pelican. 

Almud.     Twelfth   of   a   fanega,  q.  v. 

Almuerzo.  Breakfast  (usually  a  sec 
ond  one). 

Alocucion.     Address. 

A  medias  palabras.     With  mere  hints. 

Ameno.     Agreeable,  enchanting. 

Ainigas.      Primary  schools. 

A  mo.      Master,  owner. 

Amor  patrio.     Love  of  country. 

Auata.     Annats. 

(793) 


Aprehensor.     Captor. 

Apuntes.     Notes,  memoranda. 

Arancel.     Tariff. 

Arbitrios.     Means,  resources. 

Archive.  Record  office;  in  plural, 
archives. 

Ardilla.     Squirrel. 

Arete.     Earring. 

Arreglo.     Arrangement. 

Arribenos.  Inhabitants  of  northern 
California. 

Arriero.     Muleteer. 

Arroba.     Twenty-five  pounds. 

Arroyo.     Rivulet,  or  current. 

Asamblea.     Assembly. 

Asistencia.  Assistance;  branch  of  a 
mission. 

Atentado  escandalosisimo.  Most 
scandalous  outrage. 

Audiencia.  Supreme  court;  in  Mex 
ico,  together  with  the  viceroy,  it 
was  also  a  royal  council. 

Auto-de-fe.  Sentence  by  the  inquisi 
tion. 

Auto  de  posesion.     Act  of  possession. 

Averia.     Average,  damage. 

Averiguacion.     Investigation. 

Ayuiitamiento.     Municipal  council. 

Azotes.     Lashes. 


B 


Bahfa  redonda.     Round  bay. 

Banda.     Side,  scarf. 

Bando.     Edict. 

Bando  econdmico.     Financial  edict. 

Barranca.     Ravine,  precipice. 

Basquina.     Upper  petticoat. 


794 


GLOSSARY. 


Beato,  a.     Devout. 

Benemerito  de  la  patria.  Deserving 
well  of  the  country. 

Bidarka.     Skin  boat. 

Bienes.     Property. 

Bolas  de  plata.     Silver  balls. 

Boleto  de  desembarco.  Landing  per 
mit. 

Bolsilla.     Little  purse. 

Bolsillo.     Pocket. 

Borrador.     Blotter-copy. 

Borregacla.     A  flock  of  sheep. 

Borrego.  Sheep;  also  name  of  a  Cal. 
dance. 

Brazo  de  mar.     See  'Estero.' 

Brazos  fuertes.  Powerful  or  strong 
arms. 

Brea.     Rosin,  pitch. 

Breves,  Papal     briefs. 

Bronco.      Unbroken  horse. 

Buenos  dias.     Good  morning. 

Bulas.     Papal  bulls. 

Burla.     Mockery. 


Caballar.    Belonging  to  or  resembling 

horses. 
Caballo.     Horse.     Muy  de  a  caballo. 

An  accomplished  horseman. 
Cabecera.     Head  town  of  a  district; 

source  of  a  river. 
Cabeza.     Head.     Cabeza  de  proceso. 

Head  of  a  criminal  proceeding. 
Cabo  de  Hornos.     Cape  Horn. 
Cabotage.     Coasting  trade. 
Cacaiste.     Mexican,  a  sort  of  bench. 
Calabozo.     Calaboose,  prison. 
Calzada.     Causeway,  paved  highway, 

high-road. 

Campana.     Campaign. 
Campo.     Field. 

Canada.     Glen  or  dale  between  moun 
tains;  dale. 
Canon.     Cannon.     Canoncito.    Small 

cannon. 

Caiidnigo.     Canon. 
Cantares  a   la  Virgen.     Canticles  to 

the  Virgin. 

Capador.     Gelder  or  castrator. 
Capataz.     Boss. 
Capitan  de   armas.     Commander   of 

troops. 

Capitana.     Flag-ship. 
Capitanejo.     Petty  chief. 
Carrera   de    baqueta.     Running    the 

gauntlet. 

Carta.     Letter,  chart. 
Carta   de   naturaleza.     Certificate  of 

naturalization. 


Carta  de  seguridad.  Passport,  or 
permit  to  reside. 

Casa  consistorial.     Municipal  hall. 

Casas  Grandes.     Large  houses. 

Casas  reales.     Buildings  of  the  crown. 

Castigo  de  sangre.  Punishment 
drawing  blood. 

Catorce.     Fourteen. 

Caucion  juratoria.  A  person's  own 
recognizance. 

Cayuco.     Dug-out. 

Cedula.     Letter. 

Celador.     Watchman. 

Celeberrima.  Most  celebrated,  or  il 
lustrious. 

Cepos.     Stocks  for  punishment. 

Cerro.     Hill. 

Chahuistle.     Rust. 

Chancaca.     See  'Panocha.' 

Chapeton.  One  of  noble  birth  who 
never  was  of  any  use;  one  who  came 
to  America  without  a  royal  pass 
port. 

Chapulin.     Locust. 

Cimarrones.     Runaways  or  deserters. 

Clerigo.     Clergyman. 

Comandante  de  escuadron.  Major  of 
cavalry. 

Comandante  superior  politico  y  mili- 
tar.  Superior  civil  and  military 
commandant. 

Comendador.     Knight  commander. 

Comilitona.     See  'Comilona.' 

Comilona.  A  feast  with  plenty  of 
edibles. 

Comisario.  Commissary,  a  treasury 
official. 

Comision.  Commission,  trust.  Co- 
mision  reservada.  Secret  commis 
sion. 

Companero.  Companion,  comrade, 
chum. 

Compania  de  honor.  Company  of 
honor. 

Campania  extrangera.  Company  of 
foreigners. 

Comodidad.     Comfort,  utility. 

Compadre,  comadre,  gossips. 

Compadrazgo.  Bond  of  affinity  be 
tween  the  parents  of  a  child  on  one 
side,  and  the  sponsors  of  the  child 
on  the  other. 

Compania  franca.  Privileged  com 
pany. 

Condiciones  convenidas.  Conditions 
agreed  upon. 

Cdngrua.     Stipend. 

Congreso  constituyente,  Constituent 
congress. 

Conministro,     Assistant  minister. 


GLOSSARY. 


795 


Conquistado,  a,  os,  as.  Conquered, 
subjugated. 

Conquistar.     To  conquer. 

Con.se  jo.  Council.  Conse  jo-general 
cle  pueblos  unidos.  Council-general 
of  united  towns,  or  people. 

Coiisideracion  no  menor.  Of  not  less 
consideration. 

Contador.     Accountant,  auditor. 

Contestacion.     Answer. 

Contribucion   forzosa.     Forced   loan. 

Contorno.     In  circuit. 

Convenio.      Convention,    agreement. 

Corbeta.     Corvette,  or   sloop-of-war. 

Cordilleras.  Messages  frozn  place  to 
place. 

Corma.     Species  of  fetters. 

Corral.  A  pen  for  live-stock,  and 
even  for  poultry. 

Coyote.     A  small  California  wolf. 

Cuadrilla.     Gang. 

Cuarta.     A  whip. 

Cuarto  de  las  solteras.  Single  wo 
men's  quarters. 

Culto.     Cult,  worship,  cultured. 

Cuotodia.  Number  of  convents,  not 
enough  for  a  provincia;  remon 
strance. 

Cuero.     Hide  of  cattle  or  horses. 

Cuerpo.     The  body. 

Cuerpo  del  delito.     Corpus  delicti. 


De  estilo.     Usual. 

Defiiiidores.  The  councillors  of  a 
custodia. 

Delitos  de  sangre.  Crimes  with 
bloodshed. 

Derechos.     Duties. 

Derrochador.     Squanderer. 

Derrotero.     Directions  for  sailing. 

Desagiie.     Drainage. 

Desahogo.     Relief. 

Desayuno.     Breakfast. 

Descubridor.    Discoverer,  or  detector. 

Desesperado.     Desperado. 

Destierro.     Banishment. 

Diablo.     Devil. 

Dia  de  fiesta.     Feast-day. 

Dia  del  juicio.     Day  of  judgment. 

Dictamen.     Report,  opinion. 

Dieta.     Daily  pay. 

Diezmos.     Tithes. 

Diran  y  Diremos.  They  will  say,  and 
so  shall  we. 

Discretorio.  Council  of  a  head  con 
vent. 

Dispensa.     Pantry-room. 

Divertirae,     To  amuse  oneself. 


Doctrina.     Doctrine;  curacy  held  by 

friars. 
Doctrineros.      Friars    in     charge    of 

parishes. 
Donatives.     Donations,  gifts. 

E 

Echado.  Past  participle  of  echar,  to 
throw,  or  put  in.  Echado  yerha  en 
los  dleos.  Had  put  poison  in  the 
sacred  oil. 

Echar  con  cajas  destempladas.  To 
dismiss  unceremoniously. 

Economia  de  sangre.  Saving  of 
bloodshed. 

El  capitan  fraile  tenia  mas  mafias  que 
un  burro  de  aguador.  The  friar 
captain  had  more  tricks  than  the 
donkey  of  a  water-carrier. 

Embarcadero.     Landing-place. 

Emigrados.     Emigrants,  immigrants. 

Empastados.     Bound. 

Enchilada.     Stuffed  peppers. 

Enfermo.     Sick. 

Enramada.  A  shed  or  hut  covered 
with  branches  of  trees. 

Ensenada.  A  bight,  or  small  bay, 
cove. 

Entrada.  Entry,  entrance,  invasion, 
excursion. 

Escala.     See  'Puerto  de  Escala.' 

Escalador,  es.  Climber,  one  who 
scales  walls. 

Escandalos.     Scandals. 

Escandalo  de  gran  tamano.  Large- 
sized  scandal. 

Escoltas.      Mission  guard. 

Escondida.      Hidden. 

Escribano.     Notary. 

Escrito.     Writing;  also  written. 

Espinazo.      Spine. 

Estado.     Statement,  or  account. 

Estero.     Creek,  cove,  arm  of  the  sea. 

Estoy.     I  am. 

Excusa.     Excuse. 

Excma,  contraction  of  excelentisima. 
Most  excellent. 

Excomunion  mayor.  Excommunica 
tion  major. 

Expediente.  Collection  of  papers 
upon  a  subject. 


Fandango.     A  dance  of  the  common 

people. 

Fanega.     A  bushel  and  a  half. 
Farallones.     Small,    pointed   islands, 

hummocks, 


796 


GLOSSARY. 


Favorecedor.     Favorer,  friend. 

Festejar.     To  entertain,  to  feast. 

Fidelidad.     Fealty,  faithfulness. 

Fierro.     Branding-iron. 

Fomento.     Development. 

Fondo  de  gratificacion.  Extra  allow 
ance  to  each  milit.  company. 

Foiido  de  Invalidos.  Fund  of  inva 
lided  soldiers. 

Fondo  de  Montepio.  Fund  of  pensions 
for  officers'  widows  and  orphans. 

Fondo  de  retencion.  Fund  of  amounts 
retained. 

Forzados.     Forced. 

Fragata.     Frigate,  full-rigged  ship. 

Fragiles.     Fragile. 

Frail  ero.  One  under  the  influence  of 
priests. 

Fresno.     Alder  tree. 

Fuego.     Fire. 

Fuero  eclesiastico.  Ecclesiastical 
privileges. 

Fuero  militar.     Military  privileges. 

Fumos.     See  'Humos.' 


Q 


Gabelas.     Imposts. 

Ganado.     Live-stock,  cattle. 

Gananciales.  Property  acquired  dur 
ing  marriage. 

Ganan.     Ploughman,  herdsman. 

Gefatura.     Office  of  a  gefe  or  chief. 

Gefe.  Chief.  Gefe  politico.  Politi 
cal  chief. 

Gente.     People. 

Gente  de  razon.     Civilized  people. 

Gentilidad.   Heathen  people  or  region. 

Gloria.     Glory. 

Golpe  de  estado.  Coup  d'etat,  revo 
lution. 

Golpe  de  mano.  Coup  de  main,  dar 
ing  stroke. 

Gracias.     Favors,  thanks,  graces. 

Grillos.     Shackles. 

Grito.     Cry,  declaration. 

Guarda-almacen.     Store-keeper. 

Guardia.     Guard  and  guard-house. 

Giiera.  Mexican  for  light  complexion 
and  hair. 

Guerra.  War.  Junta  de  guerra. 
Council  of  war. 

Guiiarro.     Cogglestone. 


H 


Habilitacion.    Habilita do's  office;  also 

provision. 
Habilitado.     Paymaster  and  business 

agent  of  a  presidial  company. 


Hambre.     Hunger. 

Hermoso.     Handsome. 

Herrar.     To  brand. 

Hidalgo.     One  of  gentle  birth. 

Hijo  del  Pais.    Native  of  the  country. 

Hoja  de  servicio.     Record  of  service. 

Hombre.  Man.  Hombre  de  bien. 
Honest  man. 

Hoy.     To-day. 

Huero.  Unfecundated  egg.  In  Cal 
ifornia  a  person  of  light  complexion 
and  hair. 

Huilo.  A  man  without  physical 
strength,  or  weak  in  the  legs. 

Humos.     Smoke. 


Inaudito  atentado.  Unheard  of  out 
rage. 

Inconvenientes.     Objections. 

Indigente,  es.     Indigent. 

Indulto.     Pardon. 

Insigne.     Signal,  notable. 

Intendente  honorario  de  provincia. 
An  honorary  intendent  of  province. 

Interventor.    Comptroller,  supervisor. 

Islas  desiertas.     Desert  islands. 


Jacal.     Straw  building. 

Jara.  An  arrow,  or  dart.  Jarazo. 
An  arrow  wound. 

Jardin.     Garden. 

Juez.     Judge. 

Jugador.     Gambler. 

Junta.  A  board  or  corporation, 
meeting.  Junta  Instituyente.  In 
stituting  board. 

Juramento.     Oath. 

Juzgado.     Court  of  justice. 


Laguna.     Small  lake. 

Lanchas.     Launches,  or  lighters. 

Latido.     Throb. 

Latitas.     Small  laths. 

Lazar.     To  lasso,   or  catch   animals 

with  a  rope. 
Legua.     League. 

Levantamiento.     Uprising,  revolt. 
Libros   de    patentes.     Copy-book    of 

instructions. 

Lindo.     Beautiful,  handsome. 
Liviandad.     Levity,  incontinence. 
Lobos.     Wolves.     Lobos  Metodistas. 

Methodist  wolves. 


GLOSSARY, 


797 


Lobos  marines,  Sea-wolves,  sea- 
lions. 

Lomas.     Heights. 

Llano.     Plain 

Llavero.  Keeper  of  the  keys.  In 
the  missions,  the  store-keeper. 


Machete.  Cutlass.  Macheteros. 
Men  armed  with  machetes. 

Madrina.  Godmother,  or  female 
sponsor. 

Mai.     Evil,  complaint. 

Malvado.     Villain,    wretch,    wicked. 

Maiiada.     A  herd  of  sheep. 

Maiigas.     Bed-clothes  and  blankets. 

Maiiguillo.     Friar's  sleeve. 

Mamfiesto.     Manifesto. 

Manta.     Cotton  cloth. 

Mantilla.     Head  cover  for  women. 

Manana.     Morning,  and  to-morrow. 

Mariposa.     Butterfly. 

Mariscadas.     Military  raids. 

Maromeros.     Rope-dancers. 

Mas  6  menos.     More  or  less. 

Matanza.     Slaughter. 

Matriarca.     Matriarch. 

Mecate.     Mexican  for  rope. 

Medio  real.     Half  a  real,  or  6£  cents. 

Mejicano.  Mexican.  AloMejicano. 
After  Mexican  fashion. 

Memorias.     Memoranda. 

Mentira.     Lie. 

Mercenarios.  Friars  of  the  Order  of 
Mercy;  n.ercenary. 

Mesteno.     See  'Mostrenco.' 

Milpas.     Indian  corn-fields. 

Miiiistros  fundadores.  The  friars 
who  found  a  mission. 

Ministros  suplentes.  Substitute  jus 
tices. 

Misa.     Mass. 

Morro.     Steep  cliff. 

Mostrenco,  s.  Strayed,  having  no 
owner.  Bienes  mostrencos.  Goods 
without  a  known  owner. 

Mochilas,  or  mochillas.  Leathern 
flaps  for  covering  a  saddle-tree,  a 
knapsack. 

Mocho.  A  bull  or  cow  with  horns 
cut  off.  Applied  also  to  human  be 
ings  or  animals  that  have  lost  a 
finger,  thumb,  etc. 

Morirse.     To  die. 

Muerto.     Dead. 

Muchachos.     Boys. 


Nada  mas. 


N 
Nothing  more. 


Neofia  (coined  word).  Status  of  neo 
phyte. 

Ninas  expdsitas.     Girl  foundlings. 

Nombramiento.     Appointment. 

Novenario  de  azotes.  Daily  flogging 
for  nine  days. 

Novia.     Sweetheart,  bride. 

Nuqueador.  One  who  broke  the 
necks  of  cattle. 

Nutria.     Otter. 


Obispado.     Bishopric. 

Obras  piadosas.     Benevolent  institu- 

f  tions. 

Oleo.     The  sacred  oil. 

Onza.     Gold  coin  worth  sixteen  silver 

dollars. 

Orden.  Order,  command. 
Ordeiianzas.  Ordinances. 
Orejano.  Wild.  Res  orejana  de  fierro. 

Cattle  marked  on  the  ears. 
Orgullo.     Pride. 
Oso.     Bear. 
Otro,  a,  os,  as.     Other. 


Pacotilla.     Small  trading  venture. 

Padre.     Father. 

Padrino.     Godfather,  or  sponsor. 

Padron.     Census. 

Pais.     Country. 

Paisanos.  Civilians,  fellow-country 
men. 

Palabra  de  esponsales.     Betrothal. 

Palos.  Sticks,  blows  with  a  bludgeon 
or  cudgel.  Matar  a  palos.  To  kill 
with  blows. 

Panela.     See  'Panocha.' 

Panocha.  An  ear  of  millet  or  maize; 
applied  to  the  disc-shaped  loaves  of 
coarse  sugar. 

Papel.     Paper,  writing. 

Papel  de  Iglesia.  Church  asylum 
certificate. 

Papeleta.     Cheque,  or  ticket. 

Paquete  mercante.  Merchant  packet- 
ship. 

Parages.     Places,  or  regions. 

Paraiso.     Paradise. 

Parecer.     Opinion,  or  report. 

Parroquia.  Parish,  and  parish 
church. 

Partido.     Sub-district. 

Pascua  florida.     Easter. 

Paseo   maritimo.     Excursion  by  sea. 

Pastorela.  Idyl,  poem  in  which  the 
speakers  act  as  shepherds. 


798 


GLOSSARY. 


Patronato.  Royal  patronage  over  the 
church. 

Pedrero.     Swivel-gun. 

Pelador.     Flayer,  skinner. 

Peor  es  Nada.     Nothing  is  worse. 

Perdulario.     Devil-may-care. 

Periddicos.     Periodicals,  newspapers. 

Permanencia.     Permanence,  stay. 

Pescadero.  Fishing-place,  fishmonger. 

Pez.     See  'Brea.' 

Pienso  que  no.     I  think  it  will  not  be. 

Placer.  Place  where  gold  is  found  in 
dirt,  either  on  dry  land  or  in  the 
bed  of  a  stream. 

Platica.  Discourse,  colloquy;  also 
pratique. 

Playa.     Sea-beach. 

Plaza.     Open  square  in  a  town. 

Pliego.     Sheet  of  paper. 

Pobladores.  Settlers  or  founders  of  a 
town  or  country. 

Poder  ejecutivo.  Executive  author 
ity. 

Policia.     Police. 

Politicos  arbitristas.  Scheming  poli 
ticians. 

Populachero.  One  who  courts  the 
rabble. 

Portero.     Door-keeper. 

Pozo.     Spring  or  well. 

Pozolera.     Pozole  pot. 

Prebendado.     Prebendary,  canon. 

Preferencia.  Preference.  De  prefer- 
encia.  In  preference. 

Presbitero.     Presbyter,  clergyman. 

Presidiarios.     Convicts. 

Presidio.     Frontier  post,  penal  place. 

Prest.     A  soldier's  pay. 

Prestamo.     Loan. 

Pretesto.     Pretext. 

Prevenciones.     Instructions. 

Primicias.     First  fruits. 

Principio.     Beginning. 

Proceder.     Proceeding. 

Proclama.     Proclamation. 

Promovedor.     Promoter. 

Propiedad.  Proprietorship,  property, 
propriety. 

Propios.     Town  lands. 

Provincia.     Province. 

Proyecto,  Project.  Proyecto  de  ley. 
Bill  or  draft  of  a  law. 

Pueblo.     Chartered  town;  also  people. 

Pueblos  de  visita.  Indian  towns  vis 
ited  from  a  distant  convent. 

Puerto  de  cabotage.  Port  open  to 
coasting  trade. 

Puerto  habilitado.  Port  open  to  com 
merce. 

Puerto  de  escala.     Way  port. 


Pulpa.     The  most  solid  part  of  tha 

flesh. 
Punado  de  advenedizos.     Handful  of 

upstarts. 


Que j  as.     Complaints,  grievances. 
Quinterna.     Five  nominees. 


R 


Racion.     Ration. 

Rancheria.     Indian  village. 

Ranchero.  A  person  owning  a  rancho 
or  living  in  one. 

Rancho.  Tract  of  land  used  almost 
wholly  for  pasturage.  Since  the 
American  annexation,  it  has  been 
anglicized  ranch,  and  applied  to 
even  small  farms  and  single  houses. 

Real.  Royal,  real,  a  silver  coin,  a 
royal  camp  or  tent.  In  Spanish 
times,  a  mining  district. 

Realistas.     Royalists. 

Reata.  A  rope  of  rawhide  for  lasso 
ing  animals. 

Reatazo.  A  lash  with  a  reata  or 
lariat. 

Recogida.     A  gathering  of  horses. 

Reconocimiento.  Recognition,  ac 
knowledgment. 

Recuerdos.     Recollections. 

Reducido,  os.     Reduced. 

Regidor.     Alderman. 

Reglamentos.  Regulations,  or  by 
laws. 

Reintegro.  Reimbursement,  or  re 
payment. 

Rendicion.     Surrender. 

Reo.     An  indicted     person. 

Repartimientos.      Apportionments. 

Res.     A  head  of  neat  cattle. 

Reservado,  a.  Reserved,  or  confiden 
tial. 

Revolucionario.     Revolutionist. 

Rifleros.     Riflemen. 

Roble.     Oak  tree. 

Rodeo.     Rounding  up  cattle. 

Romancero  del  Cid.  Collection  of 
romances  or  ballads  of  the  Cid;  also 
the  singer  of  such. 

Ronda  de  cabrones.  Patrol  of  cuck 
olds. 

Ropa.     Clothing. 

Rosario.     A  rosary,  evening  prayers. 

Rubrica.  A  scroll  or  nourish  appended 
by  Spanish  people  to  their  signa 
tures, 


GLOSSARY. 


799 


Sala.     Hall,  or  parlor. 

Sala  capitular.     Municipal  hall. 

Sangre  azul.     Blue  blood,  noble  birth. 

Salida.     Excursion. 

Salinas.     Salt  marshes. 

Sambenito.  Garment  worn  by  the 
penitent  convicts  of  the  inquisition. 

Santa  Obediencia.     Sacred  obedience. 

Sauz.  Willow.  Sauzal.  Willow 
grove.  Sauzalito.  Small  grove  of 
willows. 

Seguridad.     Security,  or  safety. 

Seis.     Six. 

Senoria.     Lordship,   worship,    honor. 

Sierra.  A  saw;  also  a  chain  of  moun 
tains 

Sierrita.     Small  sierra. 

Sierra  Nevada.  Ridge  of  mountains 
covered  with  snow. 

Silla.  Chair,  or  saddle.  Silla  vaquera. 
Saddle  used  by  vaquero. 

Sin.     Without. 

Siiidico.     A  town's  attorney. 

Sinodo.  Stipend  of  a  missionary; 
also  synod. 

Sitio.     Small  stock  range. 

Situado.     Appropriation. 

Socoyote.  Applied  to  the  youngest 
child  of  a  family,  and  also  the  low 
est  servant. 

Soldado.     Soldier. 

Soldado  distinguido.  Private  soldier 
of  gentle  birth. 

Sombrero.     Hat. 

Sublevado,  a,  os,  as.  Rebelled,  rebel 
lious. 

Sucesos.  Events,  occurrences,  suc 
cesses. 

Sumaria.  The  first  proceeding  in  a 
trial. 

Suplente.     Substitute. 
T 

Tamal.    Indian  meal  dumpling  stuffed 

with  minced  meat,  chicken,  etc. 
Tapalo.     A  shawl. 
Tapanco.     Cock-loft,    or    room    over 

the  garret. 
Tardeada.     March  begun  late  in  the 

day. 
Tasajo.    Jerked  beef.    Tasajero.    One 

who  prepares  jerked  beef. 
Tecolero.     Master  of  ceremonies  at  a 

ball. 

Tecolote.     Species  of  owl. 
Temblor.     Shake.    Temblor  de  tierra, 

or  terremoto.     Earthquake. 
Tescallis.     Aztec  temples. 


Tequezquite.  Mineral  salt  used  chiefly 
in  mines. 

Tequio.  Task  allotted  to  the  mission 
neophytes. 

Terna,  tern.     Composed  of  three. 

Terreno.     Ground. 

Testigo.     Witness. 

Tierras.  Lands.  De  temporal; 
Lands  depending  entirely  on  rains. 
De  regadio;  Irrigated  lands.  De 
abrevanero;  Lands  having  deposits 
of  water  to  which  animals  resort. 

Tierra   de   guerra.     Hostile  country. 

Tierra  de  paz.     Land  at  peace. 

Tierra  tirme.     Main  land. 

Tierra  incognita.     Unknown  land. 

Tocante.     Concerning,  about. 

Toison  de  oro.     Golden  fleece. 

Tomista.     Liquor-drinker. 

Tonto.     Stupid,  foolish. 

Trabaj  adores.     Laborers. 

Tratado.  Treaty,  convention,  agree 
ment. 

Tratamiento.     Compellation. 

Tule.  Water-reed.  Tular.  A  field 
of  tules. 


U 


Usia.     Contraction  of  vuestra  senoria, 
your  lordship,  or  worship,  or  honor. 


V 


Vacuna.  Vaccination,  and  also  the 
vaccine  virus. 

Vacuno  (Ganado).     Neat  cattle. 

Valgame  Dios.     God  protect  me. 

Vallado.  A  wide,  deep  trench;  also 
a  kind  of  fence  or  wall  with  thorny 
plants  on  top. 

Vaquero.     A  cow-herder. 

Vara  de  justicia.     A  justice's  verge. 

Vecindario.  The  citizens  of  a  town, 
district,  or  street. 

Veciiio.  Resident,  neighbor,  neigh 
boring. 

Venta.     Sale  mark  of  cattle. 

Viatico.  Provision  for  a  journey; 
also  the  viaticum  sacrament. 

Vicario  castrense.  Deputy  of  the 
chaplain-gen.  Vicario  foraneo. 
Vicar  f  orain. 

Vida.     Life. 

Vidrio.     Glass. 

Villanos.     Villains,  wretches. 

Violincito.     A  small  fiddle. 

Visitador.     Inspector. 

Vocal.  Voting  member  of  a  corpora 
tion. 


800 


GLOSSARY. 


Vociferaciones  alarmantes.  Alarm 
ing  clamors,  or  outcries. 

Vdmito  negro.  Black  vomit,  yellow 
fever. 

Vuesencia,  contracted  V.  E.  for 
Vuestra  excelencia.  Your  excel 
lency. 


Yataa,  for  ya  est£.     All  ready. 


Yerba.     Literally,  herb;  often  used 

to  imply  poison. 
Yerba  buena.     Mint;  literally,  good 

herb. 


Zacate.     Grass. 

Zanja.     An  irrigating  ditch,  such  as 

that  in  Los  Angeles. 
Zanjero.     The    official   in    charge    of 
the  zanja. 


INDEX. 


Abella,  Father,  incest  punished  by, 
334. 

Abrego,  J.,  story  of,  428;  manuscript 
of,  769. 

Acapulco,  Humboldt  at,  1803,  101; 
commerce  with,  483. 

Agriculture,  in  Cal.,  347-59;  445-6, 
449. 

Aguado,  Lieut,  story  of,  271-2. 

Aguadores,  business  of,  328. 

Agurre,  J.  A.,  stories  of,  472-4. 

Ahumada,  Friar  T.,  mention  of,  188. 

Alaska,  commerce,  etc.,  with,  463-5. 

Alberni,  P.  de,  mention  of,  206;  com 
mand  of,  296. 

Altimira,  J.,  mention  of,  194,  216. 

Alvarado,  J.  B.,  mention  of,  244-5, 
252,  270-1;  'Historia  deCal., '  MS. 
283;  quot.  from  404;  petition  of, 
438;  education  in  Cal.,  516-7;  ex- 

r  com.  of,  524-5;  manuscript  history, 
769-71. 

Alviso,  J.  A.,  manuscript  of,  771. 

Amador,  Mayordomo,  otter  taken  by, 
1830,  476. 

Amador,  J.  M.,  stories  of,  214-15; 
story  of,  222;  quotation  from,  327; 
descript.  of  dress,  374;  quotation 
from,  403;  dances  mentioned  by, 
415;  remarks  of,  448;  statement  of, 
449-50;  education  of,  495;  manu 
script  of,  771-2. 

America,  early  civilization  in,  54-6, 
58-96;  age  of  continent,  126-7; 
origin  of  races,  127-8. 

Americans,  encroachments  of,  461-2. 

Amords,  J.,  inaug.  of  Sola,  1816,  425; 
mention  of,  218. 

Amunio,  G.,  mention  of,  188. 

Amusements,  descript.  of,  406-36. 

Arce,  F.,  manuscript  of,  773. 

Argiiello,  C.  M.,  love-story  of,  331-2. 

Argiiello,  Gov.,  inaug.  of  Sola,  1816, 
421;  education  in  Col.,  510. 
CAL.  PAST.   61 


Argiiello,  A.  J.  D.,  mention  of,  251. 

Argiiello,  C.,  mention  of,  463. 

Arguello,  J.  D.,  intercedes  with  Ar- 
rillaga,  463. 

Arguello,  Prefect,  mention  of,  438. 

Armijo,  A.,  bandit,  649. 

Arnaz,  J.,  manuscript  of,  774. 

Arnaz,  statement  of,  287;  remarks  on 
dress,  396;  descript  of  bull-fight, 
434;  statements  of,  427. 

Arrillaga,  J.  J.  de,  mention  of,  202; 
Rezdnof's  negotiations  with,  etc., 
463-4. 

Arroyo,  Padre,  mention  of,  317. 

Avila,  V.,  daughters  of,  306;  horse 
race  of,  430. 


B 


Baca,  M.,  mention  of,  521. 
Baldridge,  W.  manuscript  of,  780. 
Balls,  cost  and  descript.  of,  425-S. 
Bamba,  dance,  descript.  of,  410. 
Bandini,    Dona   R.    de,    mention   of, 

407-8. 

Bandini,  J.,  remarks  of,  282;  quota 
tion  from,  438;  Banditti,  641-704: 

manuscript  of,  775. 
Barcenilla,  I.,  mention  of,  213. 
Barona,  J.,  mention  of,  187. 
Bartlett,  W.  A.,  letter  to  'The  Cali- 

fornian,'  443. 

Bean,  Gen.,  murder  of,  677. 
Bear-fights,  descript.  of,  433-5. 
Bell,   T.   J.,   bandit,   650-1;   history, 

670;  adventures,  671;  capture,  672. 
Bell,  grist  mills  of,  454. 
Belden,     J.     quotation     from,     347; 

manuscript  of,  790. 
Benicia,  founding  of,  733,  739. 
Berreyesa,  A.,  manuscript,  785. 
Bibliography,  751  etseq. 
Bid  well,    J.,     quotation    from,    342; 

remarks    of,    449;    manuscript    of, 

790. 
Bigler,  H.  W.,,  manuscript  of,  791. 

(801) 


802 


INDEX. 


Bodega,   Port.,   Russ.  settlement  at, 

464-5. 
Bonpland,    with  Humboldt's  exped., 

98-115. 
Borica,    D.    de,    founding    of    Santa 

Cruz,   1797,  253-4;  land  policy  of, 

education  in  Cal.,  495-9. 
Bojorges,  J.,  manuscript,  785. 
Borrego,  dance,  descript.  of,  411. 
Boscana,  G.,  mention  of,  187. 
Boston,  commerce  with,  481-3. 
Botello,  N.,  manuscript  of,  776. 
Branciforte,   Town,  mention  of,  354. 
Brandy,  manufact.  of,  371-2,  449,  454. 
Bryant,  journey  of,  1846,  325-6. 
Bryant,  Sturgis  and  Co.,  trade  with 

Cal.,  475. 

Bull-fights,  descript.  of,  432-4. 
Buelna,  F.,  manuscript,  785. 
Burro,  dance,  descript.  of,  411. 
Burton,  H.  S.,  marriage  of,  330-1. 


0 


California,  the  aborig.  era,  135-50; 
physical  features,  137-50;  abori- 

fines  of,  151-61;  missionaries  in, 
53-78;  the  aborig.  era,  179;  mis 
sionaries  in,  182;  missions  of,  184, 
-246,  256-7  ;  pueblos,  248-56,  258; 
land  tenure,  256-8,*  357;  society 
260-93;  military  system,  294-304; 
woman's  condition,  etc., in,  305-33; 
marriage  and  divorce  in,  307-21; 
immorality  in,  321-3,  333-4,  405; 
customs  and  amusements,  323-9; 
dress,  326-7,  332-3,  362,  373-400; 
stock-raising  in,  335-47;  droughts, 
337-8;  agric.,  347-59,  445-6;  food 
and  i  rink,  361-73;  dwellings  and 
furniture,  361  401-3;  training  of 
children,  403-5;  amusements,  406- 
36;  condition  of  Indians,  437-9; 
ship-building  in,  439-40;  mails, 
442-4;  horsemanship  in,  446-8; 
manufact.  of,  448-57;  commerce, 
459-87;  taxation  and  revenue,  465- 
8,  474-83;  shipping,  468;  educa 
tion,  493-521;  libraries,  etc.,  521-4; 
colloquial  terms,  526. 

Cambon,  P.  B.,  mention  of,  190,  193, 
215. 

Cambuston,  H.,  mention  of,  520. 

Camotes,  dance,  descript.  of,  411. 

Carquinez,  strait  of,  site  for  a  city, 
731-2. 

Carrillo,  J.,  story  of,  427-8. 

Carrillo,  Mrs,  documents,  785. 

Carrillo,  T.  M.,  bandit,  649. 

Castillo,  M.  G.,    divorce  of,  314-15. 


Castro,  Alcalde,  dress  of,  1835,  396. 
Castro,  J.,  story  of,  304;  mention  of, 

318;  excommunication  of,  524-5. 
Castro,  M.  J.,  manuscript  of,  776. 
Catalan  Volunteers,  co.  of,  296. 
Caynameros,  story  of  the,  526-7. 
Chabolla,  P.,  story  of,  301-2 
Chamberlain,  J.,  statement  of,  438. 
Chavez,  C.,  bandit,  653. 
Chavez,  J.  A.,  story  of,  304. 
Chico,    Gov.,    language     of    flowers, 

330. 

Chico,  M.,  anecdote  of,  198-9. 
Children,  training^  etc.,  of,  403-5. 
Chiles,  J.  B.,  manuscript  of,  791. 
China,  commerce  with,  450-60. 
Christianity,  spread  of,  7-8. 
Chivalry,  origin,  etc.,  of,  9-17. 
Cholula,  pyramid,  descript.  of,  113. 
Church,  influence  of,  26-45,  80-2. 
Civilization,      comments     on,      1-56; 

effects  of,  267-8. 
Claudio,  robber-chief,   description  of, 

648;  death,  669. 

Clymer,  quotation  from,  340,  453. 
Coin,  scarcity  of,  1840,  485. 
Colonization,  hist,  of,  57-96. 
Commerce,  descript.  of,  459-87. 
Contradanza,     dance,     descript.     of, 

412. 

Coronel,  A.  F.,  manuscript  of,  777-8. 
Crespi,  J.,  mention  of,  185,  205. 
Coronel,  J.,  on  Cal.  missions,  234-7; 

remarks   on  dress,  392-3;  ball  de 
scribed  by,    408-9;    education     in 

Cal.,  516. 
Cortina,  J.   G.    de   la,    pamphlet   of, 

288. 
Costromitinoff,  visit  to  San  Francisco, 

1842,  425. 
Cotton,  raising  of,   351;  manufacture 

of,  449. 

Cuernavaca,  Humboldt  at,  1803,  102. 
Custot,  O.,  story  of,  1838-9,  455-7. 


Dances,  descript.  of,  406-20. 

Daniel,  P.,  bandit  traitor,  666;  men 
tion,  675. 

Davis,  J.,  schooner  built  by,  439-40] 
statement  of,  470. 

Davis,  Capt.,  voyages  of,  471. 

Davis,  W.  H.,  manuscript  of,  790. 

Diego,  G.,  mention  of,  209;  bishop  of 
Cal.,  229. 

Dolores,  mission,  tragedy  near,  284-5. 

Douglas,  J.,  quotation  from,  322. 

Drama,  the,  descript.  of,  429.  ', 


INDEX. 


803 


Dress,  descript.  of,  326-7,  332-3,  362, 

373-400. 

Duarte,  horse-race  of,  430. 
Duhaut-Cilly,  remarks  on  dress,  379- 

80;  description  of  dance,  419. 
Dumetz,  F.,  mention  of,  185. 
Duran,      Father,    mention     of,    213; 

mention  of,  238;  aguardiente  made 

by,  371;  liquors  manufact.  by,  449; 

story  of,  525. 

Dwellings,  descript.  of,  361,  401-3. 
Dye,  descript.  of  ball-room  customs, 

416. 


E 


Earth's  end,  706-21. 
Eelieandia,  Jefe,  order  of,  240. 
Echeandia,  Gov.,  education  in   Cal., 

510-12. 
Education,    condition,   etc.    of,   493- 

521. 
England,  colonies  of,  60-5;  commerce 

with,  484-5. 

Escobar,  A.,  manuscript,  785. 
Escoltas,  descript.  of,  238-10. 
Espinola,  Senora  P.,  mention  of,  369. 
Espinosa,  E.,  manuscript,  785. 
Espinosa,  S.,  mention  of,  238-9 
Espinosa,  F.,  mention  of,  306.  . 
Estudillo,    J.    M.,    mention   of,    187; 

stories  related  by,  472-4;  story  of, 

1817,  487-92;  manuscript,  786. 
Ezquer,  I.,  manuscript,  786. 


Fages,  Gov.,  land  policy  of,  257;  let 
ter  of,  307. 

Fandango,  dance,  descript.  of,  411- 
12,  416. 

Felix,  R.,  mention,  646. 

Fernandez,  J.,  manuscript,  786. 

Figueroa,  Gov.,  letter  of,  343;  report 
of,  441;  education  in  Cal.,  514,  516. 

Florencio,  Father,  mention  of,  429. 

Flores,  M.,  manuscript,  786. 

Flour,  manfact.  of,  454. 

Forster,  J.  manuscript,  791. 

Franciscans,  in  Cal.,  246. 

Fuster,  Father,  mention  of,  185,  189, 
199. 

Feudalism,  spread  of,  2-6;  decay  of, 
6-9. 


G 


Galindo,  E.,  manuscript,  786. 

Galindo,  R.,  story  of,  302. 

Garcia,  F.,  party  described  by,  417; 


inaug.  of  Sola,  423-4. 
Garcia,  I.,  J.  E.,  andM..  manuscripts 

786. 

Garcia,  I.,  story  of,  368-9. 
Garcia,     Diego,    education     in   Cal., 

517-18. 
Garcia,     M.,     Three-fingered    Jack, 

647;  capture,  668. 
Garfias,  Col,  mention  of,  271. 
Gamboa   y    Caballero,     mention    of, 

371. 
German,   J.  de   los,    S.,    and  L.    C., 

manuscript,  787. 
Gloriosisimo  Principe  Arcangel,  etc. 

mission  of,  199. 
Gomez,  F.,  mention  of,  185. 
Gomez,  V.  P.,  manuscript,  787. 
Gomez,    remarks   on   dress,    392;  re 
marks  of,  446-7. 
Gomez,  V.,  bandit,  654. 
Gonzalez,    Father,    mention   of,    318; 

opposed  to  protest,     marriage,  330- 

Gonzalez,    T.    and   M.,    manuscripts, 

PTQ7 

/o7. 

Gonzalez,  P.,  horse-thief,  648. 

Gonzalez,  R.,  story  of,  207-8;  men 
tion  of,  229. 

Gonzalez,  M.  A.,  divorce  of,  315-16. 

Guanajuato,  Humboldt's  visit  to, 
1803,  108.  ' 

Guerra,  Capt.  de  la,  story  of,  300; 
orders  of,  375-6;  library  of,  523; 
documents  and  characteristics,  766. 

Guijarros,  Point,  fortifications  at, 
296. 

Gutierrez,  mail  regulations  of,  443. 


J! 


Habilitado,  functions  of  the,  297. 
Haciendas,  descript.  of,  348. 
Hall,  quotation  from,  453. 
Hernandez,  D.,  bandit,  684-6. 
Hartnell,  W.  E.  P.,  contract,  etc.,  of, 

466-7;    letter  of,  484-5;  school  es- 

tabl'd  by,  513-14;  library  of,  523; 

documents,  787. 
Hayes,    Judge,    remarks    of,    281-2; 

326. 
Herrera,    Comisario,   interference  of, 

223. 

Higuera,  M.  N.,  marriage  of,  318-19. 
Hides,  export  of,  467,  479;  collection, 

etc.    of,   472-7;  curing,  476-7;  sale 

of,  484. 

Hi  jar,  C.  N.,  manuscript,  788. 
Horsemanship,  descript.  of,  446-8. 
Horse-racing,  descript.  of,  429-31. 


804 


INDEX. 


Humboldt,  A.  von,  travels,  etc., 
of,  1799-1804,  97-116;  character, 
97,  106,  132;  biog.,  97-8,  131-5; 
surveys  of,  116;  interoc.  communi 
cation,  122;  theories  of,  126-30;  re 
search  and  learning,  132-3;  habits, 
133;  death,  1859,  134. 


Ibafiez,  Father,  story  of,  450-1. 

Indians,  condition,  etc.,  of,  in  Mex., 
124-6;  Indians  of  Cal.,  151-61; 
mission  management,  etc.,  of,  220- 
46;  amusements  of,  435-6;  con 
dition  of,  437-9;  traffic  with,  487. 

Inquisition,  workings  of  the,  44-9. 

Irrigation,  regulations  for,  355-6. 

Irvin,  J.,  bandit,  672. 


J. 


Jalapa,  Humboldt 's  visit  to,  1803,  114. 
Janssens,   E.   A.,    statement  of,    450; 

manuscript  of,  779. 
Jarabe,  dance,  descript.  of,  412,  415- 

16. 

Jaume,  Friar,  mention  of,  185. 
Jimeno,  Father  A.,  mention  of,   198. 
Jones,  Commodore,  mention  of,  428. 
Jorullo,  volcano,  descript.  of,  111-12. 
Jota,  dance,  descript.  of,  413-15. 
Journals,  'The  Calif ornian, '  443-4. 
Juarez,   C.,  manuscript,  788. 
Jurisprudence,  mediaeval,  18-19. 


Kuskof,  at  Ross  Colony,  465. 
L 

Land-tenure,  in  Cal.,  256-8,  357. 
Laplace,  remarks   of,  280;  statement 

of,  474. 

Larios,  M.,  bear  story  of,  434-5. 
Larios,  J.  and  E.,  manuscripts,  788. 
Larkin,  letter  to  Parrott,  282-3;  cost 

of  ball  given  by,  426;  remarks  of, 

479-81;  documents  and  biography, 

767. 

Las  Flores,  pueblo  of,  259. 
Lasuen,     Father,     mention    of,     199; 

mention  of,  206,  210;  education  in 

Cal.,  495. 

Leather,  manufact.  of,  448,  452-4. 
Leese,  J.  P.,  manuscript,  788. 
Leese,  Alcalde,  report  of,  521. 
Leiva,  bandit,  652. 
Libraries,  mention  of,  521-4. 


Literature,  spread  of,  19-29;  of  pas 
toral  Cal.,  see  last  chapter. 

Lopez,  Friar,  mention  of,  208;  horse 
manship  of,  448. 

Lorenzana,  A.,  manuscript,  788. 

Los  Angeles,  city  of  founded,  etc., 
251-2;  site  of  transferred,  252;  capi 
tal  of  Cal.,  259;  society,  etc.,  at, 
278;  wedding  at,  310-11;  munic. 
regulations,  345,  355-6,  442;  pueblo 
of,  354;  dress  in,  379-80;  horse-rac 
ing  at,  430-1;  mail-service  of,  444; 
education  at,  515-16,  518. 

Love,  H.,  description,  619;  captures 
Murieta,  666-7. 

Lugo,  J.  del  C.,  remarks  on  dress, 
378-9,  388-9;  manuscript,  788. 


M 


Machado,  A.,  stories  of,   378;  472^. 

Madariaga,  J.,  complaint  of,  307. 

Mails,  descript.  of,  442-4. 

Manilas,  The,  bandits,  676. 

Manojo,  C.,  anecdote  of,  198-9. 

Manufactures,  of  Mex.,  117-20;  of 
Cal.,  448-57. 

Manuscripts,  classes  of,  767-9. 

Markhoff,  quotation  from,  367;  des 
cript.  of  dress,  395-6;  pay  of  Ind. 
laborers,  438;  quotations  from, 
441-2. 

Marron,  F.  0.,  manuscript,  789. 

Martierena,  J.  M.  de,  mention  of, 
210. 

Martinez,  L.,  biog.,  etc.,  199-201. 

Martinez,  P.  A.,  mention  of ,  210. 

Martinez,  Father,  mention  of,  450. 

Mason,  Gov.,  mention  of,  314;  order 
of,  331. 

Maxwell,  Dr,  ball  described  by,  418; 
quotation  from,  448. 

Mazatlan,  commerce  with,  483. 

McCulloch,    H.,  contract,   of,  466-7. 

Meek,  Capt.  J.,  voyages,  etc.,  of,  471. 

Mellus,  H.,  specimen  letter  of,  478. 

Menendez,   Father,  mention  of,   197. 

Mercado,  Father,  mention  of,  204. 

Merino,  Father,  mention  of,  213. 

Mexicans,  characteristics,  etc.,  of, 
260-93;  amusements  of,  406-35; 
education  of  in  Cal.,  493-521;  col 
loquial  phraseol.,  526. 

Mexico  Valley,   descript.    of,   105-6. 

Mexico  City,  Humboldt  at,  402-8; 
descript.  of,  103-4. 

Mexico,  Humboldt's  travels  in,  1803- 
4,  101-116;  mines  of,  108-11;  cli- 
mate  and  soil,  116-17;  manufact. 
117-20;  commerce,  120-1;  com- 


INDEX. 


805 


munication,  121-2;  govt, 
Indians  of,  124-6;  origin  of  races, 
127-8;  hieroglyphics,  128-9;  lan 
guages,  129-30. 

Michettorena,  Gov.,  in  Cal.,  271-2; 
story  of,  281;  wedding  attended  by, 
310-11;  co.  formed  by,  440;  decree 
of,  479;  tax  levied  by,  481;  educa 
tion  in  Cal.,  517-20. 

Military  system  of  Cal.,  294-304. 

Missions  of  Cal.,  184-246,  256-7, 
274-6. 

Mohammedanism,  fall  of,  7-13. 

Montero,  M.  C.,  mention  of,  317-18. 

Monterey,  a  presidio,  258;  a  town, 
258-9;  a  city,  259;  society  in, 
288-90;  presidio  at,  294;  fortifi 
cations  of,  296,  303;  garrison,  303; 
district,  agric.  in,  337;  munic.  reg 
ulations,  369;  amusements  at, 
406-7;  ball  at,  418;  inaug.  of 
Gov.  Sola,  421-5;  ship-building 
at,  439;  pier  built  at,  441;  mail- 
service  of,  443-4;  saw-mill  at,  455; 
commerce  of,  460-70;  otter-hunting 
at,  470-1;  commerce  of,  478-80; 
foreign  vessels  at,  487-92;  educa 
tion  at,  497-502,  507-8,  512-14;  ed 
ucation  at,  515;  education  at,  518. 

Mora,  Dr,  mention  of,  282. 

Moraga,  Lieut  J.,  founding  of  San 
Jose,  251. 

Moraga,  G.,  founding  of  Santa  Cruz, 
254-5. 

Morineau,  remarks  of,  279;  quota 
tions  from,  342. 

Moreno,  J.  B.,  manuscript  of,   789. 

Moreno,  Mrs  P.   L.,  documents,  781. 

Mugartegui,  Father,  mention  of,  188. 

Murguia,  mention  of,  211. 

Murieta,  J.,  descript.  of,  645;  history, 
655-8;  achievements,  659-67;  death, 
668. 

Murray,  W.,  manuscript  of,  791. 


X 


Neve,  Gov.,  pueblo  founded  by,  248; 

regulation  of,  249-50,  294. 
New  Mexico,  traffic  with,  486. 
New  Spain,  effect  of  revolution   in, 

300-2. 

Nidever,  G.,  manuscript  of,  791. 
Nieves,  M.  de  las,  story  of,  306. 


O 


Obregon,  mine  worked  by,  108. 
O'Cain,  J.,  voyage  of,  462. 
Gibe's,  Father,  cruelty  of,  209-10. 


Oliva,  Father,  mention  of,  186-7. 
Oid,  Mrs  A.,  mention  of,  202,   230; 

manuscript,  781. 
Osio,  A.  M.,  manuscript   781. 


Pacheco,  F.,  library  of,  523. 

Pacheco,  S.,  ball  given  by,  408. 

Padilla,  Capt.,  mention  of,  204. 

Palomares,  F.  789. 

Palou,  Friar,  Serra's  biog.,  etc.,  168- 
72;  mention  of,  185,  285. 

Papacy,  influence  of  the,  40-5. 

Parron,  Friar  F.,   mention  of,  184-5. 

Patron,  F.,  marriage  of,  318-19. 

Pay  eras,  M.,  mention  of,  199. 

Peltries,  traffic  in,  459-60. 

Pena,  T.  de  la,  mention  of,  185, 
208,  211. 

Pena,  B.,  statement  of,  394;  remarks 
on  dress,  386,  392;  description  of 
bull-fights,  433-4. 

Peralta,  I.,  story  of,  308. 

Perez.,  E.,  statement  of,  226;  manu 
script  of,  782. 

Perez,  B.,  mention  of,  229. 

Peru,  commerce  with,  464-5. 

Petaluma,  flour-mill  at,  454. 

Peyri,  Father,  mention  of,  188. 

Phelps,  Capt.,  statements  of,  428-9; 
474-5. 

Pico,  A.,  law-suit  of,  1840,  430-1. 

Pico,  J.  de  J.,  mention  of,  202;  state 
ment  of,  450. 

Pico,  P.,  contract  of,  230;  biog.,  287; 
treatment  of  women,  305-6;  ran- 
cho  of  attacked,  332;  stories  ,of, 
346;  decree  of,  351-2;  manuscript, 
782. 

Pico,  S.,  bandit,  650. 

Pinto,  R.,  manuscript,  782,  784. 

Pomponio,  Indian  bandit,  682-3. 

Powers,  J.,  desperado,  674-5. 

Presidios,  descript.  of,  294-304. 

Priestcraft,  influence  of,  29-40. 

Printing,  effect  of  discov.,  27-8. 

Proselytism,  remarks  on,  153-78. 

Pueblos,  descript.  of,  248-56;  353-4. 

Purfsima,  mission  of,  199,  204; 
drought  at,  338. 

Puyol,  F.,  mention  of,  202-3. 


Queretaro,  Humboldt's  visit  to,  107; 

factories  of,  107-8. 
Quijas,  Father,  J.  S.,  character,  etc., 

of,  219-20. 


806 


INDEX. 


B 


Revenue,  sources,  amount,  etc.,  of, 
465-8,  474-83. 

Revilla  Gigedo,  Viceroy,  education 
inCal.,  495. 

Rezanof,  Count,  love  story,  332;  voy 
age,  etc.,  of,  463-4. 

Rico,  F.,  journey  of,  358. 

Ridington,  J.  M.,  manuscript  of,  789. 

Rios,  C.  A.  de,  manuscript,  785. 

Rivera  y  Moncada,  Capt.,  mention 
of,  250-1. 

Robberies  of  railway  trains,  700-4. 

Robinson,  quotation  from,  326;  re 
marks  on  dress,  391;  fandango, 
described  by,  416. 

Rocha,  A.  J.,  mention  of,  437. 

Rodeos,  descript.  of,  340-1. 

Rodriquez,  J.,  mention  of,  429. 

Romeu,  mention  of,  206. 

Ross  Colony,  mention  of,  464-5. 

Ruiz,  M.,  del  A.,  marriage  of,  330-1. 

Ruiz,  Comandante,  story  of,  428.     • 

Russians,  encroachments  of,  461-5. 


Sainsevan,  P.,    flour    mill  of,  454-5. 

Salazar,  Friar,  mention  of,  208; 
founding  of  Santa  Cruz,  255;  report 
of,  303. 

Salt,  royal  monopoly,  etc. ,  of,  486. 

San  Antonio  de  Padua,  mission  of, 
202-4. 

San  Bias,  supplies  obtained  from, 
297;  commerce  with,  459,  480,  483. 

Saint  Bonaventura,  Bishop,  mention 
of,  193. 

San  Buenaventura,  mention  of,  193- 
-4;  education  at,  512. 

Santa  Barbara,  mission  of,  194-7;  a 
town,  259;  society,  etc.,  at,  278; 
presidio  at,  294,  dress  at,  396,  399; 
morals,  etc.,  of,  406;  party  at,  417- 
18;  munic.  regulations  at,  420; 
mail-service  of,  443-4;  education  at, 
496-7,  512-14,  518;  tannery  at, 
453. 

San  Carlos,  mission  of,  204-7. 

Sancho,  J.  B. ,  mention  of,  203. 

San  Diege,  mission  of,  184;  hist,  of, 
184-8;  presidio  at,  294;  fortifica 
tions,  etc.,  of,  303;  munic.  regula 
tions,  393;  entertainments  at,  406; 
mail-service,  442-4;  education  at; 
496-7,  512;  education  at,  516,  518, 
rumored  bandit  invasion,  677-8. 

San  Dieguito,  pueblo  of,  259. 


San  Fernando,  mission  of,  192-3;  edu 
cation  at,  496,  512. 

San  Francisco  Solano,  mention  of, 
218-19. 

San  Francisco,  mission  of,  215-18; 
a  pueblo,  259;  presidio  at,  294; 
fortifications  of,  296-7;  garrison 
of,  303;  mail-service,  442-4;  com 
merce  of,  460-70;  otter-hunting 
at,  462;  commerce  of,  477;  edu 
cation  at,  496-7,  512,  518;  dis 
covery  of  bay,  722-3;  founding 
of  city,  723-50;  bay,  731,  736;  site, 
732;  naming,  733;  early  business 
houses,  744-9. 

San  Gabriel  Arcangel,  mission  of, 
190-2;  mission  of,  230,  232;  agric.  at, 
347;  mail-service  of,  443;  manufact. 
at,  448,  454-5;  education  at,  496, 
512. 

San  Jose,  mission  of,  212-14,  225;  city 
of  founded,  etc.,  248-52;  mission  of, 
291;  munic.  regulations,  344,  420; 
colonists  of,  349-50;  condition  of, 
354;  manufact.  at,  449-50;  educa 
tion  at,  496-7,  512,  518. 

San  Juan  de  Argiiello, 'pueblo  of,  259. 

San  Juan  Bautista,  mention  of,  210- 
11. 

San  Juan  Capistrano,  mission  of,  188- 
90;  education  at,  512. 

San  Juan  de  Castro;  pueblo  of,  259. 

San  Luis  Obispo,  mission  of,  199-201; 
manufac.  at,  449-50. 

San  Luis  Rey,  mission  of,  188;  mail- 
service  of,  443;  education  at,  512. 

San  Miguel,  mission  of,  202;  manu 
fac.  at,  454;  education  at,  512. 

San  Pascual,  pueblo  of,  259. 

San  Rafael,  mission  of,  216-18. 

San  Pedro,  ship-building  at,  439. 

Santa  Clara,  mission  of,  211-12,  215. 

Santa  Cruz,  mission  of,  208-10;  city 
of  founded,  etc.,  252-5;  ship-build 
ing  at,  439;  Santa  Cruz  county, 
grist-mills  in,  454. 

Santa  liies,  mission  of,  198-9. 

Sarria,  V.  F.  de,  mention  of,  203, 
421. 

Semple,  R.,  Carquinez  ferry,  739. 

Sepulveda,  Gov.,  remarks  of,  282; 
quotation  from,  328-9;  law-suit 
against,  430-1;  remarks  of,  446. 

Sepulveda,  I.,  remarks  of,  526. 

Serra,  Father,  biog.,  etc.,  of,  168-76; 
mention  of,  184-5,  188,  190,  193, 
200,  206-7,  211. 

Serrano,  F.,  mention  of,  204;  re 
marks  on  dress,  381;  manuscript, 
782,  784. 


INDEX. 


807 


Ship-building,  descript.  of,  439-40. 
.Shipping,  statist,  of,  468;  dues,  478. 
Sitjar,  B.,  mention  of,  202-3. 
Simpson,  G.,  remarks  on  dress,  396; 

remarks  of,  440;  letter  of,  477. 
Smiths,  the,  bandits,  673-4. 
Soap,  manufact.  of,  448-9. 
Soberanes,  M.,  mention  of,  204. 
Sola,    Gov.,   mention   of,  239;  stories 

of,    301-2;  remarks  on  dress,  377; 

inaug.,  etc.,  of,  421-5;  treatment  of 

missionaries,    465-6;    education  in 

Cal.,  499-502,  507,  510. 
Soledad,  mission  of,  201-2. 
Somera,  Father,  mention  of,  190. 
Sonoma,  pueblo  of,  259;  education  at, 

518. 

Sotelo,  S.,  bandit,  681. 
Soto,  J.,  bandit,  652. 
South   America,    Humboldt's   travels 

in,  1799-1803,  99-101. 
Spain,  colonies  of,   59-96;  decadence 

of,  89-96. 
Spain,  feudalism  in,  6;  chivalry,  9-13; 

warfare,    15-17;   literature,    19-29; 

church   influence,  29-51;  class  dis 
tinctions,  52-3. 
Spaniards,    characteristics,     etc.,    of, 

260-93;  amusements  of,  406-35. 
Stock-raising,  in  Cal.,  335-47. 
Stage  robberies,  688-700. 
Sugar,  manufact.  of,  455. 
Sutter,  Gen.,  practice  of  slavery,  438; 

manuscript  of,  791. 


Taboada,  Friar,  mention  of,  196. 

Tapis,  Father,  mention  of,  188,  198, 
211;  priest  of  missions,  421. 

Timber,  regulations  concerning,  441- 
2. 

Tobacco,  raising,  etc.,  of,  351. 

Torre,  remarks  on  dress,  378;  festivi 
ties  described  by,  412-13. 

Torre,  E.  de  la,  manuscript,  782,  784; 
contract  of,  441. 

Torres,  M..  manuscript  of,  789. 

Trujillo,  T.,  mention  of,  315. 

U 

United  States,  commerce  with,  483. 
V 

Valenzuela,  J.,  robber,  648-9. 
Valladolid,  Mexico,  Humbold's  visit 

to,  1803,  111. 
Valenciana,  mine,  mention  of,  108. 


Valle,  I  del,  manuscript  of.  789. 

Vallejo,  I.,  comisionado  of  Santa 
Cruz,  255. 

Vallejo,  J.  de  J.,  remarks  of,  271; 
at  San  Jose,  291;  statement  of,  4-sr>. 

Vallejo,  M.  G.,  remarks  of,  307  s; 
farming  operations  of,  348;  story 
of,  400;  quotation  from,  405;  dance 
described  by,  420;  privilege  granted 
by,  439;  remarks  on  mail  service, 
443;  stories  of,  455-8;  education  in 
Cal.,  504-7;  library  of,  523-4;  town- 
building,  730;  biography  and  docu 
ments,  765. 

Vallejo,  S.,  remarks  of,  326;  soap- 
factory  of,  449;  want  of  enterprise, 
452. 

Vargas,  M.  de,  school  opened  by, 
1794,  497. 

Vazquez,  T.,  bandit,  description, 
651-2;  adventures,  678-80;  capture 
and  death,  681. 

Vega,  V.,  manuscript  of,  789. 

Vejar,  P.,  manuscript  of,  789. 

Veleros,  business  of,  328. 

Vera  Cruz,  yellow  fever,  etc.,  in, 
114-15. 

Vergara,  bandit  traitor,  666. 

Viader,  Father  J.,  story  of,  214. 

Vicente,  Friar,  inaug.  of  Gov.  Sola, 
1816,  422. 

Victoria,  letter  of,  1831,  453. 

Viticulture,  in  Cal.,  352-3. 

Vizcayno,  Friar  J.,  mention  of,  184-5. 

Vocabulary,  at  end  of  vol. 


W 


Warfare,  descript.  of,  15-17. 
Warner,  J.  T.,  manuscript  of,  791. 
Wheat,  raising,  etc.  of,  351,  353,  445. 
Wilkes,  remarks  of,   280-1;  remarks 

on  trade,  476. 

Wine,  manufact.  of,  371-2,  454. 
Winship,  Capt.  J.,  voyage  of,    1810- 

11,  464. 

Wilson,  B.  D.,  manuscript  of,  792. 
Witchcraft,  prevalence  of,  38-9. 
Wool,  manufact.  of,  448-50,  453-4. 


Xochicalco,  monument  of,  102. 
Y 

Yerba  Buena,  town  established,  723- 
31;  bears  and  panthers,  726;  name, 
734;  survey,  735-6. 

Yorba,  B.,  mention  of,  396, 


808 


INDEX. 


Yorba,  J.  A.,  mention  of,  316,  346-7. 
Yorba,  T.,  dress  of,  391. 
Ydscolo,  Indian  bandit,  683^4. 
Youiit,  G.,  story  of,  457-8. 


Zalvidea,  J.  M.,  miracle  wrought  by, 

189-90;  mention  of,  234-7. 
Zamorano,  Capt.,  mention  of,  441. 
Zorrita,  dance,  descript.  of,  410-11. 


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